It’s finally out–The big review paper on the lack of political diversity in social psychology 终于来啦：关于社会心理学缺乏政治多元性的大型综述论文 作者：Jonathan Haidt @ 2015-9-14 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：龟海海 来源：Heterodox Academy，http://heterodoxacademy.org/2015/09/14/bbs-paper-on-lack-of-political-diversity/ Heterodox Academy has its origins in a collaborative effort by five social psychologists and a sociologist to study a problem that has long been noted in psychology: nearly everyone in the field is on the left, politically. We have been working together since 2011 to write a paper explaining how this situation came about, how it reduces the quality of science published in social psychology, and what can be done to improve the science. (Note that none of us self-identifies as conservative.)  In the process we discovered the work of the other scholars in other fields who joined with us to create this site. “异端学院”发端于五位社会心理学家和一位社会学家对心理学领域早被注意到的一个问题的合作研究：该领域中几乎所有人都是政治上的左派。自2011年始，我们就一直在共同写作一篇论文，解释这一现象是如何产生的、它如何降低了社会心理学领域所发表的科学文章的质量，以及为改进这一科学可以做些什么。（注意我们之中没人自认为是保守派）在此过程中，我们发现了其他一些学者在其它领域的研究成果，他们加入了我们的队伍，一起创建了这个网站。 Our paper is finally published this week! A preprint of the manuscript was posted last year, but now we have the final typeset version, plus the 33 commentaries. Here is a link to the PDF of the final manuscript, on the website of Behavioral and Brain Sciences. (Thanks to Paul Bloom for his wise and patient editorship.) Here’s a link to a page linking to HTML versions of all the documents. But because our article is long (13 dense pages) and the 33 commentaries are longer (another 31 pages) — and then there’s our response (another 7 pages) — we recognize that few people will ever read the whole package. 我们的论文终于在本周出版啦！我们去年曾贴出原稿的预印本，但现在我们已经有了排版稿，外加33条评论。以下是《行为与脑科学》杂志网站上最终稿的PDF版链接（感谢Paul Bloom明确且细致的编辑工作。）以下则是所有文档的HTML版的网页链接。不过，由于我们的文章很长（密密麻麻13页），那33条评论更长（加31页）——还有我们的回应（再加7页）——我们认为没什么人会读完全部材料。 For all these reasons, we offer here a “CliffsNotes” version, giving the basics of our argument using excerpts copied directly from the paper.  [Occasional comments from me–Jonathan Haidt–are interspersed in brackets] Please also see this post by Lee Jussim, explaining why we think this problem is so serious. In a later post Jarret Crawford summarizes the 33 commentaries on our article. 出于以上理由，我们现在提供一份“克里夫笔记”【导读荟萃】版，通过对论文的直接复制摘录，给出我们的论证要点。[间或在括号中加入了由我（Jonathan Haidt）写的评论]。此外，还请阅读Lee Jussim发布的这个帖子，他解释了我们为何认为这个问题很严重。在之后的一片帖子中，Jarret Crawford总结了33条关于我们文章的评论。 CITATION: Duarte, J. L., Crawford, J. T., Stern, C., Haidt, J., Jussim, L., & Tetlock, P. E. (2015). Political diversity will improve social psychological science. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 38, 1-13.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X14000430[and try this link, with no paywall, or this link to the preprint version] 引用：Duarte, J. L., Crawford, J. T., Stern, C., Haidt, J., Jussim, L., & Tetlock, P. E. (2015). 政治多样性将会改善社会心理科学。《行为和脑科学》, 38, 1-13.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X14000430[另外，试试这个链接，没有付费墙，或者这个预印本] ABSTRACT 摘要 Psychologists have demonstrated the value of diversity – particularly diversity of viewpoints – for enhancing creativity, discovery, and problem solving. But one key type of viewpoint diversity is lacking in academic psychology in general and social psychology in particular: political diversity. 心理学家已向我们展示，多元性——特别是视角的多元性——对于提高创造力、促进新发现和解决问题的价值。但是，一般而言在学院心理学以及特别而言在社会心理学领域，却缺乏一种关键形式的视角多元性：政治多元性。 This article reviews the available evidence and finds support for four claims: (1) Academic psychology once had considerable political diversity, but has lost nearly all of it in the last 50 years. 本文考察了可见的证据，并为下列四个论断提供了支撑：(1)学院心理学过去曾有过相当大的政治多元性，但在过去50年间几乎已将其丧失殆尽。 (2) This lack of political diversity can undermine the validity of social psychological science via mechanisms such as the embedding of liberal values into research questions and methods, steering researchers away from important but politically unpalatable research topics, and producing conclusions that mischaracterize liberals and conservatives alike. (2)这种政治多元性的缺乏，可能破坏社会心理科学的有效性，破坏可能通过这样一些机制发生：将自由派价值观预置于研究问题和方法中，引导研究者避开事关重大但在政治上不受待见的研究课题，并得出对自由派抑或保守派特征的错误描绘。 (3) Increased political diversity would improve social psychological science by reducing the impact of bias mechanisms such as confirmation bias, and by empowering dissenting minorities to improve the quality of the majority’s thinking. (3)增加政治多元性，能够改善社会心理科学，其途径包括降低偏见机制如确认偏误的影响，让持异议的少数派有机会改进多数派的思考质量。 (4) The underrepresentation of non-liberals in social psychology is most likely due to a combination of self-selection, hostile climate, and discrimination. We close with recommendations for increasing political diversity in social psychology. (4)社会心理学中非自由派的人数不足，最有可能是自我选择、敌对气氛以及歧视等因素共同作用的结果。文章结尾我们就增进社会心理学中政治多元化提出了一些建议。

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1. Introduction 1. 导论 In the last few years, social psychology has faced a series of challenges to the validity of its research, including a few high-profile replication failures, a handful of fraud cases, and several articles on questionable research practices and inflated effect sizes… In this article, we suggest that one largely overlooked cause of failure is a lack of political diversity. We review evidence suggesting that political diversity and dissent would improve the reliability and validity of social psychological science… 过去数年间，社会心理学在其研究有效性上面临一系列挑战，包括一些众人瞩目的试验重复失败，一些造假事件，还有一些文章用的是有问题的研究操作和夸大的效应量……我们在本文中表明，此种失败的一个原因受到广泛忽视，即缺乏政治多元性。我们考察了相关证据，表明政治多元性和异议能够改进社会心理科学的可靠性和有效性…… We focus on conservatives as an underrepresented group because the data on the prevalence in psychology of different ideological groups is best for the liberal-conservative contrast – and the departure from the proportion of liberals and conservatives in the U.S. population is so dramatic. However, we argue that the field needs more non-liberals however they specifically self-identify (e.g., libertarian, moderate)… 我们将保守派这个代表性不足的群体作为关注焦点，因为在心理学中，不同意识形态群体的流行程度数据最适合进行自由派－保守派对比，也因为与全美人口的自由派与保守派占比相比，心理学领域偏差极为惊人。不过，我们论证道，这个领域需要更多非自由派，无论他们的自我认同具体为何（如自由意志主义者、温和派等）…… The lack of political diversity is not a threat to the validity of specific studies in many and perhaps most areas of research in social psychology. The lack of diversity causes problems for the scientific process primarily in areas related to the political concerns of the Left – areas such as race, gender, stereotyping, environmentalism, power, and inequality – as well as in areas where conservatives themselves are studied, such as in moral and political psychology. 多元政治的缺乏对某些特定领域（或许是大多数社会心理学领域）的研究有效性，并不构成威胁。多元政治的缺失造成问题的主要是科研过程中涉及那些跟左派的政治关怀有关的领域——如种族、性别、刻板印象、环保主义、权力和不平等，以及在那些研究对象就包括了保守派的领域——如道德和政治心理学。

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2. Psychology is less politically diverse than ever 2. 心理学的政治多元性之少史无前例 [In this section we review all available information on the political party identification of psychologists, as well as their liberal-conservative self descriptions. The graph below says it all. Whichever of those two measures you use, you find a big change after 1990. Before the 1990s, academic psychology only LEANED left. Liberals and Democrats outnumbered Conservatives and Republican by 4 to 1 or less. But as the “greatest generation” retired in the 1990s and was replaced by baby boomers, the ratio skyrocketed to something more like 12 to 1. In just 20 years. Few psychologists realize just how quickly or completely the field has become a political monoculture. This graph took us by surprise too.] [本部分我们就心理学家的政治党派认同以及他们对属于自由派还是保守派的自我描述，回顾所有可以找到的信息。下列图表说明了一切。不论你采用两种测量方法中的哪一种，你都能发现1990年后发生了一个重大变化。1990年代以前，学院心理学只是倾向左派。自由派和民主党比保守派和共和党多，比率为4:1及以下。但到了1990年代，“最伟大的一代”退休【译注：指1920年代生人，因其经历大萧条、二战、战后重建而与美国同铸辉煌而得此名】，“婴儿潮一代”取而代之【译注：指战后至1960年代中期生人】，这一比率飙升到12:1以上的程度。只用了20年。极少有心理学家意识到这一领域转变为一种政治单一栽培的快速程度和彻底程度。这个图标也令我们大吃一惊。] Figure 1. The political party and ideological sympathies of academic psychologists have shifted leftward over time. Circles show ratios of self-reports of liberal vs. conservative. Diamonds show ratios of self-reports of party preference or voting (Democrat vs. Republican). Data for 1924–60 is reported in McClintock et al. (1965). Open diamonds are participants’ recollections of whom they voted for; gray diamonds are self-reported party identification at time of the survey. Data for 1999 is reported in Rothman et al. (2005). Data from 2006 is reported in Gross and Simmons (2007). The right-most circle is from Inbar and Lammers (2012) and is the ratio of selfidentified liberal/conservative social psychologists. 图1. 学院心理学家的政治党派和意识形态倾向已经随时间流逝而趋向左转。圆形表示自陈自由派的与自陈保守派的比率。菱形则表示自陈的政党偏好或投票记录（民主党vs.共和党）的比率。1924-60年数据据McClintock 等（1965）。空心菱形是参与者对投票给谁的回忆；灰色菱形则是被调查时自陈的政党身份。1999年的数据据Rothman等（2005）。2006年的数据据Gross和 Simmons （2007）。最右边的圆形则来自Inbar和Lammers（2012），指的是自认自由派和自认保守派的社会心理学家之比。

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3. Three ways that the lack of diversity undermines social psychology 3. 多元性的缺乏对社会心理学造成破坏的三种方式 Might a shared moral-historical narrative [the “liberal progress” narrative described by sociologist Christian Smith] in a politically homogeneous field undermine the self-correction processes on which good science depends? We think so, and present three risk points— three ways in which political homogeneity can threaten the validity of social psychological science—and examples from the extant literature illustrating each point. 在一个政治同质化的领域内，一种共享的道德-历史叙事（社会学家Christian Smith所描绘的那种“自由进步”叙事），会破坏良好科学所赖以存在的自我纠正过程吗？我们认为会，并提出了三个风险点——政治同质性能够威胁社会心理科学有效性的三种方式，针对每一点，我们都从现存文献中提出例证来作了说明。 3.1. Risk point 1: Liberal values and assumptions can become embedded into theory and method 3.1. 风险点之一：自由派价值观和假设可能预装到理论和方法之中 The embedding of values occurs when value statements or ideological claims are wrongly treated as objective truth, and observed deviation from that truth is treated as error. 当价值陈述或意识形态主张被错误地当成客观真理对待时，或者与这一真理有出入的现象被观测到，却被当成错误对待时，价值观的预装就发生了。 [Example:] and McBride (2007) found that: 1) people high in social dominance orientation (SDO) were more likely to make unethical decisions, 2) people high in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) were more likely to go along with the unethical decisions of leaders, and 3) dyads with high SDO leaders and high RWA followers made more unethical decisions than dyads with alternative arrangements (e.g., low SDO—low RWA dyads). [例证：]Son Hing, Bobocel, Zanna和 McBride（2007）发现：1）社会支配倾向（SDO）高的人更可能作出不道德的决定，2）右翼权威主义（RWA）程度高的人更可能遵从领导人作出的不道德决定，以及3）高SDO的领导人与高RWA的追随者这一组合作出的不道德决定比其它形式的排列组合（如低SDO和低RWA组合）要多。 Yet consider the decisions they defined as unethical: not formally taking a female colleague’s side in her sexual harassment complaint against her subordinate (given little information about the case), and a worker placing the well-being of his or her company above unspecified harms to the environment attributed to the company’s operations. Liberal values of feminism and environmentalism were embedded directly into the operationalization of ethics, even to the extent that participants were expected to endorse those values in vignettes that lacked the information one would need to make a considered judgment. 不过，看看被他们界定为不道德的决定：在女性同事对其下属提出性骚扰投诉时不正式站在她的一边（几乎没有任何案件相关信息），工人将他或她所属公司的利益置于未明确说明的环境损害之上（这种损害被归罪于该公司的运营）。自由派的女性主义和环保主义价值取向被直接预装进了伦理概念的执行之中，甚至到了这种程度：在某个场景下缺乏信息的个体不得不做出审慎判断，仍指望参与者支持这些价值。 The appearance of certain words that imply pernicious motives (e.g., deny, legitimize, rationalize, justify, defend, trivialize) may be particularly indicative of research tainted by embedded values. 对某些特定词汇的使用，暗中指涉险恶的动机（如拒斥、合法化、合理化、正当化、维护、琐碎化等）。出现这些词汇，可能就具有特别的标志性，表明研究已被预装的价值观污染。 3.2. Risk point 2: Researchers may concentrate on topics that validate the liberal progress narrative and avoid topics that contest that narrative 3.2 风险点之二：研究者可能全神关注那些能够证实自由进步叙事的论题，避开那些对这一叙事构成质疑的论题 Since the enlightenment, scientists have thought of themselves as spreading light and pushing back the darkness. The metaphor is apt, but in a politically homogeneous field, a larger-than-optimal number of scientists shine their flashlights on ideologically important regions of the terrain. Doing so leaves many areas unexplored. Even worse, some areas become walled off, and inquisitive researchers risk ostracism if they venture in. 自启蒙运动以来，科学家们一直认为自己所做的，乃是拒绝黑暗、传播光明的事业。这个暗喻是恰当的，不过，在一个政治同质化的地界，把灯光照向境内那些在意识形态上很重要的领域的科学家数目实在是多得过分。这么做会令许多领域无人探索。更糟糕的是，有些领域还会被高墙围起来，任何求知好问的研究者胆敢冒险进入，就有被放逐的风险。 [Example:] Stereotype accuracy. Since the 1930s, social psychologists have been proclaiming the inaccuracy of social stereotypes, despite lacking evidence of such inaccuracy. Evidence has seemed unnecessary because stereotypes have been, in effect, stereotyped as inherently nasty and inaccurate (see Jussim, 2012a for a review). [例证：]刻板印象的准确性。自1930年代起，社会心理学家一直声称，社会刻板印象是不准确的，尽管他们拿不出相关证据。此类证据一直被视为毫无必要，因为刻板印象本身事实上已经被刻板印象化了，成了一种本质上恶劣且不准确的事物（评论见Jussim, 2012a）。 Some group stereotypes are indeed hopelessly crude and untestable. But some may rest on valid empiricism—and represent subjective estimates of population characteristics (e.g. the proportion of people who drop out of high school, are victims of crime, or endorse policies that support women at work, see Jussim, 2012a, Ryan, 2002 for reviews). 某些群体刻板印象确实无可救药地生硬粗糙、不可验证。但还有一些，则可能确实建立在有效的经验主义基础之上——并体现了对于人群特征的主观估计（比如高中辍学的人口比例、罪案受害者的人口比例、支持职业女性的政策的支持者比例等，评论见Jussim, 2012a和Ryan，2002）。 In this context, it is not surprising that the rigorous empirical study of the accuracy of factual stereotypes was initiated by one of the very few self-avowed conservatives in social psychology—Clark McCauley (McCauley & Stitt, 1978). Since then, dozens of studies by independent researchers have yielded evidence that stereotype accuracy (of all sorts of stereotypes) is one of the most robust effects in all of social psychology (Jussim, 2012a). 在这种氛围中，毫不稀奇，关于有事实基础的刻板印象之准确性，最严谨的经验研究是由社会心理学领域极少见的自陈保守派之一——Clark McCauley开创的（McCauley和Stitt, 1978）。自那以后，独立研究者的数十种研究已经得出证据，在所有社会心理学成果中，（关于所有种类的刻板印象的）刻板印象准确性之说乃是最为有力的之一（Jussim, 2012a）。 Here is a clear example of the value of political diversity: a conservative social psychologist asked a question nobody else thought (or dared) to ask, and found results that continue to make many social psychologists uncomfortable. McCauley’s willingness to put the assumption of stereotype inaccuracy to an empirical test led to the correction of one of social psychology’s most longstanding errors. 这是政治多元性之价值的清楚一例：一个保守派社会心理学家追问了一个别人都没想过（或敢于）去问的问题，并得出了一个让许多社会心理学家现在仍一直感到不舒服的结论。McCauley决心对刻板印象不准确这一假设进行经验验证，这就导致了对于社会心理学中最长寿错误之一的纠正。 3.3. Risk point 3: Negative attitudes regarding conservatives can produce a psychological science that mischaracterizes their traits and attributes 3.3 风险点之三：对于保守派的负面看法可能导致心理科学错误地描绘保守派的特征和性质 A long-standing view in social-political psychology is that the right is more dogmatic and intolerant of ambiguity than the left, a view Tetlock (1983) dubbed the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis…. But had social psychologists studied a broad enough range of situations to justify these broad conclusions? Recent evidence suggests not. 社会—政治心理学中存在已久的一个看法是，右派比左派更为教条，更不能容忍模棱两可。Tetlock（1983）将这种看法叫作“右派的死板”假说……但是，社会心理学家为了证明这种一般性的结论，是否研究过范围足够广泛的情形？近来的证据显示：并非如此。 The ideologically objectionable premise model (IOPM; Crawford, 2012) posits that people on the political left and right are equally likely to approach political judgments with their ideological blinders on. That said, they will only do so when the premise of a political judgment is ideologically acceptable. If it’s objectionable, any preferences for one group over another will be short-circuited, and biases won’t emerge. 据“意识形态争议性前提模型”（IOPM; Crawford, 2012）推断，政治上的左派和右派戴着意识形态眼罩形成政治判断的可能性是一样大的。当然，这只会发生于政治判断的前提在意识形态上可以接受的情况下。如果这一前提是可争议的，那么偏好其中任意一个群体都会引起直接短路，偏见就不会出现。 The IOPM thus allows for biases to emerge only among liberals, only among conservatives, or among both liberals and conservatives, depending on the situation. For example, reinterpreting Altemeyer’s mandatory school prayer results, Crawford (2012) argued that for people low in RWA who value individual freedom and autonomy, mandatory school prayer is objectionable; thus, the very nature of the judgment should shut off any biases in favor of one target over the other. 由此，随着情况的不同，IOPM模型可让偏见仅出现于自由派中，或仅出现于保守派中，或同时出现于自由派和保守派中。比如，Crawford（2012）在重新解释Altemeyer的强制性学校祷告数据时论证到，对于右翼权威主义（RWA）程度低、看重个体自由与自主的人，强制性学校祷告是可争议的；因此，这一判断的性质本身会将任何重此轻彼的偏见排斥在外。 However, for people high in RWA who value society-wide conformity to traditional morals and values, mandating school prayer is acceptable; this acceptable premise then allows for people high in RWA to express a bias in favor of Christian over Muslim school prayer. 然而，对于RWA程度高、看重全社会对传统道德和价值观的遵从的人，强制性学校祷告是可以接受的；于是，这种可接受的前提就会让RWA程度高的人表达出重基督教校园祈祷者、轻穆斯林校园祈祷者的偏见。 Crawford (2012, Study 1) replaced mandatory prayer with voluntary prayer, which would be acceptable to both people high and low in RWA. In line with the IOPM, people high in RWA were still biased in favor of Christian over Muslim prayer, while people low in RWA now showed a bias in favor of Muslim over Christian voluntary prayer. Hypocrisy is therefore not necessarily a special province of the right. Crawford（2012，研究1）用自愿祈祷者代替强制祈祷者，于是前提变成了对于RWA程度高和低的两种人都可以接受。与IOPM模型预测一致，RWA程度高的人仍然存在重基督教祈祷者、轻穆斯林祈祷者的偏见，与此同时，RWA程度低的人现在表现出重穆斯林自愿祈祷者、轻基督教自愿祈祷者的偏见。因此，虚伪矫饰可不一定是右派的特殊地盘。 These example illustrate the threats to truth-seeking that emerge when members of a politically homogenous intellectual community are motivated to cast their perceived outgroup (i.e., the ones who violate the liberal progressive narrative) in a negative light. If there were more social psychologists who were motivated to question the design and interpretation of studies biased towards liberal values during peer review, or if there were more researchers running their own studies using different methods, social psychologists could be more confident in the validity of their characterizations of conservatives (and liberals). 这些例子说明，当一个政治同质化的知识群体的成员被鼓励用一种负面灯光去映照他们所理解的圈外人士（比如，冒犯自由进步叙事的人）时，追求真理的事业会受到何种威胁。如果在同行评审中，能有更多的社会心理学家被鼓励去质疑那些偏向自由派价值观的研究的设计和解释，如果能有更多的研究者采用不同的方法来进行他们自己的研究，社会心理学家就能对他们关于保守派（和自由派）的描绘的可信度拥有更多自信。

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4. Why political diversity is likely to improve social psychological science 4. 为什么政治多元性有可能改进社会心理科学 Diversity can be operationalized in many ways, including demographic diversity (e.g., ethnicity, race, and gender) and viewpoint diversity (e.g., variation in intellectual viewpoints or professional expertise). 将多元性这一概念变得可操作的方式很多，包括人口学多元化（如族群、种族和性别）和视角多元化（比如各种不同的知识视角或专业技能）。 Research in organizational psychology suggest that: a) the benefits of viewpoint diversity are more consistent and pronounced than those of demographic diversity (Menz, 2012; Williams & O’Reilly, 1998); and 组织心理学研究表明：a）视角多元化比人口学多元化的益处更为一贯、更为显著（Menz, 2012; Williams & O’Reilly, 1998）；又 b) the benefits of viewpoint diversity are most pronounced when organizations are pursuing open-ended exploratory goals (e.g., scientific discovery) as opposed to exploitative goals (e.g., applying well-established routines to well-defined problems; Cannella, Park & Hu, 2008). b）与追求利用性目标（比如，在界定明确的问题上执行已良好确立的例行程序）的组织相比，在追求开放式的探索性目标（比如，科学发现）的组织中，视角多元化的益处最为显著（Cannella, Park & Hu, 2008）。 Viewpoint diversity may therefore be more valuable than demographic diversity if social psychology’s core goal is to produce broadly valid and generalizable conclusions. (Of course, demographic diversity can bring viewpoint diversity, but if it is viewpoint diversity that is wanted, then it may be more effective to pursue it directly.) 因此，如果社会心理学的核心目标在于得出广泛有效且可以一般化的结论，那么视角多元性似乎比人口学多元性更有价值。（当然，人口学多元性能带来视角多元性，但如果我们需要的正是视角多元性，那么直接追求它可能更为有效。） It is the lack of political viewpoint diversity that makes social psychology vulnerable to the three risks described in the previous section. Political diversity is likely to have a variety of positive effects by reducing the impact of two familiar mechanisms that we explore below: confirmation bias and groupthink/majority consensus. 正是政治视角多元性的缺乏，才使得社会心理学在前一部分描述的三大风险面前显得很脆弱。通过削弱我们下面将讨论的两个我们熟知的机制的影响，政治多元性很可能具有多种多样的积极功效：确认偏误和群体思维/多数一致。 4.1. Confirmation bias 4.1 确认偏误 People tend to search for evidence that will confirm their existing beliefs while also ignoring or downplaying disconfirming evidence. This confirmation bias (Nickerson, 1998) is widespread among both laypeople and scientists (Ioannidis, 2012). Confirmation bias can become even stronger when people confront questions that trigger moral emotions and concerns about group identity (Haidt, 2001; 2012). 人们更喜欢为他们已有的信念搜罗证据，同时无视或轻视与既有信念抵触的证据。这种确认偏误（Nickerson, 1998）在外行和科学家中都很常见（Ioannidis, 2012）。当人们面对的问题还能够引发对于群体认同的道德情绪和关怀时，确认偏误可能会变得更为强烈（Haidt, 2001; 2012）。 Further, group-polarization often exacerbates extremism in echo chambers (Lamm & Myers, 1978). [and note from the graph above that social psychology has become an echo chamber since the 1990s] 此外，群体的极化通常还会在回音室中加剧极端主义（Lamm & Myers, 1978）。[并且注意，前面的图表已经显示，社会心理学自1990年代起已经变成了一个回音室]。 Indeed, people are far better at identifying the flaws in other people’s evidence-gathering than in their own, especially if those other people have dissimilar beliefs (e.g., Mercier & Sperber, 2011; Sperber et al., 2010). 实在来说，人们在别人的证据搜集过程中找出错误，可比针对自己时要得心应手得多，特别是当别人具有不同的信念时（如见Mercier & Sperber, 2011; Sperber等, 2010）。 Although such processes may be beneficial for communities whose goal is social cohesion (e.g., a religious or activist movement), they can be devastating for scientific communities by leading to widely-accepted claims that reflect the scientific community’s blind spots more than they reflect justified scientific conclusions (see, e.g., the three risk points discussed previously). 对于目标在于社会团结的共同体（如一个宗教运动或激进运动）来说，这类事情也许是有益的，但是对于科学共同体来说，这将是毁灭性的。因为它们将会导致一些被广泛接受的论断产生，而这些论断更多反映的是科学共同体的盲点，而非科学上得到证明的结论（如见前文所论的三个风险点）。 The most obvious cure for this problem is to increase the viewpoint diversity of the field. Nobody has found a way to eradicate confirmation bias in individuals (Lilienfeld et al., 2009), but we can diversify the field to the point where individual viewpoint biases begin to cancel each other out. 对于这个问题，最显而易见的疗法就是增加该领域的视角多元性。从来没有人找到过在个体身上根除确认偏误的办法（Lilienfeld等, 2009），但我们可以不断增加一个领域的多元性，直到个体的视角偏见开始相互抵消。 4.2. Minority influence 4.2 众从 Minority influence research has focused on the processes by which minorities influence majority members’ (and thus the groups’) reasoning (e.g., Crano, 2012; Moscovici & Personnaz, 1980). Majorities influence decision-making by producing conformity pressure that creates cohesion and community, but they do little to enhance judgmental depth or quality (Crisp & Turner, 2011; Moscovici & Personnaz, 1980). They also risk creating the type of groupthink that has long been a target of criticism by social psychologists (e.g., Fiske, Harris, & Cuddy, 2004; Janis, 1972)…. 众从研究聚焦于一种过程：少数派影响多数成员（进而是整个群体）的论证（如见Crano, 2012; Moscovici & Personnaz, 1980）。多数派通过制造顺从压力影响决策，而这种压力能够创造凝聚力和共同体，但无益于提高决断的深度或质量（Crisp & Turner, 2011; Moscovici & Personnaz, 1980）。他们也导致群体思维的风险，而这被社会心理学家诟病已久（如见Fiske, Harris, & Cuddy, 2004; Janis, 1972）…… There is even evidence that politically diverse teams produce more creative solutions than do politically homogeneous teams on problems such as “how can a person of average talent achieve fame” and how to find funding for a partially-built church ineligible for bank loans (Triandis, Hall, & Ewen, 1965)…. 甚至有证据表明，即使是在“某个资质平平的人如何成名”以及怎样为一个烂尾的教堂筹集资金，取得银行贷款这样的问题上，政治上多元的团队也比政治同质的团队更能找到创造性的解决方案。 In sum, there are grounds for hypothesizing that increased political diversity would improve the quality of social psychological science because it would increase the degree of scientific dissent, especially, on such politicized issues as inequality versus equity, the psychological characteristics of liberals and conservatives, stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. Social psychologists have shown these effects in many settings; they could take advantage of them within their own ranks. 总之，政治多元性的增加有助于改善社会心理科学的质量，这一假设是有理有据的，因为它会增加科学分歧的程度。当我们面对的是诸如不平等与平等、自由派和保守派的心理特征、刻板印象、偏见和歧视等等政治化的议题时，情况尤其如此。社会心理学家已经针对许多场合说明过此类效应；他们可以在自己的队伍中好好对其加以利用。

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5. Why are there so few non-liberals in social psychology? 5. 为什么非自由派在社会心理学中难得一见？ the evidence does not point to a single answer. To understand why conservatives are so vastly underrepresented in social psychology, we consider five explanations that have frequently been offered to account for a lack of diversity not just in social psychology, but in other contexts (e.g., the underrepresentation of women and ethnic minorities in STEM fields, e.g., Pinker, 2008). 证据表明，答案不止一个。为了理解为什么保守派在社会心理学中的人数如此不足，我们考虑了五种解释，这五种解释不仅在说明社会心理学中多元性的缺乏时，而且在其它学术文章中也经常被人提到（如在STEM领域内妇女和少数族裔的缺乏，如见Pinker, 2008）【译注：STEM为科学、技术、工程和数学四个学科的英文首字母缩写】。 5.1. Differences in ability 5.1. 能力差异 [Are conservatives simply less intelligent than liberals, and less able to obtain PhDs and faculty positions?] The evidence does not support this view… [published studies are mixed. Part of the complexity is that…] Social conservatism correlates with lower cognitive ability test scores, but economic conservatism correlates with higher scores (Iyer, Koleva, Graham, Ditto, & Haidt, 2012; Kemmelmeier 2008). [Libertarians are the political group with the highest IQ, yet they are underrepresented in the social sciences other than economics] [难道保守派就是没有自由派那么聪明，取得博士学位和教职岗位的能力要差些？]证据不支持这种观点……[已有的研究形形色色。情况的复杂性部分体现在……]社会保守派与认知能力测试得分较低存在相关性，不过经济保守派则与得分较高存在相关性（Iyer, Koleva, Graham, Ditto, & Haidt, 2012; Kemmelmeier 2008）[自由意志主义者是IQ最高的政治团体，但他们在除经济学以外的所有社会科学中人数均不足] 5.2. The effects of education on political ideology 5.2. 政治意识形态教育的影响 Many may view education as “enlightening” and believe that an enlightened view comports with liberal politics. There is little evidence that education causes students to become more liberal. Instead, several longitudinal studies following tens of thousands of college students for many years have concluded that political socialization in college occurs primarily as a function of one’s peers, not education per se (Astin, 1993; Dey, 1997). 许多人可能将教育视为“启蒙”，并相信经过启蒙的观念会与自由派政治一致。鲜有证据表明教育会使得学生更为趋向自由派。几项对数万名大学生的多年追踪研究倒是得出结论认为，大学里的政治社会化过程【译注：指个体形塑政治态度的过程】主要取决于一个人的同伴，而非教育本身（Astin, 1993; Dey, 1997）。 5.3. Differences in interest 5.3. 兴趣差异 Might liberals simply find a career in social psychology (or the academy more broadly) more appealing? Yes, for several reasons. The Big-5 trait that correlates most strongly with political liberalism is openness to experience (r = .32 in Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloways’s 2003 meta-analysis), and people high in that trait are more likely to pursue careers that will let them indulge their curiosity and desire to learn, such as a career in the academy (McCrae, 1996). An academic career requires a Ph.D., and liberals enter (and graduate) college more interested in pursuing Ph.D.s than do conservatives (Woessner & Kelly-Woessner, 2009)… 有没有可能就是因为自由派觉得社会心理学（或更广泛而言，整个学术界）这种职业更有吸引力？有可能，理由有多个。与政治自由主义相关性最强的“五大”人格特点【译注：五大人格特点，指心理学上描述人格特征时常用的五维度模型，分别为外倾性、经验开放性、随和性、神经质和尽责性】就是“经验开放性”（在Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski和 Sulloways 2003年所做的meta分析中，r=0.32），而在这一特点上得分高的人更有可能从事能让他们的好奇心和求知欲得到满足的职业，比如学术事业（McCrae, 1996）。从事学术事业要求博士学位，而入读大学（和从大学毕业）的自由派比保守派更有兴趣谋求博士学位（Woessner & Kelly-Woessner, 2009）…… Such intrinsic variations in interest may be amplified by a “birds of a feather” or “homophile” effect. “Similarity attracts” is one of the most well-established findings in social psychology (Byrne, 1969). As a field begins to lean a certain way, the field will likely become increasingly attractive to people suited to that leaning. 这种兴趣上的内在差异有可能通过“物以类聚”或“同性相爱”效应而得到放大。“同类相吸”是社会心理学中理据最为坚实的成果之一（Byrne, 1969）。随着某个领域开始向一个特定方向倾斜，那么对于适应这种倾斜的人，这个领域就很可能会变得越来越具有吸引力。 Over time the group itself may become characterized by its group members. Professors and scientists may come to be seen as liberal just as nurses are typically thought of as being female. Once that happens, conservatives may disproportionately self-select out of joining the dissimilar group, based on a realistic perception that they “do not fit well.” [See Gross (2013)]… 长此以往，群体本身就被其成员特征化了。教授和科学家可能会逐渐被视为自由派，就像护士经常被理解成为女性一样。一旦如此，保守派就可能自我选择不参加这种异己群体，因为他们有一种现实的认知：他们“合不来”（见Gross , 2013）…… Self-selection clearly plays a role. But it would be ironic if an epistemic community resonated to empirical arguments that appear to exonerate the community of prejudice—when that same community roundly rejects those same arguments when invoked by other institutions to explain the under-representation of women or ethnic minorities (e.g., in STEM disciplines or other elite professions). [Note: we agree that self-selection is a big part of the explanation. If there were no discrimination and no hostile climate, the field would still lean left, as it used to. But it would still have some diversity, and would work much better.] 自我选择很明显起了作用。但是，这种经验论证似乎是在为共同体的歧视行为洗白，如果一个知识共同体与之产生共鸣，这会太讽刺——而且，正是这同一个共同体，在其它机构使用同一论证来解释女性或少数族裔代表性不足的问题时（如在STEM学科或其它精英行业中），对自我选择解释表示了严厉的拒斥。[注意：我们同意，自我选择在原因中占了很大比例。如果不存在歧视、不存在敌对的气氛，这个领域仍然会左倾，正如它在1990年代之前那样。但是它仍会有某种程度的多元性，并会运作得好得多。] 5.4. Hostile climate 5.4. 敌对气氛 Might self-selection be amplified by an accurate perception among conservative students that they are not welcome in the social psychology community? Consider the narrative of conservatives that can be formed from some recent conclusions in social psychological research: compared to liberals, conservatives are less intelligent (Hodson & Busseri, 2012) and less cognitively complex (Jost et al., 2003). They are more rigid, dogmatic, and inflexible (Jost et al., 2003). Their lower IQ explains their racism and sexism (Deary, Batty, & Gale, 2008), and their endorsement of inequality explains why they are happier than liberals (Napier & Jost, 2008). 自我选择有没有可能因为保守派学生的一种正确认知——他们得不到社会心理学共同体的欢迎——而被放大？考虑一下我们能从最近的一些社会心理学研究结论中得出的关于保守派的叙述：比起自由派，保守派没那么聪明（Hodson & Busseri, 2012），认知复杂度没那么高（Jost等, 2003）。他们更死板、更教条、更不懂变通（Jost等, 2003）。他们IQ低，所以他们有种族主义和性别歧视（Deary, Batty, & Gale, 2008），他们对不平等的支持正是他们之所以比自由派更快乐的理由（Napier & Jost, 2008）。 As conservative undergraduates encounter the research literature in their social psychology classes, might they recognize cues that the field regards them and their beliefs as defective? And what happens if they do attend graduate school and take part in conferences, classes, and social events in which almost everyone else is liberal? 当保守派本科生在他们的社会心理学课堂上接触到研究文献时，他们是否可能认出这种信号，猜到这个领域认为他们以及他们的信念存在缺陷？如果他们确实念上了研究生，那么当他们参会、上课、参加社会活动时，发现参与者几乎个个都是自由派，这时会发生什么？ We ourselves have often heard jokes and disparaging comments made by social psychologists about conservatives, not just in informal settings but even from the podium at conferences and lectures. The few conservatives who have enrolled in graduate programs hear these comments too, and some of them wrote to Haidt in the months after his 2011 remarks at the SPSP convention to describe the hostility and ridicule that force them to stay “in the closet” about their political beliefs—or to leave the field entirely. 我们自己就经常听到社会心理学家关于保守派的种种笑话和鄙夷的评论，这不仅出现于非正式场合，而且也出现在会议和讲座的讲台上。注册参加了研究生项目的几个罕见的保守派学生，也听到了这些评论，其中一些在听了Haidt在人格与社会心理学学会2011年年会上所发评论后的几个月里还曾给他写信。他们在信中描写到，敌对和嘲弄迫使他们将自己的政治信念藏在“深柜”——或干脆离开这个领域。 Haidt (2011) put excerpts from these emails online (in anonymous form); representative of them is this one from a former graduate student in a top 10 Ph.D. program: Haidt（2011）在网上贴出了这些邮件的摘录（以匿名形式）；其中一封的作者曾是排名前十的博士项目的研究生，很具有代表性：

I can’t begin to tell you how difficult it was for me in graduate school because I am not a liberal Democrat. As one example, following Bush’s defeat of Kerry, one of my professors would email me every time a soldier’s death in Iraq made the headlines; he would call me out, publicly blaming me for not supporting Kerry in the election. 要向你描述我在研究生院时因为不是自由派民主党而过得有多么艰难，我都没法开始。举个例子吧，布什打败克里之后，每逢有驻伊士兵死亡事件上头条，有位教授就会给我发邮件；他会指名道姓的公开指责我没在选举中支持克里。 I was a reasonably successful graduate student, but the political ecology became too uncomfortable for me. Instead of seeking the professorship that I once worked toward, I am now leaving academia for a job in industry. 作为一个研究生，我相当成功，但政治生态变得令我非常不舒服。我没有去谋求我曾为之奋斗的教授职位，而是离开学术圈，现在在实业部门工作。

Evidence of hostile climate is not just anecdotal. Inbar and Lammers (2012) asked members of the SPSP discussion list: “Do you feel that there is a hostile climate towards your political beliefs in your field?” 敌对气氛存在的证据并非只有个别逸闻。Inbar和 Lammers（2012）曾询问人格与社会心理学学会讨论组成员以下问题：“你是否觉得你所在的领域针对你的政治信念存在一种敌对气氛？” Of 17 conservatives, 14 (82%) responded “yes” (i.e., a response at or above the midpoint of the scale, where the midpoint was labeled “somewhat” and the top point “very much”), with half of those responding “very much.” 17个保守派中，14个（即82%）回答了“是”（即回应大于等于量表的中间选项，中间选项是“有些”，最大值则是“非常”），答“是”的人中又有一半回答的是“非常”。 In contrast, only 18 of 266 liberals (7%) responded “yes”, with only two of those responding “very much.” Interestingly, 18 of 25 moderates (72%) responded “yes,” with one responding “very much.” 与此形成对比的是，266个自由派中只有18个（即7%）回答了“是”，其中只有两个答的是“非常”。有意思的是，25个温和派中有18个（即72%）回答了“是”，1个答“非常”。 This surprising result suggests that the hostile climate may adversely affect not only conservatives, but anyone who is not liberal or whose values do not align with the liberal progress narrative. 这一令人惊讶的结果表明，敌对气氛所产生的负面影响不仅仅是对保守派而言，而且针对所有的非自由派，或者所有价值观不能与自由进步叙事相符的人。 5.5. Discrimination 5.5 歧视 The literature on political prejudice demonstrates that strongly identified partisans show little compunction about expressing their overt hostility toward the other side (e.g., Chambers et al., 2013; Crawford & Pilanski, 2013; Haidt, 2012). Partisans routinely believe that their hostility towards opposing groups is justified because of the threat posed to their values by dissimilar others (see Brandt et al., 2014, for a review). 政治偏见方面的研究文献证明，认同感强烈的党徒毫不避讳公开表达对对方的敌意（如见Chambers等, 2013; Crawford & Pilanski, 2013; Haidt, 2012）。党徒们例行公事般认为他们针对对立团体的敌视态度是合理的，因为异己分子威胁到他们珍视的价值（相关评论见Brandt 等, 2014）。 Social psychologists are unlikely to be immune to such psychological processes. Indeed, ample evidence using multiple methods demonstrates that social psychologists do in fact act in discriminatory ways toward non-liberal colleagues and their research. 社会心理学家不太可能对这种心理过程免疫。事实上，基于多种方法的大量证据表明，社会心理学家确实以歧视方式对待他们的非自由派同事及其学术研究。 [Here we review experimental field research: if you change a research proposal so that its hypotheses sound conservative, but you leave the methods the same, then the manuscript is deemed less publishable, and is less likely to get IRB approval] [我们这里来回顾一下实验性的实地研究：如果改动一下你的研究计划，使其假设看起来像个保守派假设，但研究方法保持不变，那么这个稿子发表的可能性在人们眼里就会降低，得到伦理委员会认可的可能性也会降低] Inbar and Lammers (2012) found that most social psychologists who responded to their survey were willing to explicitly state that they would discriminate against conservatives. Their survey posed the question: “If two job candidates (with equal qualifications) were to apply for an opening in your department, and you knew that one was politically quite conservative, do you think you would be inclined to vote for the more liberal one?” Inbar和Lammers（2012）发现，绝大多数接受调查的社会心理学家都愿意明白无误地表明，他们会歧视保守派。他们在调查中提出这样一个问题：“两个求职者（条件相同）申请你所在院系的空缺，你要是知道其中一个政治上特别保守，你觉得你会倾向于投票赞成更自由派的那个吗？” Of the 237 liberals, only 42 (18%) chose the lowest scale point, “not at all.” In other words, 82% admitted that they would be at least a little bit prejudiced against a conservative candidate, and 43% chose the midpoint (“somewhat”) or above. In contrast, the majority of moderates (67%) and conservatives (83%) chose the lowest scale point (“not at all”)…. 在237个自由派中，仅有42个（即18%）选择了量表上的最低值，“绝不会”。换句话说，82%的人承认他们至少会对保守派求职者有一点点歧视，43%选择了中间值（“有些”）及以上。与此形成对比的是，多数温和派（67%）和保守派（83%）选择了最低值（“绝不”）…… Conservative graduate students and assistant professors are behaving rationally when they keep their political identities hidden, and when they avoid voicing the dissenting opinions that could be of such great benefit to the field. Moderate and libertarian students may be suffering the same fate. 当保守派研究生和助理教授隐瞒他们政治派别时，他们是在依理性行事，然而如果他们缄默不言，那却将是这个领域的巨大损失。温和派和自由意志主义的学生或许也正在遭受同一命运。

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6. Recommendations 6. 建议 [Please see the longer discussion of recommended steps on our “Solutions” page. In the BBS paper we offer a variety of specific recommendations for what can be done to ameliorate the problem. These are divided into three sections] [建议措施的更长讨论，见我们的“方案”页面。在发表于《行为与脑科学》的文章中，我们提供了多种具体可行建议，以改进这一问题。建议分为三部分] 6.1. Organizational responses 6.1. 组织方面的回应 [We looked at the list of policy steps that the American Psychological Association recommended for itself to improve diversity with regard to race, gender, and sexual orientation. Many of them work well for increasing political diversity, e.g.,:] [我们查看了美国心理学会为增加自身的种族、性别和性取向多元性而建议的系列政策措施。其中许多同样可以有效的增加政治多元性，如……]

• Formulate and adopt an anti-discrimination policy resolution.
• 制定并采纳一项反歧视政策决议。
• Implement a “climate study” regarding members’ experiences, comfort/discomfort, and positive/negative attitudes/opinions/policies affecting or about members of politically diverse groups.
• 实施一项“气氛研究”，研究对象是其成员的经历，包括舒适的/不适的，以及他们持有的、会影响政治多样化的不同团体（或与他们有关）的积极/消极的态度/观点/政策
• Each organization should develop strategies to encourage and support research training programs and research conferences to attract, retain, and graduate conservative and other non-liberal doctoral students and early career professionals.
• 每一个组织都应该形成各种策略，鼓励和支持研究训练项目和研究会议去吸引、留住或毕业送走保守派及其他非自由派博士研究生和新入行的业内人士。

6.2. Professorial responses 6.2. 教授方面的回应 There are many steps that social psychologists who are also college professors can take to encourage non-liberal students to join the field, or to “come out of the closet”: 1) Raise consciousness [acknowledge publicly that we have problem]; 2) Welcome feedback from non-liberals. 3) Expand diversity statements. [i.e., add “political diversity” to any list of kinds of diversity being encouraged]. 同时身为大学教授的社会心理学家，可以采用多个措施来鼓励非自由派学生加入这个领域，或者“出柜”：1）提高意识[公开承认我们有问题]；2）欢迎非自由派的反馈。3）扩充有关多元性的声明。[即在任何形式的多元性鼓励列表中加入“政治多元性”]。 6.3. Changes to research practices 6.3. 改变研究做法 1.Be alert to double standards. 2. Support adversarial collaborations.  3. Improve research norms to increase the degree to which a research field becomes self-correcting. 1.警惕双重标准。2. 支持对抗性合作。3. 改进研究规范，以增加研究领域趋向自我纠正的程度。

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7. Conclusion 7. 结论 Others have sounded this alarm before (e.g., MacCoun, 1998; Redding, 2001; Tetlock, 1994)… No changes were made in response to the previous alarms, but we believe that this time may be different. Social psychologists are in deep and productive discussions about how to address multiple threats to the integrity of their research and publication process. This may be a golden opportunity for the field to take seriously the threats caused by political homogeneity. 早已有人敲响过这一警钟（如MacCoun, 1998; Redding, 2001; Tetlock, 1994）……对于之前的警钟却无人回应，不过我们相信这次可能有点不同。关于如何应对他们的研究和出版程序之健全性所面临的诸多威胁的问题，社会心理学家目前正在进行深入且卓有成效的讨论。现在也许就是严肃对待政治同质化所导致危机的黄金时期。 We have focused on social (and personality) psychology, but the problems we describe occur in other areas of psychology (Redding, 2001), as well as in other social sciences (Gross, 2013; Redding, 2013). 我们的焦点是社会（及人格）心理学，但我们所描述的问题也发生于心理学的其它领域（Redding, 2001），以及其它社会科学领域（Gross, 2013; Redding, 2013）。 Fortunately, psychology is uniquely well-prepared to rise to the challenge. The five core values of APA include “continual pursuit of excellence; knowledge and its application based upon methods of science; outstanding service to its members and to society; social justice, diversity and inclusion; ethical action in all that we do.” (APA, 2009). 幸运地是，心理学是唯一有准备来应对之个挑战的领域。美国心理学会的五大核心价值包括“不断追求卓越；基于科学方法的知识及其应用；对成员和社会的出色服务；社会正义、多元性和包容性；一切行动遵守伦理规范。”（APA, 2009）。 If discrimination against non-liberals exists at even half the level described in section 4 of this paper, and if this discrimination damages the quality of some psychological research, then all five core values are being betrayed. 如果针对非自由派的歧视存在，哪怕只达到本文第四部分所描述的一半水平，且如果这种歧视损害了某些心理学研究的质量，那就和五大核心价值背道而驰了。 Will psychologists tolerate and defend the status quo, or will psychology make the changes needed to realize its values and improve its science? Social psychology can and should lead the way. 心理学家会容忍并捍卫现状？还是心理学会作出必要改变，实现自己所珍视的价值，改进这一科学？社会心理学能够且应该带个好头。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2016-03-08】 @pkuwd: to@whigzhou 嫁个男人生五个孩子在家里做主这种不算女权！做个飞行员比嫁个飞行员好！能争取成为市长远好过争取成为市长夫人！ @whigzhou: 嫁男人生孩子当然不算女权，做飞行员当市长也不算，惊叹号再多也不算，只有要求飞行员中女性比例必须达到50%，市议会里女性席位不得少于50%，才算，你out了～ @whigzhou: 早期女权主义者（和其他进步主义者一样）是我尊重的，她们依靠自身的努力与付出、亲身实践，去突破文化与制度障碍，为自己也为弱势女性争取更多自由，但这种女权主义（和其他进步主义）在当代已经十分罕见了，回顾起来，早期与后期的分界线大概是在大萧条时代。 @whigzhou: 如今触目可见的女权主义（和其他进步主义），多是我所称的“犟叫花”型，在她们看来，为她们提供某些机会、资源或条件，让她们达到某种生活状态，是其他社会成员的义务，若是不给，就往你们身上抹鼻涕 @whigzhou: 她们不仅往拒绝承认或被认为未能履行好保姆义务的人身上抹鼻涕，还会往那些安于传统角色的女性身上抹鼻涕，好像只有她们才知道该怎么做个女人  

【2016-03-07】 @Ent_evo 一个理科生对三八劳动妇女节的杂感 http://t.cn/Rw3aI8T @Ent_evo: 转眼一年了，好像也没有什么变化 @whigzhou: “为“男性掌控资源”这一现状公开辩护的人，通常绕来绕去总会绕到生物属性上面……这恐怕并不是最重要的理由，但这应该是唯一还能拿出来说说而不被骂成狗的理由了”——为什么需要辩护？若一种现状并非强制或权利缺失的结果，它就不需要辩护 @whigzhou: 或者说，选择自由就是充分的辩护理由 @whigzhou: 比如一种简单的可能情形，被认为“掌控着资源”（其实这种说法很可疑，姑且接受）的那些职业圈，充满尔虞我诈穷凶极恶的好斗氛围，多数女性不喜欢进入，那你们有什么好操心的？ @whigzhou: “掌控着资源”这种说法之可疑，可以考虑这样一种可能情形：某女要求某男必须挣来很多钱才肯嫁给他，嫁了后用这些钱养大五个儿子，并教导、鼓励、帮助这五个儿子个个又挣来大钱，那么究竟是谁在“掌控着资源”？ @能年驼背母猴子的长颈鹿:然而资源的获取是由男性决定的 @whigzhou: 上海丈母娘好像不同意这说法 @whigzhou: 认为女性职业选择比男性更受限是传统农业社会的特点，是又一个流行谬见，实际上，传统社会规范对两性之社会角色所施加的约束同样严格，两性中哪一个职业选择更宽，随分工结构而异，许多社会的女性职业选择（或经济活动类型）比男性更丰富，比如西非和东南亚，出入本地市场做小生意的，大部分是女性。 @whigzhou: 在铁路之前早期工业时代，欧美工厂大部分雇工是婚前年轻女性，当时的工厂销售半径小，其规模无法提供大批常年全日制职位，多数雇工职位是季节性或高度波动性的，因而作为家庭收入支柱的成年男性不会轻易转去工厂，能够雇到的，大多是在婚前为自己攒点嫁妆的年轻女孩。 @whigzhou: 直到有了铁路电报之后，出现众多面向全国性市场的规模化连续生产工厂，能够提供大量全日制职位，成年男性才大批成为工厂雇工，等到他们成了雇工市场主力之后，便开始组织工会，用劳工法和最低工资法努力将女性驱赶出雇工市场 @whigzhou: 西非约鲁巴人是典型的父权社会，但其贸易活动几乎完全由女性包办

【2016-03-06】 @whigzhou: 可以将所有可能被谈论的话题按这样一个维度（p）排列，p=n的意思是只有交谈者少于或等于n时该话题才会被谈论，于是每个话题都有了个p值，一个p值为n的话题可称为n-p话题，比如“亲爱的你觉得这条内裤好看吗？”显然是个2-p话题； @whigzhou: 一个猜想：一个参加人数为n的聚会，其主导话题的p值将介于n和n+2之间。  

【2016-03-05】 @whigzhou: 1）越来越多人已经被左派那些腌臜货烦透了，2）这些腌臜货背后其实有个共同倾向：文化气质的全面阴柔化，3）这一点很少人清晰意识到，虽然不少人可能隐约感觉到，4）但这个火山口迟早会被找到 @whigzhou: 政治学家迄今好像还很少用阳刚-阴柔这个维度来分析政治光谱，其实这个维度很有用，对解释政治倾向中的先天成分尤其管用，天生保守派的深层心理基础无非就是阳刚气质：规则无情，愿赌服输，个人对自己负责，命苦别怪人，唾弃福利主义奶嘴，碰到坏人一拳打回去，尊严重于生命，安全主要靠自己…… @whigzhou: 这事情我想了很久了，越来越觉得就这么回事。 @whigzhou: 但阳刚倾向也分两种，一种是集体主义的，他们心目中的理想国家或领袖是阳刚的，自己却未必阳刚，法西斯就是这种，另一种是个人主义的，要的是自己阳刚，国家靠边，红脖是也。 @whigzhou: 同样，阴柔倾向也分两种，集体主义的要的是nanny state，个人主义的就是老派liberal @whigzhou: Game of Thrones为啥这么火？久违的阳刚之气，第一集里Ned砍下逃兵Will头颅的一幕，可谓阳刚之至。 @寄生草的空间:辉总的阳刚阴柔的定义和常规稍有差异。忽略这一点而做的批评并无意义。 @whigzhou: 我确实不知道常规定义是什么，我的用法大致和[[Geert Hofstede]]在《文化与组织》里的用法差不多 @溪月寒星:我不觉得你说的这些倾向和"阳刚"这个词相关性很大. 在我看来肌肉男，大胡子与阳刚关系大。但是如果我们统计一下世界上的男性， 能够发现肌肉男大胡子特征和规则无情，愿赌服输，个人对自己负责的心理基础存在强相关性吗？ @whigzhou: 我们之间在概念上好像有些误解 @whigzhou: Hofstede用阳刚-阴柔这个维度（这是他用的五个维度之一）比较各文化时，看的是一种文化中，在个人的哪些品质/行为值得赞赏的问题上，多大程度上对男女两性区别对待 @whigzhou: Hofstede用这对概念度量群体的文化特质，但依我看，也可以用来度量个人的文化倾向 @whigzhou: 需要强调的是，如此界定的阳刚倾向和“雄性化程度”不一样，比如一位母亲，自己可以是高度女性气质的，但假如她对儿子和女儿的期待截然不同（比如期待儿子面对危险表现勇敢，对女儿却没有同样期待），那她就是亲阳刚文化的 @Ryan_LA2000:呵呵，恐怖分子蛮符合你的“阳刚”的定义的。 @whigzhou: 有可能，他们可能也符合我对“生命、人性、信仰、虔诚、献身精神、活力、……”的定义，嗯，怎么啦？ @whigzhou: 我既然认为这是一个能解释政治倾向中先天成分的因素，那么我显然不会同时认为它能单独保证什么好结果——比如自由，否则还要自由就太容易了 @whigzhou: 这个念头果然被很多人呵呵了，不意外，当初刚冒出来时我自己也呵呵过，但越来越觉得其实没那么呵呵  

Why Aren’t America’s Shipping Ports Automated? 美国的航运港口为何没有实现自动化？ 作者：Flexport @ 2015-9-30 译者：Veidt（@Veidt) 校对：小聂（@PuppetMaster） 来源：Priceonomics，http://priceonomics.com/why-arent-americas-shipping-ports-automated/ The massive cranes that sit at the Port of Oakland are veritable money-printing machines. 那些坐落在加州奥克兰港的巨型起重机都称得上是名副其实的印钞机。 As ships coming from Asia dock in the San Francisco Bay, these industrial behemoths quickly usher goods-bearing containers off the deck and onto land. Modern container ships are filled with thousands of containers. At peak efficiency, a single crane can remove about 40 of these per hour — and for each one they unload, companies moving containerized cargo are charged a terminal handling fee of around $300. 随着来自亚洲的船只驶入旧金山湾，这些巨型工业设备迅速开始将装满货物的集装箱从货轮的甲板上卸到岸上。现代的集装箱货轮中装载着数以千计的集装箱。在最高工作效率之下，一台起重机每小时能从船上卸下大约40个集装箱——对于它卸下的每个集装箱，运送集装箱货物的公司需要向港口交纳大约300美元的码头作业费。 But in many ways, the Port of Oakland, and most American ports in general, are some of the most technologically antiquated in the world. While many high-wage, developed countries have embraced and integrated automation in the process of moving shipping containers, Oakland has shied away from more technologically advanced solutions. 但是在许多方面，奥克兰港以及美国的大多数港口实际上都排在世界上技术最陈旧的港口之列。当许多高工资的发达国家热情拥抱自动化技术，并将其整合到装卸货运集装箱的流程中时，奥克兰港却回避了那些技术上更先进的解决方案。 A port terminal recently opened in Rotterdam, in the Netherlands tells a different story: almost every part of the process of unloading containers is handled by software, and office workers remotely control the cranes over their computers. Some have called the operation the world’s most advanced container-ship terminal. 最近在荷兰鹿特丹开放的一个港口码头则讲述了一个完全不同的故事：在卸载集装箱的流程中，几乎所有的部分都是由计算机软件操作完成的，坐在办公室里的工人通过他们的电脑远程操纵起重机。有人称其为世界上最先进的集装箱船码头。 Comparing the ports of Oakland and Rotterdam shows just how far American ports are lagging when it comes to automation. 对奥克兰港和鹿特丹港的比较，清楚地显示出美国港口在自动化方面已经落下了多远的距离。 How Does a Container Port Work? 一个集装箱港口是如何运作的？ As many great articles and a highly-influential book have argued, containers are one of the great inventions of the modern world. In the shipping world, a “container” is defined as a standardized 20, 40 or 45 foot long steel receptacle that houses any variety of goods. 正如许多杰出文章和一部非常有影响力的著作【编注：指Marc Levinson的The Box，中译本《集装箱改变世界》】所认为的那样，集装箱属于现代世界的诸多伟大发明之一。在航运界，集装箱被定义为一个长20，40或45英尺的标准化钢制容器，它能够装载任何类型的货物。 These containers are a global ISO standard and work on essentially any ship, truck, or railcar that is fitted for them. This standardization, of course, alleviates concerns over how to pack a ship, what’s on it, whether the goods will be stolen at the dock, or whether it fit on a certain truck or train. Containers let you treat the physical atoms of the world almost like computerized bits. 这些集装箱都符合一个国际通用的ISO标准，并且能够与几乎所有针对它调整过的轮船，卡车或是有轨列车配合工作。这种标准化工作显然缓解了人们对于诸如该怎样装满一艘货船，船上都装了些什么，停放在港口的货物是否会被偷走，或者货物能否被装进一辆特定的卡车或列车这类问题的担忧。集装箱为你提供了一种像对待计算机中的比特位一样来对待真实世界中物理原子的方式。 The development of containers revolutionized trading among nations. Within 5 years of “containerization,” posits one estimate, trade among nations increased 320%; within 20 years, trade increased by 790%. In 1965, before containerization, a crew could move 1.7 tons of goods per hour. After containerization, a crew could move 30 tons per hour — a 17.6x increase in productivity. 集装箱的发展为国家间贸易带来了一场革命。根据一项估计，在集装箱化开始的5年内，世界各国间的贸易量增长了320%；在20年内，增长了790%。在集装箱化开始前的1965年，一名工人每小时能够搬运1.7吨货物。而在集装箱化之后，一名工人每小时则能够搬运30吨货物——这意味着生产率提高了17.6倍。 Typically, containers arrive via specialized ships at designated ports that have the particular equipment for unloading and loading the cargo as well as loading it onto trucks that can bring the goods to their destinations. The ports, and the level of efficiency with which they can process goods, have profoundly affected the global economy. 通常，集装箱会由特制的集装箱船运往那些拥有装卸货物的特定设备的指定港口，然后被装上集装箱卡车，将货物运送到目的地。而港口，以及它们处理货物的效率水平，对全球经济有着深刻的影响。 From the perspective of a ship coming into a port with containers and in the simplest terms, there a[re] three critical pieces of technology: the “gantry cranes” that lift the containers from the ships, the transport vehicles that move the containers strategically around each port’s container yard to a designated delivery location, and the stacking cranes that pile up the containers so that trucks can come take them away. For exporters, who move containers from truck to ship, this process operates in reverse. 从一艘装载着集装箱驶入港口的货轮的角度来看，通俗地说，有三项关键技术影响着效率：从货轮上吊起集装箱的龙门起重机，负责按照特定策略将集装箱运往港内集装箱堆场中指定位置的运输车，还有负责堆放集装箱以让运输卡车能够将集装箱运出港口的堆垛起重机。而对于货物的出口商而言，由于他们需要将集装箱从卡车转运到货轮上，整个流程的顺序则是相反的。 The machinery of these three components (gantry cranes, transport vehicles, and stacking cranes) can be operated either by humans or software. In Oakland, like most of the United States, all three are operated by humans. But the reality is that software automation can not only make this process faster and safer, but available at a lower variable cost. 这三部分的机械装置（龙门起重机，运输车和堆垛起重机）既可人工操作，也可以由软件来操作。在奥克兰港，与美国的大多数港口一样，全部三个部分都是人工操作的。但事实是，软件自动化不仅能让这些流程更加安全快速，而且可变成本也更低。 While the process of automation hasn’t yet started in the Port of Oakland, Rotterdam began implementing port automation back in the 1990s. After investing hundreds of millions of dollars, Rotterdam’s port boasts an operation in which all stacking cranes that pile up the containers and transport vehicles are run by software. 奥克兰港直到今天还没有开启港口自动化的进程，而鹿特丹港早在上世纪九十年代就已经开始实施港口的自动化运作了。在投入了数亿美元资金后，鹿特丹港骄傲地向人们展示了新的操作流程，在该流程中，所有负责堆放集装箱的堆垛起重机以及运输车辆都是由软件操控的。 This is a far cry from Oakland, where every transport vehicle has a driver and each stack crane has multiple operators working in pairs for a single shift as well as dockman and clerks to help coordinate and direct the operators and vehicle flow within the container yard. 而奥克兰港的情况则与此相去甚远，在奥克兰港，每辆运输车都有一名司机，而每台堆垛起重机在进行一次搬运时都需要多名操作员结对工作，此外还需要码头工人和一些记录员在集装箱堆场内帮助协调引导操作员和运输车流。 The most difficult part of the port to automate is the gantry crane, which plucks the container from the ship—partly due to the extreme potential danger involved. At most ports, before a container can be removed from a ship, a human must unlock the lower container lock; in a fully-automated system, there exists the omnipresent risk that a completely robotic gantry crane might not notice the human who unlocked the container. 在整个港口机械中最难自动化的部分是龙门起重机，它负责从货船上吊起集装箱——之所以难以自动化，其中的部分原因是这种操作中蕴含着极大的潜在危险。在大多数的港口，集装箱在能够被从货船上吊走之前，一名操作员必须人工解开集装箱下端的锁；而在一个全自动化的系统中则存在一种无处不在的风险，就是一个完全自动化的龙门起重机可能不会注意到负责人工将集装箱解锁的那名操作员。 However, many vessels have started to convert towards automatic locking and unlocking equipment that eliminates the need for a person to climb amongst the stacks of containers on a vessel and unlock containers before they are unloaded. In an automated system, humans would only need to interact with the equipment in this setting if there was a malfunction with the locking mechanism and bringing attention to a safety stoppage until the malfunction is addressed. Ultimately, this lends further support to the safety benefits to increased levels of automation. 然而，很多货船已经开始转向自动化的集装箱锁定和解锁设备，以消除对那些需要在船上成堆的集装箱中攀爬并在集装箱被卸载之前为其解锁的操作员的需求。在一个自动化的系统中，人们只需要在锁定机制发生故障时与这套设置中的设备进行交互，请求系统关注并启动安全停工机制，直到故障被排除。最终，这种机制通过带来更多的安全收益为更高水平的自动化赢得了更多的支持。 In Oakland, teams of humans operate on-site gantry cranes. In the newest terminal at Rotterdam, however, a single person who operates this crane sits in an office and controls the machine from his or her computer. A person is still operating the controls of the gantry crane, but that person now has software assisting him, making the job more comfortable, easier, and more productive. 在奥克兰港，龙门起重机是由一队队的工人操作的。而在鹿特丹港最新的码头，一台龙门起重机唯一的操作员坐在办公室里通过电脑来控制这台机器。龙门起重机仍然需要一个人来操控，但这名操作员现在有了软件的协助，这使得这项工作变得更轻松，更舒服，同时也更有效率。 At a build cost of over $535 million, the Rotterdam port is now considered the most advanced in the world, with all three major parts of the container moving process automated. In Rotterdam’s other terminals, almost every single transport vehicle and stacking crane are fully automated. 鹿特丹港新集装箱码头的建造成本超过了5.35亿美元，它被认为是目前世界上最先进的集装箱码头，流程中所有的三个主要部分全都已经自动化了。而在鹿特丹港的其它集装箱码头，几乎所有的运输车和堆垛起重机的运作也已经完全自动化了。 Contrasting Levels of Productivity 对比鲜明的生产率水平 It is difficult to make an apples to apples comparison of productivity between the two ports; due to the variables in the way in which they are structured, vessel size, vessel call schedules, shipping channel depth, gantry crane height and reach as well as limited public information for additional metrics. However, let’s take our best stab at figuring out just how much more efficient Rotterdam is than Oakland. 由于两个港口在建造方式，货轮大小，货轮调度时间表，航运通道的水深，龙门起重机的高度和范围以及其它一些难以从公开信息中获得的更多变量上存在的诸多不同，很难将奥克兰港和鹿特丹港的生产效率进行一一对应的同类比较。尽管如此，我们仍然可以尽量尝试着看看鹿特丹港究竟比奥克兰港要高效多少。 Rotterdam is the much larger port of the two, with 445 millions tons passing through it each year compared to just 47 million per year in Oakland. Much of this difference, however, is attributed to the fact that Rotterdam also accepts shipments of resources like oil that do not come in containers, whereas Oakland predominantly accepts containers. 鹿特丹港要比奥克兰港大得多，每年通过鹿特丹港运输的货物达到了4.45亿吨，相比之下，奥克兰港每年的货运量只有4700万吨。但这其中很大一部分差异要归因于鹿特丹港还接受诸如原油这类不使用集装箱来运输的资源，而奥克兰港则基本上只接受集装箱。 Instead of gauging volumes, let’s start by looking at how many containers pass through Rotterdam versus Oakland. The industry metric for number of containers is the "TEU”, or “twenty-foot equivalent unit”. In the 2014 shipping year, 12.3 million TEUs passed through Rotterdam, compared to 2.4 million in Oakland. Naturally, there are more berths for ships and cranes in Rotterdam, so that doesn’t necessarily mean Rotterdam is more productive (it could simply just be bigger). 先不看货运量，让我看看有多少集装箱分别通过鹿特丹港和奥克兰港进行运输。航运业内衡量集装箱数量的单位是TEU，也就是“二十英尺等量单位”。在2014航运年度，有1230万TEU的集装箱货运量通过鹿特丹港，而只有230万TEU的集装箱货运量通过奥克兰港。很自然地，因为鹿特丹港拥有更多的船舶泊位和起重机，这并不一定意味着鹿特丹港比奥克兰港的生产率更高（可能仅仅是因为鹿特丹港更大）。 Publicly available data tells us that there are 36 gantry cranes in Oakland versus 103 in Rotterdam (note: this is pre-automated terminal, which is only just getting started, but will add 26 more cranes). To get our best estimate of productivity, let’s take a look at how many TEUs are processed by each of those cranes in Rotterdam (where most of the process is automated), versus in Oakland: 可公开获得的数据告诉我们，奥克兰港拥有36台龙门起重机，而在鹿特丹港，这个数字是103（作者注：这个数字仅仅包括了还没有完全自动化的货运码头，而这仅仅是个开始，之后还将有26台起重机加入进来）。为了得到我们对于生产率的最优估计，让我们看看在鹿特丹港（那里大多数的流程都已经自动化了）和奥克兰港，一年内分别有多少TEU的集装箱货运量通过一台龙门起重机： By this (admittedly rough) calculation, cranes in Rotterdam are almost 80% more productive than in Oakland. 根据这项计算（必须承认它很粗略），鹿特丹港的起重机的效率要比奥克兰港高出接近80%。 Why Does Automation Make Things Faster? 为什么自动化能提高效率？ It should go without saying that automation makes ports operate faster, but the exact reasons for this are less obvious. 自动化能够让港口运转得更快这个结论似乎是无需多言的，但其中实际的原因却并不是那么显而易见。 First, and perhaps most importantly, high levels of automation make it easier to have multiple shifts per day and better utilize expensive capital assets (cranes, trucks, berths, etc). In Oakland, it’s extremely expensive to run a second shift to quickly unload a ship because it is necessary to pay employees overtime wages in order to do so. 首先，或许也是最重要的一点是，高水平的自动化让每天处理多个班次变得更加容易，而这意味着对那些昂贵的资本资产（起重机，卡车，泊位等）更加有效的利用。在奥克兰港，想要加一个班次以尽快将一整船货物卸载完毕是一件非常昂贵的事情，因为这么做需要向雇员们支付加班工资。 In Rotterdam, it’s much more the normal course of business to operate two or three shifts per 24 hour period, especially for container yard deliveries. All terminals in the Port of Oakland still run 1st, 2nd and 3rd shift operations as needed based on volume, it is just at much higher cost to both capital and human assets. 而在鹿特丹港，在24小时的周期内进行两班或三班倒则更像是一种常态化的运作，尤其是对于像集装箱堆场内的运输这样的任务而言。奥克兰港所有的货运码头仍然根据货运量的具体需求来加班，甚至是三班倒，而这对于资本和人力资产而言都会带来高得多的成本。 Human-operated and software-operated cranes, can, in theory, move containers at the same rate. However, humans get tired and distracted, and don’t consistently operate at peak performance. Software, on the other hand, operates at the same rate no matter what. Technology can also make workers’ jobs easier and safer, reducing workplace stress which can increase productivity in its own right. 理论上说，人工操纵的起重机和软件操纵的起重机应该能够以相同的速率搬运集装箱。但是，人会变得疲劳，注意力也容易被分散，因此不能一直维持峰值表现。而软件则能够在任何情况下都以相同的效率进行操作。技术还能够让工人们的工作变得更加轻松和安全，从而减轻工作压力，而这本身也能够让生产率得到提升。 Why the Lack of Automation in Oakland? 为何奥克兰港缺乏自动化运作？ A key reason that Oakland and the United States lag in terms of automation is that upgrading to automated systems is extremely expensive: new, fully automated terminals cost over half a billion dollars to implement. Nevertheless, one expert estimates that automation makes financial sense when a port is handling around one million TEUs per year. 奥克兰港和美国其它港口在自动化方面落后的一个核心原因是，升级到自动化系统的费用非常高昂：建造一个新的完全自动化的货运码头需要花费超过5亿美元。然而，一位专家估计，如果一个港口每年能够运送大约100万TEU的集装箱货运量，那么自动化便有其财务价值。 Oakland, currently handles more than twice that amount in total TEU, however none of the terminals in the Port individually service over a million TEU in volume. There are several terminals that are close and in the very near future could hit that tipping point for the return on the investment in automation technologies. 虽然奥克兰港目前以TEU计算的总货运量超过了这个数字的两倍，然而其中并没有任何一个货运码头每年独立承担的货运量超过100万TEU。有几个码头的货运量接近这个数字，并且可能在不远的将来达到自动化技术投资回报的临界点。 A second reason for the delay in adopting modern automation is the effect on union jobs. Some have estimated that if the Port of Oakland were to implement a modern level of automation, 40-50% of the jobs would be eliminated. 第二个使美国港口迟迟没有采用现代自动化技术的原因则是自动化技术对工会职位所产生的影响。一些人已经作出估计，如果奥克兰港达到了现代的自动化水平，那么40%到50%的职位将会消失。 All ports on the West Coast of the United States are organized under a single union, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), which gives them a tremendously powerful collective bargaining position. A strike doesn’t just affect one port, but every single port on the West Coast. 美国西海岸的所有港口都被组织在同一家工会之下——国际码头和仓库工人工会（ILWU），这让他们处于一个强有力的集体谈判地位。一次罢工并不仅仅是影响一个港口，而是会影响到西海岸的每一个港口。 This union power was used to oppose the introduction of containers in the 1960s and, later, computerized systems for tracking cargo. In each case, however, the union eventually conceded the introduction of these technologies in exchange for higher wages for existing workers and buyouts for displaced ones. 这家工会的力量曾经在1960年代用来反对集装箱的引入，在之后还曾被用来反对引入用于跟踪货物的计算机系统。但每一次，工会最终都接受了这些技术的引入，以换取现有员工的更高工资以及那些被替代工人的买断费用。 As with previous disruptive technology ILWU will need to be compensated for any reduction in jobs. Today, the average member of the union in Oakland makes $147,000 per year in wages, with benefits equal to another $82,000 per year. Needless to say, providing buyouts to force retirement on these union workers, many of whom have dedicated their entire working lives to port operations, is not an appetizing prospect for the terminal operators. 和之前那些颠覆性技术一样，对于港口自动化技术，ILWU也将为任何因此被削减的职位要求补偿。目前，在奥克兰港工作的工会会员的平均工资是每年14.7万美元，此外他们还享受着每年等价于8.2万美元的福利。不用说，为这些工会工人的强制退休提供买断费用——他们中的很多人将自己的整个职业生涯都献给了港口工作——对于码头运营商们而言并不是一个看起来很有吸引力的选项。 Nevertheless, several mitigating factors may allow automation to proceed. For one, the job loss calculations largely assume that shipping volumes will not be affected by automation. However, as automation reduces the price of shipping, we should expect to more shipping, which will partially offset some of the job losses. 然而，一些正在缓和的因素可能会让自动化技术的引进变得可行。一方面，对于工作职位减少量的计算在很大程度上是假设货运量不会受到自动化技术的影响。但是自动化技术会降低航运的成本，我们可以预期这将带来更多的货运量，从而抵消一部分由它带来的职位削减。 More importantly, the returns on investment in port terminal automation are large enough that there should be room for a negotiated settlement that makes both the union and the terminal operators happy. 更重要的是，投资于港口货运码头的自动化技术所带来的回报足够大，这将为工会和港口运营商之间的谈判提供空间，以达成一个能让双方皆大欢喜的协议。 Port terminal automation is no different from any other form of technological disruption, which almost inevitably leads to displacement of some segments of the workforce. In the long run, however, technology ends up creating better jobs and expanded opportunities across broad spectrums of the economy. Managing the transition is hard, often requiring social safety nets from government, as well as concessions from those who stand to benefit from the new technology. 港口货运码头的自动化与其它任何形式的颠覆性技术相比并没有什么不同，它们几乎不可避免地会替代某些现有劳动力。但从长期来看，技术最终会在更广阔的经济民生中创造出更多更好的工作机会。管理由技术带来的转变是困难的，这通常需要政府的社会保障网络提供帮助，同时还需要那些新技术的受益者作出一些让步。 Given the march of “software eating the world,” it’s hard to imagine a future where American ports do not become more automated. Difficult as the transition toward port automation may be, shying away from the challenge means less trade among countries. Shipping technology advancements have shown themselves time and again to be capable of creating a more prosperous and interconnected world. 在“软件改变世界”的大潮之中，很难想象在未来美国的港口不会变得更加自动化。也许向港口自动化的转变过程会很艰难，但回避其中的挑战意味着国家间的贸易将因此减少。航运技术的进步已在过去一次次证明了它们有能力创造一个更加繁荣和更具连通性的世界。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

Whose Fault is Baltimore？ 巴尔的摩骚乱谁之过？ 时间：＠ 2015-4-30 译者：Drunkplane（＠Drunkplane-zny） 校对：龟海海 来源：The Burning Platform，http://www.theburningplatform.com/2015/04/30/whose-fault-is-baltimore/ I’ve seen the liberal lying MSM pondering how WE could allow the riots, looting, burning and lawlessness to happen, as if it is our collective fault. Obama stands before his teleprompter and pontificates about the need for us to end the poverty that supposedly led to Purge Night in Charm City. 我看到那些满嘴跑火车的自由派主流媒体成天思考我们（又被代表）怎么能容忍暴动、抢劫、纵火和无法无天，就好像这是整个城市的错。奥巴马站在他的提词器前武断地宣称消除贫困的必要，似乎这贫困将会导致“净化之夜”在这魅力之城上演。【译注：电影《净化》中，未来的美国变成了一个极权的警察国家。每年的3月21日晚7点到次日早7点被称作净化之夜，在此期间所有的暴力犯罪都是合法的。】 That term cracks me up. The city has so much charm, its football team once snuck out of town overnight and headed to Indianapolis. It has so much charm its baseball team was forced to play a game with no fans in the stands. 这情景让我反胃。这座城市是如此有魅力，它的橄榄球队曾半夜溜出城跑到印第安纳波利斯去；它如此有魅力，它的棒球队曾被迫在没有一个球迷的球场上打比赛。 I think most people can agree that Freddie Gray, a petty drug dealer, was killed in police custody for the crime of looking suspicious. The policemen who killed him deserve to go to jail for murder. As usual, the powers that be circled the wagons and intended to exonerate the hero first responders. 我想大部分人都会同意，Freddie Gray——一个小混混毒贩子——仅仅因为看起来可疑而被捕并在羁押期间遭到杀害。那些杀害他的警察理应为谋杀而坐牢。同往常一样，权贵们对此事会引起的风波早有准备，并且打算赦免那英雄的第一响应者【first responder，指突发状况时首先到场的警察、医护人员等。】。 The people of Baltimore had a right to be pissed. They had a right to protest. They didn’t have a right to burn businesses and cars. They didn’t have the right to riot, loot, and injure others. 巴尔的摩的人们有权感到愤怒，他们有权游行示威。但他们没有权利去焚烧商场和汽车，他们没权利暴乱、抢劫和伤害他人。 It is the police department created and controlled for decades by Democratic progressive politicians that has committed the atrocities against the people who have been electing these progressives year after year. Baltimore has a corrupt, reckless, out of control police department enabled by a crooked and incompetent Baltimore politicians. The rap sheet for Baltimore’s finest is long: 由民主党的进步派政客创建并控制了数十年的警察局屡屡犯下暴行，而人们年复一年地把这些进步派选上台。巴尔的摩有个腐败的、厚颜无耻的、失控的警察局，全靠一群腐败无能的政客得以运转。巴警察局干过的好事可不少：

• Police commissioner Ed Norris was sent to prison on corruption charges (2004)
• 2004年警察局长Ed Norris因为腐败而于锒铛入狱。
• Two detectives were sentenced to 454 years in prison for dealing drugs (2005)
• 2005年两位警探因为贩毒而被判刑454年。
• An officer was dismissed after being videotaped verbally abusing a 14-year-old and then failing to file a report on his use of force against the same teenager (2011)
• 2011年一位警官对一名14岁少年言语虐待并被拍摄下来，而后他无法书面解释为何对同一位少年使用武力，最终被解职。
• An officer was been fired for sexually abusing a minor (2014)
• 2014年，一位警官因为性虐待未成年人而被开除。
• The city paid a quarter-million-dollar settlement to a man police illegally arrested for the non-crime of recording them at work with his mobile phone.
• 巴市曾付过一笔25万美元的庭外和解费，只因警员们非法拘捕一位拿手机拍摄他们执法的男士。

The cries of racism and white oppression ring hollow. It’s a tired storyline. Facts are always inconvenient to race baiters with an agenda to extract more money from whites with a guilty conscience and the inability or unwillingness to speak the truth. Let’s examine some facts about good old Charm City, USA. 对种族主义和白人迫害的哭诉是空洞无力的，这也是陈词滥调了。对种族迫害论者而言，事实真相往往不合时宜，他们总是试图通过白人的负罪感、在说出真相上的无能或不情愿，来攫取更多的钱财。让我们来看看巴尔的摩这传说中的“魅力之城”都有哪些丰功伟绩吧。

• The fine citizens of this metropolis have not elected a Republican as mayor since 1963, before the War on Poverty began. That mayor’s 4 year term is the only interruption in Democrat rule since 1947. They have had Democrat control for 64 of the last 68 years, and sole control for the last 48 years straight.
• 自打1963年起，巴市的良民们就没有选出过哪怕一位共和党的市长，那时“向贫穷开战”还未开始【War on Poverty，指美国第三十六任总统林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊推行的一系列福利法案。】从1947年起，市长的4年任期限制就是民主党统治的仅有停顿。68年间，民主党主政了64年，过去的48年民主党更是大权独揽。
• Their mayor is black. Their previous mayor, Sheila Dixon, was black. She was convicted of embezzlement in 2010 and couldn’t finish her term. They had a white mayor (current Democratic Presidential hopeful Martin O’Malley) for eight years. The mayor before him was black.
• 他们的现任市长是黑人。他们的前任市长，Shiela Dixon,是黑人。她因为在2010年挪用公款而未能干满任期。他们曾有过一个干了八年的白人市长（如今民主党的热门总统竞选人Martin O’Malley）。在他之前，市长也是黑人。
• Their City Council consists of 15 members. All fifteen are Democrats. The Council President is black. Democrats have had control of legislation in Baltimore for the last 50 years. Every program, policy, initiative, or school curriculum that exists in Baltimore was enacted by liberal Democrats.
• 他们的市议会由15名成员组成，15人全是民主党。市议会的主席是黑人。过去50年，民主党控制了巴市的立法，巴尔的摩的每一个项目、政策、动议，甚至学校课程，都是由自由派民主党人制定颁布。
• The Police Commissioner is black. Approximately 50% of the police force is black.
• 警察局长是黑人。大约一半的警察也是黑人。
• The School Superintendent is black, along with the School Board. The district has an annual budget of $1.32 billion to teach 84,000 kids. The Baltimore school system ranks second among the nation’s 100 largest school districts in how much it spent per pupil at $15,700 per student. Only NYC spends more. Only two thirds of students graduate high school, despite this high level of spending.
• 校监是黑人，全体校董会也是黑人。学区每年拥有13.2亿美元预算作为84000个孩子的教育经费。在全美最大的100个学区中，巴尔的摩的教学系统花在每个学生身上的经费位列第二，平均每人高达15700美元，只有纽约市花得比这更多。尽管有如此高的花销，只有三分之二的学生从高中毕业。
• The average SAT scores of Baltimore City public school students are: 379 in Reading; 376 in Math; 381 in Writing. These are the scores of the best of the best in Baltimore schools who actually think they should get into college. The average scores in the country, which still suck, are around 500. Students with these scores have about a 15% chance of graduating college. This is the ROI you get after spending $188,000 per student over their 12 year academic career.
• 巴市公立学校学生的SAT成绩平均为：阅读379分，数学376分，作文381分。这还是那些自认应该进入大学的顶尖学生的分数。全国的平均分，虽然低但也有500左右。有着这成绩的学生有15%的机会从大学毕业。这就是在一个学生12年的学习生涯中花掉188000美元的投资回报率。
• The population of Baltimore is 623,000 and 63% are black. Median household income is $41,000, with 24% living below the poverty line. The home ownership rate is 48%. The percentage of college graduates is 27%.
• 巴市有623000人口，其中63%是黑人。每户人家的年平均收入是41000美元，24%的家庭生活在贫困线以下。48%的人拥有自己的房屋。只有27%的人是大学毕业生。
• The population was 950,000 in 1950, so it has fallen by 35% in the last 65 years. The population was 24% black in 1950. Decades of liberal Democrat policies drove most of the white population out of the city.
• 1950年的人口总数是950000，过去65年降低了35%。1950年黑人占人口总数的24%。数十年来民主党的政策将大多数白人赶出了这座城市。
• Baltimore’s violent crime rate is 370% higher than the U.S. rate. They have over 200 murders, 300 rapes, 3,600 robberies, 4,600 assaults, 7,800 burglaries, and 22,000 thefts per year. These are all 2 to 4 times the U.S. averages per 100,000 people.
• 巴市的暴力犯罪率是比全美水平高出3.7倍。这里一年发生200起命案、300起强奸案、3600起抢劫案、4600次人身伤害、7800起入室抢劫和22000起盗窃案。每一项都是全美每十万人平均犯案率的二至四倍。
• Over 35% of all Baltimore residents get food stamps. Over 85% of the kids get free breakfasts and lunches at school. More than 60% of Baltimore residents are receiving some form of government assistance.
• 超过35%的巴市居民领取食物救济券。超过85%的小孩在学校领取免费的早晨和午餐。全市超过60%的居民领取政府发放的某种救济。
• Baltimore’s welfare paradise is paid for by outrageously high taxes. It’s income tax rate of 3.2% is on top of the state rate of 4.75%. It’s property tax rate is more than double the other counties in Maryland. The sales tax rate is 6%. Corporations pay an income tax rate of 8.25%.
• 巴市的这种福利天堂是靠高得离谱的税收支撑的。个人所得税在州税率4.75%的基础上额外多收3.2%。。它的财产税比马里兰州其他郡的两倍还高。它的消费税为6%。公司要付的所得税为8.25%。
• The percentage of out of wedlock births to black women in Baltimore exceeds 72%. Baltimore and Detroit are the two cities with populations over 600,000 with the highest percentage of single parent households – 59% to 61%.
• 在巴市，黑人妇女婚外生育的比例高达72%。巴尔的摩和底特律都有超过60万的人口，它们的单亲家庭比例也是全美最高——分别为59%和61%。
• The reported unemployment rate for Baltimore is 8.2%, one of the highest in the country. In reality, 42% of the working age population is not working. Young black men between the ages of 20 and 24 have a reported unemployment rate of 37%. But in reality, it is north of 60%. The number of employees in 1990 totaled 475,000. Today they total 365,000, down 23%.
• 据报道，巴市的失业率为8.2%，为全国失业率最高的城市之一。事实上，42%的适龄人口都没有工作。20至24岁的黑人男性失业率据报道为37%，事实上远远不止60%。1990年，雇员的总数为475000，今天这个数字为365000，下降了23%。

It doesn’t take a village to raze, burn, and loot a village. It just takes 50 years of liberal economic and social policies. Of course the liberal media, liberal politicians, and liberal voters don’t think anyone should be blamed for the disaster that Baltimore and every other Democrat controlled urban shithole (Detroit, Philadelphia, St. Louis, Atlanta, Cleveland) have become over the last 50 years. 毁掉一个村子无须全村出力【编注：此处取典于一句非洲谚语“It takes a village to raise a child”，意思是为孩子成长提供文化环境的是整个社区，而非仅仅是个体家庭】，50年的自由派经济和社会政策足矣。当然，自由派媒体、政客和选民并不认为谁应该为过去50年巴尔的摩以及其他（底特律、费城、圣路易斯、亚特兰大、克利夫兰）民主党控制下的都市粪坑里所发生的灾难而受责难。 Community organizer Adam Jackson, living up to the standards of Organizer in Chief Obama, declared that in Baltimore “the Democrats and the Republicans have both failed.” At least progressive community organizers have a sense of humor. How can Republicans have failed if the mayors and City Council have been 100% Democrat since the mid 1960s? I wonder how many Republicans were among the youths burning, looting, and destroying the city this week. 社区组织者Adam Jackson倒是挺合奥巴马老大对组织者的口味，他宣称在巴尔的摩“民主党和共和党都是失败者”。至少这些人还挺幽默的，当巴尔的摩的市长和市议会从60年代中期开始便全是民主党人，共和党的失败倒是从何说起？我倒是想知道在这周的青年纵火、抢劫和破坏活动中有几个共和党参与。 No Republican, and definitely no conservative, is responsible for the poverty, crime, educational failure, and disintegration of this lesson in Democratic rule. Baltimore’s police department is the product of the progressive wing of the Democratic party, enabled by black identity politics. This is entirely a left-wing Democratic creation. They get all the credit for what Baltimore has become. The mayor of Baltimore is an incompetent bumbling fool. These corrupt, arrogant left wing boobs are incapable of running a school system, police department, or economy. 没有共和党，当然更没有保守主义，这便是贫穷、犯罪、教育失败和民主党秩序崩溃的原因。巴尔的摩警察局就是民主党进步派的造物，奉行的是黑人本位政策。这完全是左翼民主党人的杰作，巴尔的摩的今天全拜其所赐。巴尔的摩市长就是个无能蠢货。这些腐败的、自以为是左翼笨蛋根本无力让教育系统、警察局或是城市经济正常运转。 They know how to play race politics to get elected. They know how to increase taxes on the few remaining producers in order to redistribute it to their black voters. They know how to destroy businesses and jobs. They know how to create a welfare mindset among black people, enslaving them in poverty, dependency, and ignorance. Blacks have suffered the most from Democratic black rule. 他们知道怎么打好种族这张牌来当选。他们知道如何对仅存的几个企业征税，好把财富重新分配给他们的黑人选民。他们知道怎么毁掉商业和工作岗位。他们知道怎么让黑人对福利上瘾，用贫穷、依赖和无知去奴役他们。民主党的“黑人统治”给黑人带来的伤害恰恰最大。 These riots will result in less businesses, less jobs and less taxes for the city. Blacks will be hurt the most, but they will continue to vote for Democrats. Insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting a different result. Believing liberal welfare policies will fix the problems created by liberal welfare policies is insane. Liberalism is a disease of the brain and has infected a vast swath of America, especially in urban enclaves across the land. 这些暴乱将让这座城市的商业、工作岗位和税收越来越少。黑人将最受伤，但他们还是会给民主党投票。疯狂的市民总是种下同样的因却期盼着不同的果。相信自由派的福利政策会解决自由派福利政策带来的问题，这就是疯狂。自由主义是一种观念疾病，并已经感染了一大帮美国人，尤其是那些在城市孤岛里的居民。 Baltimore and every other Democrat controlled urban enclave in America are destined for decline, destruction, and civic decay. Baltimore cannot be fixed by spending more money on welfare programs. The country has spent $22 trillion on anti-poverty programs since LBJ declared his war on poverty. 巴尔的摩和其他民主党控制下的城市孤岛注定会衰败、毁灭、民生凋敝。靠在福利项目上花更多钱救不了巴尔的摩。自林登·约翰逊总统宣布“向贫穷开战”以来，这个国家已经花了22万亿美元在消除贫困的项目上了。 They haven’t moved the dial on poverty one iota. They have created generations of dependent black people, trapped in urban ghettos like Baltimore. If you can’t educate children for $15,700 per year, then you won’t educate them any better for $18,000 per year. Liberals will never admit their policies, programs, and corrupt practices created this national disaster. 他们在贫穷问题上毫无建树。他们培养了一代代习惯于依赖的黑人，这些人便被困在像巴尔的摩这样的贫民窟里。如果你一年花15700美元教育不好一个小孩，那你一年花18000美元也无济于事。自由派不会承认他们的政策、项目和腐败的作风导致了这个全国性的灾难。 Liberal welfare policies have encouraged and rewarded out of wedlock births. The 72% black out of wedlock birth rate is the single biggest cause of Baltimore’s long-term decline. Children without fathers are destined to be uneducated, unemployed, and underachieving. Children raised by married working parents who provide good role models are not on the streets. They are studying. They are not looting, killing, robbing or having kids when they are teenagers. 此外，自由派的福利政策无疑鼓励了非婚生育。72%的非婚生育率是巴尔的摩长期衰败的最大缘由。没有父亲的孩子们注定无法受到良好教育、注定失业并一事无成。那些双亲都有工作且能为表率的孩子们是不会在街头游手好闲的——他们要学习。他们不会去抢、去杀，不会十几岁就为人父母。 There are no guarantees in life, but being stupid, lazy and ignorant guarantees a life of poverty. Liberal welfare policies pay these people to have more kids out of wedlock in order to maximize their welfare payments. There have now been three generations of black people entrapped by these demented welfare programs. 没有什么能担保你有一个好的生活，但愚蠢、懒惰和无知却保准让你的生活一贫如洗。自由派的福利政策付钱给这些人，好让他们非婚生育更多的孩子以获得最多的福利款。已有整整三代黑人被困在这些疯狂的福利项目之中。 There is no will among the recipients or distributors of race based welfare payments to change their policies or programs. Therefore, every time a white cop kills a black person or a white store owner kills a black thief in Baltimore or any urban ghetto, the potential for riots, looting, and burning of businesses will rear its ugly head. 福利款的接受者或是发放者都没有意愿去改变这些基于种族的福利政策或项目。因此，在巴尔的摩或其他某个城市贫民窟，每当一个白人警察杀死一个黑人或是一个白人店主杀死一个黑人小偷，骚乱、抢劫、纵火等丑恶行径便会抬头。 The only guarantee is the liberals running the urban ghetto will not accept blame for what they have wrought. Farewell to the America of personal responsibility, work ethic, marriage, family, and valuing education. 唯一确定的是，控制这些城市贫民窟的自由派是不会接受任何对他们所犯好事的批评的。向那个推崇个人责任、勤勉美德，赞美婚姻、家庭并珍视教育的美国道别吧！ The esteemed mayor of Baltimore Stephanie Rawlings-Blake (of course a liberal black woman must hyphenate her name) summed up the disease of liberalism after her peeps had destroyed their neighborhoods the night before: 我们尊敬的巴尔地摩市市长Stephanie Rawlings-Blake（哦，当然，一个自由派的黑人妇女的名字中自然会有连字符，以显示她已婚或来自少数族裔）在其同胞于昨晚破坏了他们的社区后，这样总结自由主义的病症：

“It’s a very delicate balancing act, because while we tried to make sure that they were protected from the cars and the other things that were going on, we also gave those who wished to destroy space to do that as well.” “（警方的行动）有一种微妙的平衡，因为当我们试图确保抗议者不被车流和其他来往的东西伤害的同时，也给了那些想要搞破坏的人以机会。”

You reap what you sow America. 你们曾在美国大地播撒下那些种子，如今正在收获它们结出的果实。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

Family hut sharing: how Norway avoids cabin fever 家庭小屋分享：挪威如何避免度假小屋“热” ——如何分配度假别墅小木屋遗产的问题 作者：Simone Abram @ 2015-10-1 译者：Horace Rae(@Sheldon_rae) 校对：龟海海 来源：The Conversation，https://theconversation.com/family-hut-sharing-how-norway-avoids-cabin-fever-46640 Mountain cabins and seaside houses are part of the Scandinavian dream. Europeans are right to envy their Nordic compatriots, who can gather with family and friends at a simple house for hiking, skiing, mushrooming, or just relaxing in front of a magnificent landscape. 山间小屋和海景房是斯堪的纳维亚梦的一部分。欧洲人很有理由羡慕他们的北欧同胞——北欧人可以和家人朋友们在一间房子里团聚，出去远足、滑雪、采蘑菇，或者在壮美的风景前悠然沉醉。 About half of all Norwegians have access to a summer house of some kind. The first boom in cabin ownership was in the 1960s, when intrepid Norwegians hiked into the mountains to build themselves a little hideaway. Another boom in the 2000s saw increasingly sophisticated summer houses coming onto the market in many upland areas. 约一半挪威人能享受某种形式的夏日度假屋。第一次小屋抢购潮发生在1960年代，那时，无畏的挪威人跋涉进大山，给自己搭建一个小小的世外桃源。另一次风潮发生在2000年代，那时日益成熟精致的夏日度假屋开始进入高地区域的房产市场。 At this time of year, many Norwegians have already closed up their summer cabins and are back at work, perhaps already looking forward to autumn half-term holidays at the end of September. 每年这个时候【编注：本文发表于10月1日】，挪威人已经锁上了夏日度假屋回去工作了，他们或许已经在期待九月末的秋季假期了。 For some of them though, the future of their cabin might be a little less straightforward than organising a shared calendar. As the first generation of owners leave cabins to their descendants, they often face difficult decisions. 但是，对于他们中的某些人来说，其小木屋的前途可没有安排共同日程那么简单直接。当第一代小木屋的主人想把木屋留给继承人时，他们往往需要面对艰难的决定。 Obscure agreements 模棱两可的条款 The main principle of Norwegian inheritance law is “partible inheritance”. This means that at least two thirds of a couple’s goods are expected to be divided equally between their children. 挪威继承法的主要原则是“遗产分割继承”。这意味着一对夫妇至少三分之二的财产应该被子女平均分配。 When it comes to a family home, inheritors who are already homeowners most commonly sell the house and share the proceeds, but the same does not necessarily apply to a cabin. Cabins are much more likely to stay in the family and be shared in different ways 对于家庭房屋，已拥有住房的继承人们通常会把房子卖掉，分配所得，但是这种原则并不适用于度假小屋。度假小屋更可能被留下，并以不同的方式分享。 One way that cabins can be shared is to split the ownership equally between siblings. This appears straightforward in principle, but if this happens over two or three generations, there may be so many owners that it becomes impossible to manage. 分享小屋的办法之一是，将所有权在子女间均等分割。这看似是最直接的原则，但是如果接连两三代都发生这样的分割，由于共有产权的人太多，小屋将变得无法管理。 As shares in the cabin move through the different branches of the family, and are split between various siblings, people can end up with 3/72 or 18/60 of a cabin, making ownership complex. 当小屋的所有权在家族不同分支中流传并被不同子女继承时，人们可能最终拥有小屋继承权的3/72或18/60，这就使得所有权状况十分复杂。 A popular option is to give ownership of the cabin to one child (or inheritor) and grant user rights to the others. To avoid disputes, many people add a clause to their will so that the owning inheritor cannot sell the cabin without giving the others the option of buying it first. 常规处理办法是把小屋的所有权给予一名子女（或继承人），然后保证其他人（直系亲属）拥有使用的权利。为了避免争端，许多人会在遗嘱中添加一个条款，规定如果不给其他共有人优先购买权，屋主不能出售小屋。 However, things can get even more complicated. Until the Norwegian government recently abolished inheritance tax, many couples would arrange to sell their cabins to their offspring in advance, still retaining usage rights themselves for up to four weeks a year. 并且，事情还能变得更复杂。在挪威政府近期废除继承税法之前，许多夫妇都已打算提前向其子女出售小屋，并且保留他们自己每年使用小屋四个月的权利。 There were good tax reasons to do this, which have now disappeared, but there are still good moral reasons behind the practice. 从税务的角度看来，这种做法大有裨益，虽然现在税务问题已经消失，但这种做法仍有良好的道德理由。 Parents who want to ensure their children remain on good terms with each other once they are gone, might settle their inheritance well before they are likely to die. This way, if the children are unhappy with the settlement, they can be unhappy with their parents, rather than with each other. 想要让孩子们在他们死后依然保持良好关系的父母，可能在他们去世前很久就安排好自己的财产。这样，如果孩子们对财产的分割不满意，他们可以对父母生气，而不至于亲人反目。 Despite attempts to keep the peace, things do go awry. Summer houses on the coast have become particularly valuable properties, because of the restricted areas where they may be built (despite the long coast, there are limits to coastal building). 尽管父母尝试保持和平，事情依然会弄糟。海滨的夏季度假屋已经成为相当珍贵的财产，因为它们的建造区域有限制（虽然挪威的海岸线很长，但是对海岸小屋的建造也有限制）。 Inheritance tax often priced inheritors out of taking on a cabin that may have been built 40 years ago for next to nothing, but is now a multi-million pound property. That problem has now disappeared. 之前，令人咋舌的继承税经常使继承人们不得不放弃一间40年前建造的，孤零零的临海小屋，它此时已是价值数百万磅的财产。这一问题现已不复存在。 However, issues still exist and there are good reasons why Norwegians often talk about stress and sadness in relation to cabins. “Everyone has a cabin story,” I am often told. 然而，问题依然存在，挪威人仍有很多理由谈论与小屋有关的压力和哀伤。“人人都有一段与度假屋有关的故事”，常有人对我说。 For example, say three siblings inherit a cabin equally and one wants out of the share, that then leaves the other two with a major bill to buy he or she out. This can often cause tension within the whole family. 举个例子，有三兄妹平分了一间小屋的所有权，然后其中一人想要卖掉自己的所有权，这就使得另外两人不得不花一大笔钱买下他或她的所有权。这种事情经常在整个家族内制造紧张气氛。 Worldwide lessons 各国的经验 There are many “blended” families in Norway due to exceptionally high divorce and remarriage rates. However, this doesn’t necessarily make things more complicated, as inheritance can go to direct heirs rather than step-children. 因为居高不下的离婚率和再婚率，挪威有许多重组家庭。然而，这未必会让事情变得更为复杂，因为遗产可以直接传给亲生子女，而不是继子继女。 When marrying, couples can retain property in their personal ownership, not necessarily bringing everything into joint ownership with their new spouse. 在结婚时，夫妇双方可以各自保留自己的财产，而不和新配偶共同拥有所有财产。 For example, if “Britta” owns a cabin that her parents built, she does not have to leave it to her new husband’s children from his previous marriage. 举个例子，如果Britta拥有一间父母建造的小屋，她不必把这间房子留给新丈夫在之前的婚姻中所育子女。 These days, so many families have cabins that there may be several to pass on. Each child might get a different one, and any significant difference in value might be compensated through a cash settlement. 如今，很多家庭都拥有小屋，所以会有很多小屋被传承。每个孩子可能得到不同的一间，并且任何价值上的显著差异都可以通过现金弥补。 By default however, this can also reinforce the difference between “legal” siblings (including birth and adopted siblings) and step-siblings, often quite subconsciously. 但是在默认情况下，这也会强化“法律上的”兄弟姐妹（包括亲生子女和收养子女）以及非同一对父母所生的兄弟姐妹之间的差异，这往往是潜意识地发生的。 Sharing a cabin doesn’t only bring a family together in the holidays, but it can also define what relations the different family members have with each other. 分享一间小屋不仅仅让一个家庭在假期相聚，这也能定义家庭成员之间的亲疏。 Perhaps surprisingly then, given the heightened emotions associated with a family cabin, startlingly few inheritance disputes end up in court. 纵然挪威人都有很深的小屋情结，令人吃惊的是，只有很少的继承争端最终走上法庭。 The abolition of inheritance tax has been seen as a potential threat to the “Equal Society” that the Norwegian welfare state has produced. But whether these changes will have an effect on the method of shared ownership and use of holiday cabins, remains to be seen. 继承税的废除，被视作对挪威这个福利国家之前创造的“平等社会”的威胁。但是这些改变是否能影响使用和分享度假小屋的方式，还得拭目以待。 It is quite likely that Norwegian families will continue to create equality – at least within the family – through sharing-arrangements at cabins. Whether equality can survive beyond the family is a different question. 很可能，挪威家庭将会通过分享小屋的方式继续创造平等——至少是在家庭内部。这种“平等”是否能衍生到家庭以外，就是另外一个问题了。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

Why Iranian migrants succeed in the US but fail in Sweden 为何伊朗移民成于美国却败于瑞典 作者：Nima Sanandaji @NimaSanandaji @ 2015-3-23 译者：Eartha（@王小贰_Eartha) 校对：小册子（@昵称被抢的小册子） 来源：CapX，http://www.capx.co/why-iranian-migrants-succeed-in-the-us-but-fail-in-sweden/ Maryam Mirzakhani was born in Iran in 1977. Showing an early gift for mathematics, she received a degree from Sharif University of Technology in Tehran. After moving to the US, Maryam earned her PhD from Harvard before becoming a young professor at Stanford. 玛利亚姆·米尔扎哈尼（Maryam Mirzakhani）于1977年出生在伊朗。她早早就显示出数学方面的天赋，并取得了位于德黑兰的谢里夫理工大学的学位。移居美国之后，玛利亚姆攻读了哈佛大学的博士学位，后成为斯坦福大学的一名年轻教授。 Last summer she was awarded the International Medal for Outstanding Discoveries in Mathematics. Maryam was the first women to win the medal, unofficially referred to as the “Nobel Prize of mathematics”. Since it was established in 1936, all previous winners have been male. 去年夏天，她成为史上第一位获得菲尔兹奖的女性，该奖有着“数学界诺贝尔奖”之称。自该奖项于1936年设立以来，所有获奖者均为男性。 The story of Maryam is not only one of an unusually talented individual. It is also in line with a wider social phenomenon, where upward-striving Iranians rely on a winning mix of eastern culture and western institutions. This success however, has been easier to reach in some western nations than others. 玛利亚姆的故事不仅仅只关于一个天赋异禀的个人，还反映了一个更普遍的社会现象——奋发向上的伊朗人成功将东方文化与西方体制融合。然而，这种成功在某些西方国家相对更容易实现一些。 In 2003, administrators at Stanford University’s Electrical Engineering Department were reportedly startled. The notoriously difficult entrance exam for PhD studies had been aced by a group of foreign students. 2003年时，据说斯坦福大学电气工程系的考官们很吃惊，因为一群外国学生在以艰难著称的博士学位入学考试取得了优异成绩。 It was no surprise that smart kids from Asia were on top. What was more unexpected is that the majority originated from one place – the same Sharif University where Maryam had studied. Stanford is not an isolated example. Iranian top students are doing well in the international Science Olympiads, and flourishing in foreign universities. 来自亚洲的聪明孩子名列前茅并不让人吃惊，可出人意料的是，这群学生中的大多数来自同一个地方——玛利亚姆曾就读的谢里夫理工大学。斯坦福并不是个例。伊朗的顶尖学生在国际科学奥林匹克竞赛中成绩出色，并在国外各个大学中表现优异。 This achievement wouldn’t be surprising if Iran was anything like Singapore, Korea or Taiwan. Pupils in the latter countries outperform the rest of the globe in mathematics, according to the survey Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study. Iranian pupils on the other hand have considerably lower scores than in developed countries such as the US or in Western Europe. 如果伊朗是像新加坡、韩国或者台湾那样的地方，那么这些成就就并不让人吃惊。根据一项名为“国际数学与科学研究的发展趋势”的系列调查，来自后面这些国家的学生在数学方面的表现优于全球其他地区。而伊朗学生的分数则明显低于美国与西欧等发达国家。 How can a country with poor school performance export so many talents? One explanation is that Iran has an elitist school system, where talents such as Maryam are identified early and sent to a few top high schools. 为何一个学校表现不佳的国家能输出如此多的天才？一种解释认为，伊朗有一套精英学校体制，该体制能及早发现像玛利亚姆这样的天才，并将其送往少数顶尖高中学习。 The country has a competitive higher education system and few opportunities for those who do not succeed. To make it in life, many young Iranians study hard in high school. The dream is often to venture abroad. Since the 1979 revolution Iran has been characterized by continuous brain‑drain. 这个国家的高等教育体制竞争十分激烈，为失败者提供的机会少之又少。为了获得成功，许多伊朗年轻人在高中阶段刻苦学习，通常梦想着去国外闯荡一番。1979革命之后，伊朗一直面临着持续的人才流失。 A couple of generations ago, it was quite uncommon for Iranians to leave their native land. During recent times however, an Iranian diaspora of around 4 to 5 million individuals have evolved abroad. One example is the Iranian community in the US. 几代人以前，伊朗人很少离开故土。但是，伊朗人的海外移民近年来已逐渐发展至四、五百万人的规模。美国的伊朗人群体就是其中一例。 According to the US census in 1990, 221 000 persons of Iranian ancestry were at the time residing in the country. Slightly less than a quarter were born in the US from Iranian parents. Almost half of the remainder had resided in the country for less than ten years. 根据美国1990年的人口普查，当时有221,000名伊朗血统的人居住在美国，其中近四分之一出生于美国，双亲都是伊朗人。其余的人中有近一半在美国居住未满十年。 Still, the group was thriving economically. The poverty level amongst Iranians was only marginally higher than the national average. In fact, the median house income of Iranians was 22 percent higher than the national average. One explanation is that some Iranians migrants had brought wealth with them. 然而，这个群体在经济上欣欣向荣。在美伊朗人的贫困率仅略高于全美平均水平。但事实上，他们的家庭收入中位数却比全美平均水平高出22%。有一种解释是一些伊朗移民将他们的财富也转移到了国外。 Likely more important is their stock of knowledge capital. Amongst Iranians over 25 years of age, fully 26 percent had graduate degree or higher. At the time, this was almost four times the US average. 但更重要的可能是他们自身的知识资本储备。25岁以上的伊朗人中，足足有26%的人获得了硕士以上学位。在那时，这几乎是美国平均水平的四倍。 According to the 2013 American Community Survey, the number of Iranians had grown to some 460 000 (the true population might be considerably higher, since many do not identify themselves as “Iranian” on the census). The median household income of Iranians was $64 752, compared to a national average of $52 250. 根据2013年的美国社区调查，在美伊朗人的数量已增长至460，000人左右（真实数据可能还会高很多，因为很多人在普查中没把自己当做“伊朗人”）。伊朗人的家庭收入中位数为64,752美元，而全美平均水平为52,250美元。 Adjusting for household size, the per capita income of Iranians was $43 334, far higher than the national average of $28 155. The share with bachelor’s degree or higher was 61.9 percent amongst Iranians, compared to 28.8 percent for the average American. 根据家庭规模对数据进行调整后，伊朗人的人均收入为43,334美元，远远高于全美人均收入28,155美元。伊朗人中拥有学士学位以上学历的人占61.9%，而美国平均水平为28.8%。 Culture plays a key part in the Iranian success story. To begin with, knowledge is treasured. This is apparent in the Persian language, where occupation-bound terms of address are common. Someone who is a doctor, a “mohandes” (engineer) or “vakil” (lawyer) is addressed as such. 文化在伊朗式成功故事中起到了关键作用。首先，知识受到重视。这在波斯语中就表现的十分明显。与职业相关的称呼非常普遍，医生、工程师或者律师就被人以职业相称。 Having a good degree is not merely a source of pride for the individual, but for the family as a whole. The culture prevalent amongst the Iranian diaspora also emphasizes individual achievement, wealth accumulation and business-ownership. 拥有高学历是个人乃至整个家庭骄傲的资本。伊朗移民群体中的主流文化还强调个人成就、财富积累和生意家业。 Iran itself still lacks the education system, market based economy and high levels of trust needed for these cultural attributed to bear fruit. Western countries as the US however do. By adapting to western society, Iranians also leave behind some cultural traits: such as low trust for strangers and old-fashioned gender roles. 伊朗国内仍旧缺乏使得这些文化因素能够结出果实的良好的教育体制、市场经济和高度信任感。但美国等西方国家就具备这些条件。在融入西方社会的过程中，伊朗人也摒弃了一些文化特质，诸如对陌生人的不信任感和传统的性别角色观念。 Mehdi Bozorgmehr and Daniel Douglas conclude that the children of Iranian immigrants in the US have a more balanced achievement across gender lines: “in terms of educational attainment and labor force participation, females have quickly closed the gap with their male counterparts.” Mehdi Bozorgmehr与Daniel Douglas（在两人合著的文章“Success(ion): Second-Generation Iranian Americans.”中）总结认为，美国伊朗移民后裔的成就在性别上更为平衡：“就教育程度与就业而言，女性正在快速缩小与男性竞争者的差距。” The success of Iranians in the US can to some degree be explained by the fact that some of the rich elite fled Iran to New York and Los Angeles. In this regard, Canada differs from the US. Over the period 1978 to 1990 Iranians mainly came as political refugees. Later arrivals include refugees, family immigrants as well as students. 伊朗的部分富有精英阶层逃往纽约与洛杉矶这一事实，可在某种程度上解释伊朗人在美国的成功。就此而言，加拿大的情形与美国不同。1978-1990年间，伊朗人主要以政治难民的身份进入加拿大。随后到来的人则包括难民、亲属移民与学生。 According to the 2006 census, some 121 000 individuals of Iranian origin were at the time residing in Canada. One in six was born in Canada, while the remainders were immigrants. Nearly 30 percent of the immigrants had arrived in Canada during the last five years. This explains why 34 percent of Iranians lived below the low-income cut off before tax in 2006, almost three times the national average. 根据2006年加拿大人口普查，大约有121,000名伊朗裔居住在加拿大，其中六分之一出生于加拿大，其余的则是移民，且近30%是在最近五年内来到加拿大。这解释了为何2006年有34%的伊朗人税前收入在低收入指标以下，这一比例几乎三倍于全国平均水平。 With time however, integration occurs in the Canadian economy. The same census shows that full year working Iranians had merely twelve percent lower median incomes than the average Canadian – a good outcome for a group with many recent arrivals. The situation is quite different in another snowy part of the world: the Nordics. 然而，随着时间推移，加拿大的经济逐渐呈融合之势。该份人口普查报告也同时表明，全年工作的伊朗人收入中位数仅比加拿大平均水平低12%——这对一个新来者众多的群体来说是个不错的结果。但在世界的另一片冰雪地带——北欧，情况却大不相同。 Sweden has received a large influx of migrants from Iran. Today, Iranian immigrants and their children make up nearly one percent of Sweden’s population. As in Canada, the group has a strong educational background. 瑞典已接收了一大批伊朗移民。现在，伊朗移民和他们的下一代已占瑞典人口1%左右。和在加拿大一样，瑞典伊朗移民群体有着优秀的教育背景。 A study has however shown that in 1999, around 15 years after the average Iranian migrated to Sweden, a large segment was still trapped in welfare dependency. Merely a third of Iranian households supported themselves mainly through work at this time. The households were either depending on public support or low incomes from work. 但一项研究表明，在1999年，移民至瑞典平均近15年后，相当一部分伊朗人仍旧仰仗福利救济为生。当时，仅有三分之一的伊朗家庭能通过工作自食其力。伊朗家庭不是依赖公共救济，就是靠着微薄的工资勉强度日。 Another study has calculated the income from work between 1993 and 2000 for those born in Iran. It is shown that this amounted only to 61 percent of the average work income of a native Swede. With time, the situation of Iranians in Sweden has improved. But amongst the first generation, many have not been given the opportunity to fulfill their potential. 另一项研究计算了出生于伊朗的瑞典人口在1993-2000年间的工作收入，其水平仅是瑞典本土人的61%。随着时间推移，伊朗人在瑞典的境况正渐渐变好。但是，在第一代移民中，很多人未能得到机会去发挥他们的潜能。 A similar situation exists in neighboring Norway. A study by Statistics Norway has found that Iranians in Norway have unusually high educational level compared to other immigrant groups. However, fully 41 percent of adult Iranians surveyed responded that they were unemployed and actively seeking work at some point during 2006 – well before the global financial crises. 相似的情况也存在于瑞典的邻国挪威。挪威统计局的一项研究表明，相比于挪威的其他移民群体，伊朗人有着不一般的高教育水平。但是，参与调查的伊朗成年人中有足足41%的人回应说他们在2006年曾处于失业状态，并积极寻找工作——彼时全球经济危机还远未来临。 It is no coincidence that the US and Canada offer greater opportunities for upward social mobility of Iranian migrants. The economic structures in Sweden and Norway – based on strict wage-setting, rigid labor laws, high taxes and generous benefits – makes it more difficult and less rewarding to enter the labor market. 美国和加拿大为伊朗移民提供了更多进入社会上层的机会，这并非巧合。瑞典和挪威的经济结构建立于严格的工资设定、严苛的劳工法律、高赋税和慷慨的社会福利之上，这使得进入劳动力市场变得困难，得到的回报也更少。 Interestingly enough, welfare‑entrapment has not fully eroded the Iranian success story. Most young Iranians in Sweden have grown up supported by welfare handout and/or low work incomes. Yet, no group is as keen on earning a higher education as young Iranians. 不过有趣的是，福利的诱惑并未就此完全打断伊朗人的成功故事。瑞典的大多数伊朗年轻人靠着社会救济或微薄工作收入长大，但没有一个群体像他们那样渴望接受高等教育。 A study has shown that 45 percent of native Swedes have started higher education at the age of 25. This is considerably higher than 37 percent amongst the average immigrants. Iranians are a clear outlier, since 60 percent have begun higher education at the same age. 一项研究显示，45%的瑞典本土人在25岁时已开始接受高等教育，比移民的平均水平37%要高出一截。但伊朗人明显是个异数，有60%的同龄人已开始接受高等教育。 Countries such as Sweden societies have created higher obstacles to labor market inclusion than the more free‑market based Anglo-Saxon societies. For immigrant groups such as Iranians, the effect is greater entrapment in social poverty through welfare-dependency. 相比于自由市场经济成分更多的盎格鲁-撒克逊社会，瑞典式国家为进入劳动市场设置了较高的门槛。这诱使包括伊朗人在内的移民群体因依赖社会福利而深陷社会性贫困。 At the same time, Sweden offers fully publicly supported education to their citizens. Some young Iranians remain in the socially marginalized class that their parents were trapped in. Many more have begun climbing the social ladder through primarily education, but also business ownership and hard work. 同时，瑞典又为其国民提供全公费教育。一些年轻伊朗人和他们的父辈一样，仍陷于社会边缘群体。但更多的人正依靠他们所受的教育、自身的商业成就和勤奋工作努力地沿着社会阶梯向上攀登。 The social reward for becoming a doctor, a “mohandes” or a “vakil” remains strong in the group. Young Iranians are still encouraged to make their parents proud by earning a higher degree or founding a successful business. In Sweden, as well as in Canada and the US, the intermarriage between eastern culture and western institutions creates a route to up-ward social mobility. 在这个群体中，成为医生、工程师或律师可获得高昂的社会奖励。年轻伊朗人仍在被鼓励着去获取高学历或成功创业以为其父母脸上增光。在瑞典，正如在加拿大和美国那样，东方文化与西方制度的混合作用为在社会向上流动提供了一条新路径。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2016-02-20】 @Ent_evo 我们可以承认一个坏的东西是“中华传统”、“人类传统”、“演化传统”之类的东西，但是一个坏的东西并不因它是传统就变好了。我们承认坏东西是传统，是为了揪出根源，以最有效、最彻底、最可行的办法干掉这个坏东西。仅此而已。 @whigzhou: 问题是，这个坏东西可能是某个大的好东西的一部分，而你未必清楚去掉这个坏东西后那个好东西是否还能存在。 @whigzhou: 比如女性割礼，我也同意它是个坏东西，但由一个外来权力禁止割礼可能会让一些社会的婚姻制度限于瘫痪 @张大磊why:这，，试试呗 @whigzhou: 问题是罐子敲破了很难拼回去 @吴巢: 禁止或许会造成社会瘫痪，但还是要进行干预呀！ @whigzhou: 嗯，我不反对干预，我反对的是进步主义者那种不负责任的干预，铲除那些他们眼里的坏东西，然后拍拍屁股走人，哪管洪水滔天，要干预就得承担起责任，提供一套可行的替代制度，这只有我们殖民主义者做得到 @whigzhou: 所以你们小清新真的想要干预吗，你们真的准备好了吗？那就请接受大英帝国的军靴～  

犹太人为何那么聪明 ——两种选择力量如何塑造少数族群的独特禀赋 辉格 2016年2月27日 “犹太人特别聪明”——这恐怕是最难反驳的一句种族主义言论了。 自诺贝尔奖设立以来，犹太人共拿走了19%的化学奖、26%的物理奖、28%的生理与医学奖、41%的经济学奖；在其它顶级科学奖项中，这个比例甚至更高，综合类：38%的美国国家科学奖、25%的京都奖，数学：25%的菲尔兹奖、38%的沃尔夫奖，信息科学：25%的图灵奖、37%的香农奖、42%的诺依曼奖；在非科学领域，犹太人还拿走13%的诺贝尔文学奖，1/3以上的普利策奖，1/3以上的奥斯卡奖，近1/3的国际象棋冠军。 犹太人在科学和艺术上的成就着实令人惊叹，他们以世界千分之二的人口，在几乎所有科学领域都拥有1/5到1/3的顶级学者；究竟是什么原因让他们取得了如此惊人的成就？ 考虑犹太民族的独特性，就难免想到他们在大流散（The Diaspora）之后所面临的特殊文化处境；丧失故国、散居各地的犹太人，无论最初在罗马帝国境内，还是后来在西方基督教世界和东方伊斯兰世界，皆处于少数族地位，而且因为拒绝改宗，长期被排斥在主流社会之外，不仅文化上受歧视，法律上也被剥夺了许多权利，屡屡遭受迫害、驱逐、甚至屠杀。 在中世纪欧洲，经济活动、财产权利和法律地位都与宗教有着难分难解的关系，作为异教徒，犹太人不可能与基督徒君主建立领主-附庸关系从而承租土地，无法组织手工业行会（因为行会也须以附庸身份向领主获取特许状），也无法与贵族通婚以提升社会地位，甚至无法由教会法庭来保障自己的遗嘱得到执行……总之，作为封建体系之基础的封建契约关系和教会法，皆与之无缘。 这样一来，他们就被排斥在几乎所有重要的经济部门之外，留给他们的只有少数被封建关系所遗漏的边缘行业，比如教会禁止基督徒从事（或至少道德上加以贬责）的放贷业，替贵族征收租税的包税/包租人，与放贷和收租有关的私人理财业，以及少数未被行会垄断的商业。 这些行当的共同特点是：缺乏垄断权保护因而极富竞争性，需要一颗精明的头脑，读写和计算能力很重要；这些特点提示了，犹太父母可能更愿意投资于孩子的教育，提升其读写计算能力，以及一般意义上运用理性解决问题的能力。 这一投资策略迥异于传统社会的主流策略，在传统农业社会，人们为改善家族长期状况而进行的投资与积累活动，主要集中于土地、上层姻亲关系、社会地位和政治权力，但犹太人没有机会这么做，因而只能集中投资于人力资本，而且在随时有着被没收和驱逐风险的情况下，投资人力资本大概也是最安全的。 正如一些学者指出，按古代标准，犹太人确实有着良好的教育传统，比如其宗教传统要求每位父亲都应向儿子传授妥拉（[[Torah]]）和塔木德（[[Talmud]]）等经典，在识字率很低的古代，仅从经文学习中获得的基本读写能力也相当有价值。 然而这一解释有个问题，假如犹太人的智力优势仅仅来自其教育和文化传统，那就无法说明，为何近代以来，当这一文化差异已不复存在（或不再重要），他们的智力优势却依然显著？实际上，现代杰出犹太科学家的教育和成长经历中，犹太背景已无多大影响，甚至犹太认同本身也已十分淡薄了。 为解开犹太智力之谜，犹他大学的两位学者格里高列·科克伦（[[Gregory Cochran]]）和亨利·哈本丁（[[Henry Harpending]]）在2005年的一篇论文中提出了一个颇为惊人的观点：犹太智力优势是近一千多年中犹太民族在严酷选择压力之下的进化结果，因而有着可遗传的生物学基础；在2009年出版的《万年大爆炸》（[[The 10,000 Year Explosion]]）一书中，他们专门用一章介绍了这一理论。 他们认为，犹太人中表现出显著智力优势的，是其中被称为阿什肯纳兹人（[[Ashkenazi]]）的一个分支，其祖先是9-11世纪间陆续从南欧和中东翻越阿尔卑斯山进入中欧的犹太移民，和留在地中海世界的族人相比，他们遭受的排挤和限制更加严厉，职业选择更狭窄，而由于前面所说的原因，这些限制对族群的智力水平构成了强大的选择压力。 如此特殊的社会处境，使得聪明好学、头脑精明的个体有着高得多的机会生存下去，并留下更多后代，经过近千年三四十代的高强度选择，与高智商有关的遗传特性在种群中的频率显著提高；据乔恩·昂蒂纳（Jon Entine）和查尔斯·穆瑞（[[Charles Murray]]）等学者综合多种来源的数据估算，阿什肯纳兹人的平均智商约110（科克伦的估算值更高，为112-115)，比美国同期平均水平高出10个点，相当于2/3个标准差。 对个体来说，10个点的智商优势或许不算很大，但对于一个上千万人的大群体，这一差距有着非常惊人的含义，假如智商确如查尔斯·穆瑞的研究所显示，在群体内呈正态分布，那么均值高出2/3个标准差便意味着该群体内智商高于140的个体的比例，大约是基准群体（此处是美国总人口）的6倍。 科克伦和哈本丁的假说还得到了一些遗传学证据的支持，有多种与神经系统相关的遗传病在阿什肯纳兹人中比例奇高，这些疾病涉及一些与神经突触形成有关的基因变异，它们倾向于增加神经元之间的突触连接，据两位作者推测，这些变异在恰当组合下会导致高智商，而在不恰当组合下则带来神经疾病。 这意味着，在偏爱高智商的高强度选择作用下，阿什肯纳兹人一方面提升了获得高智商的机会，同时也承担了罹患若干神经疾病的高风险，就像在疟疾肆虐的西非，一些族群获得了一种与血红蛋白相关的变异，在杂合子组合下，该变异将提高疟疾存活率，而不幸的纯合子组合则带来致命的镰刀型细胞贫血症。 不过，这一假说尚未得到广泛认可，主要的障碍是，将这样一个重大优势归因于短短一千年内的进化过程，很难让人接受，因为通常生物学家在谈论进化改变时，涉及的时间尺度至少几十万年，虽然在理论上，只要选择压力足够大，并且种群基因池里有足够多可供自然选择起作用的遗传多样性，几十代时间足以将一些原本罕见的变异的分布频率成倍提高，从而产生显著的族群间差异。 俄国遗传学家德米特里·别列耶夫（[[Dmitry Konstantinovich Belyaev]]）从一群野生银狐开始，只用了二十多年时间，便选育得到了非常温顺驯服的品种，它们在性情、毛色、耳朵、颅形等方面表现出一系列鲜明的驯化特征；原则上，没有什么可以阻止类似事情发生在人类身上。 实际上，正如两位作者在《万年大爆炸》的其他章节中列举的,以及尼古拉斯·韦德（[[Nicholas Wade]]）在2014年出版的《棘手遗产》（[[A Troublesome Inheritance]]）中讨论的更多例子所显示，人类在走出非洲后的几万年里，尤其是农业起源后的一万多年里，已经发生了许多显著且有重大意义的进化改变，其中有涉及乳糖消化，抵抗疟疾或饥荒，抵御寒冷，维生素D代谢，黑色素合成，骨密度等等与生态条件和生活方式有关的改变。 但阿什肯纳兹的分化历史毕竟只有千年，而现有的遗传证据也是间接的，尚没有直接证据可以说明究竟何种变异如何提高了智力；所以，一些学者便尝试考虑其他可能性，罗格斯大学人类学家布莱恩·弗格森（[[R. B. Ferguson]]）认为，阿什肯纳兹的独特性源自族群形成之初的奠基人效应（[[founder effect]]）。 奠基人效应的意思是，基因池毕竟不像充分搅匀的理想溶液，随便舀一勺，其成分构成都和整体一样；最初翻越阿尔卑斯的阿什肯纳兹祖先或许恰好携带了一些与神经系统有关的罕见变异，由于构成奠基人的最初移民人数很少，所以即便只有一个家族携带这些变异，它在未来壮大后的种群里也可能占很高比例。 这是一种诉诸偶然性的解释，假如涉及阿什肯纳兹智力优势的只有一个变异，那么奠基人效应便足以解释，问题是，科克伦列举的阿什肯纳兹中比例奇高的神经系统遗传病有四五种，涉及许多变异，而这些变异恰恰都与神经元突触形成有关，把它们都归之于奠基人效应，就很难让人信服了。 两位经济学家马里斯泰拉·波第西尼（Maristella Botticini）和兹维·埃克斯坦（Zvi Eckstein）在2012年出版的著作《蒙择之民》（The Chosen Few）中为我们开辟了另一条思路；他们首先注意到一个重要事实：从公元1世纪大流散时期到15世纪末，犹太人口在其所在社会总人口中的比例，始终在快速下降，从公元65年的10%降至1490年的1.1%。 但同时，并没有证据显示他们的生育率低于其他族群，很明显，不断有大批犹太人改宗为基督徒或穆斯林；考虑到他们作为少数教派面临着极为不利的社会处境，大批改宗也在意料之中；重要的是，哪些犹太人更可能选择改宗，并非随机，据一些早期基督徒作家观察，多数改宗基督教的犹太人都是穷人和文盲。 于是两位作者对犹太人的改宗决定进行了成本收益分析，发现这样的选择倾向是完全合理的；因为作为宗教少数派，流散的犹太人若要维持自己的宗教和文化传统，保持身份独特性，就需要花大量精力阅读和向孩子教授宗教经典，然而，对于那些从事农耕等体力劳动的家庭，这些投入没有额外价值，相反，对于那些从事精细手工业、商业、金融和管理类职业的家庭，由读经而获得的读写能力可以带来额外回报。 所以，坚持不改宗的，大多是从事城市的、需要读写能力和精明头脑的非体力职业者，而这些职业都是偏于高端和精英的，这一逻辑反过来也成立：那些天资聪颖，发现自己在读写学习上表现出众，因而有望由读经而获得上述职业机会的孩子，更有可能坚持读经而不改宗，总之，保留犹太身份的，要么是祖上智力较高因而有能力从事精英职业的，要么自己智力较高因而有望并希望从事精英职业的。 这样，个体对是否改宗的权衡，实际上对族群的智力构成了一种选择压力，但这一选择不像自然选择那样，是以影响个体生存机会和繁殖数量而起作用，被“淘汰”的个体并未死亡或绝后，只是离开了群体，但是就塑造族群的遗传特性而言，两种选择机制的效果是等价的。 而且，这一基于自我选择的解释，和科克伦与哈本丁的自然选择解释并不排斥，可以共同起作用；在分工和贸易不发达的中世纪，能够让犹太人发挥智力优势并抵消因社会地位低下而造成的生存劣势的职业机会十分有限，只有优势最显著者才能生存下来并保持犹太身份，而改宗的可能性加速了这一选择过程——这可以部分消除质疑者对“一千年是否足够长”的疑虑。 不过，和科克伦与哈本丁的理论一样，波第西尼与埃克斯坦的理论也仅仅是一种假说，正如一些历史学家所指出，他们对改宗与职业选择行为的经济学分析只是推测性的，尚缺乏经验证据的支持；然而，无论它是否能解释犹太智力优势，改宗权衡（或其他自我选择机制）在塑造少数族群文化特性上的作用却是毋庸置疑的，有众多同类例子可以佐证。 经济史学家格列高利·克拉克（Gregory Clark）便采纳了波第西尼与埃克斯坦的核心论点，并援引穆罕默德·萨利赫（Mohamed Saleh）2013年发表的一项研究指出，残存于伊斯兰世界的各种非伊斯兰小教派，包括犹太人，祆教徒（Zoroastrian），希腊正教徒，亚述基督徒，亚美尼亚基督徒，其精英化程度全都远高于穆斯林，表现为他们在医生、工程师、机械师、外语教师等精英职业中的比例奇高，而且这些族群的1/2到2/3都居住在汇集着富人和精英的大城市。 萨利赫认为，这一状况是伊斯兰政权统治政策的结果，他们一方面不强迫被征服者改宗，同时又对非穆斯林征收歧视性的人头税（[[jizya]]），于是这些群体中付不起人头税的下层成员就只好改宗，只有那些从其宗教与文化传统中获益最多且足以抵偿人头税和其他少数派特有成本的成员，才愿意坚守其传统身份，这样，统治者的歧视性政策实际上是在替这些少数族群不断清除资质禀赋较差，因而难以在精英职业中取得成就的成员。 虽然萨利赫没有提到，但人头税只是少数派生活在多数派中间所需负担的诸多成本中的一项，除了社会地位低下，法定权利缺失，他们还要遭受多数派邻居的歧视、排斥和攻击，这项成本在农村比在城市高得多，和城市流动性社会相比，农村熟人小社会的文化更单一和封闭，更排他，更难以容忍少数派的存在。 从阿什肯纳兹人在基督教欧洲和众多小教派在伊斯兰世界的经历中，都可以看到，基于个人禀赋在特定社会条件下给个体带来的比较优势而做出的自我选择，在塑造少数族群的文化和遗传特质上扮演了关键角色，这一选择机制也可通过另一条途径——跨国移民——表现出来，它在美国这个移民国家产生了两种对比鲜明的结果。 在2015年出版的《儿子照样升起》（[[The Son Also Rises]]）第13章里，格列高利·克拉克分析了美国社会一些少数族群的精英化程度；克拉克使用各族群在医生律师等精英职业中的相对代表率来度量这一指标，所谓相对代表率，是指某群体在某职业中的出现频率与它在总人口中所占比例的比值，基准值为1。（这一度量方法的有效性，在该书其他章节中已得到验证，克拉克用来衡量社会地位的数据来源包括收入与财产水平，遗嘱档案中的出现频率，顶级大学入学率，在大学教授、政府高官和国会议员中的代表率，获得科举功名的比例，等等，结果显示，基于不同来源的衡量结果有着很强的相关性。） 【图1】若干精英度偏高的美国少数族群在医生中的相对代表率 上图列出了在医生职业中的相对代表率高于1的16个少数族群，其中有些可能出乎许多人的意料，高居榜首的埃及科普特基督徒尤为惹眼，科普特人血缘上属于埃及土著，在罗马帝国后期皈依了基督教，并且直到阿拉伯征服之前，始终构成埃及人口的多数，在罗马和拜占庭帝国统治下，科普特人长期处于社会底层，与“精英”二字完全无缘，正是在阿拉伯人统治下，前述选择机制将它从一个底层多数群体改造成了少数精英族群。 然后，向美国的移民过程又发生了二次筛选，科普特人尽管在埃及有着较高精英度，但相对于发达国家仍是贫穷者，只有其中条件最优越、禀赋最优秀者，才能跨越移民门槛而进入美国，可以说，他们是精英中的精英。 但不是所有移民群体都有着较高的精英化程度，如下图所示，拉美人、柬埔寨人、赫蒙人（[[Hmong]]，即越南苗族），在医生中的代表率皆远低于基准水平。 【图2】若干精英度偏低的美国族群在医生中的相对代表率 比较两组族群不难看出，造成这一差别的关键在于移民机会从何而来，不同性质的移民通道有着不同的选择偏向；拉丁裔移民大多利用靠近美国的地理优势，从陆地或海上穿越国境而来，柬埔寨人和赫蒙人则大多是1970年代的战争难民，这两类移民通道，对移民的个人禀赋都不构成正向选择；相比之下，其他移民通道——上大学、工作签证、投资移民、政治避难、杰出人士签证，都有着强烈的选择偏向。 观察这一差别的最佳案例是非洲裔美国人，在上面两张图表中都有他们的身影，图2中的黑人是指其祖先在南北战争前便已生活在美国的黑人，他们在医生中的代表率仅高于美洲原住民，图1中的非洲黑人是指南北战争后来自撒哈拉以南非洲的黑人移民，医生代表率4倍于基准水平，5倍于德裔和英裔美国人。 这一差别显然源自不同移民通道的选择偏向，老黑人的祖先是被贩奴船运到美洲的，而新黑人的祖先则是凭借自身优势或个人努力来到美国，往往来自母国的精英阶层，奥巴马便属于后一类，他来自肯尼亚的一个富裕家族，其曾祖父娶了5位妻子，祖父曾为英国军队服役，精通英语和读写，娶了至少3位妻子，父亲6岁便进入教会学校，后来又在夏威夷大学和哈佛大学取得学位，回国后先后在肯尼亚交通部和财政部担任经济学家，虽然只活了46岁，却娶过4位妻子，生了8个孩子。  

【2016-02-26】 @whigzhou: 有些可怜人，在粪坑里泡久了，以至无论什么话题他都能抓起一泡掼进来，你说红烧肉好吃，他就“都是地沟油做的”，你说股票是比黄金更好的投资品，他就草泥马肖缸死全家，你说黑人跑步真厉害，他就举国体制万恶无疆……结果被我拉黑了，哎，谁让我是坏人呢。  

【2016-02-26】 @海德沙龙 《仅有慷慨满足不了器官移植需求》 人体各器官的设计寿命看来有着不小差异，当然这差异也可能只是现代生活方式所带来，于是随着移植技术的成熟和寿命不断延长，对器官的需求日益强烈，与此同时，供给却大为滞后，而原因在于，当前伦理/法律体系下，需求无法转变成对器官提供者的激励 …… @海德沙龙: 在本文作者看来，尽管现金激励或更开放的自由交易确实为当前伦理体系所不容，但许多非现金的激励安排是完全可行且在伦理上也容易被公众接受的。 @whigzhou: 我2009年在《器官移植的伦理困境》中也讨论的这个问题，后来还提出了一个具体的措施。 @whigzhou: 其中的伦理问题，我后来又有了些新看法，现在我觉得，对人体器官交易近乎本能的道德反感，是有其道理的，原理和我们对杀人游戏的道德抵制类似，因为现实世界的信息条件不完备的，对于一件被出售的器官，人们很难判定它是否来自凶杀盗取，而后一种情况实在太可怕，共同体值得为杜绝它而走得远一点。 @whigzhou: 这一想法转变发生于4年前有关杀人游戏的讨论，依我看，我们禁止在大街上玩追杀游戏的理由，是因为这种游戏很难和真正的追杀区分开来，若要容忍它，那就相当于放弃了协助自卫的权利，而后者对我们太重要，不能放弃 @whigzhou: 去年对一桩醉奸案的讨论中，也表达了类似看法 @whigzhou: 更一般而言，社会规范都是在特定信息条件下产生的，所以当信息条件已大幅改变时，很多古老法则便不再适宜，可是许多规范过于古老乃至已内化为我们的本能道德口味，一时难以割弃，但是通过为它们披上温情外衣，其实也可绕过。 @whigzhou: 从信息条件出发考虑，大街追杀不可容忍，但是人为构造了较完备信息条件的角斗场拼死格杀，好像就没啥不可以  

America’s first fisherman bagged Alaskan salmon 11,500 years ago 11500年前，阿拉斯加渔民的鲑鱼 作者：Zach Zorich @ 2015-9-21 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：龟海海 来源：AAAS，http://news.sciencemag.org/plants-animals/2015/09/america-s-first-fisherman-bagged-alaskan-salmon-11500-years-ago If you think most fish stinks after 3 days, try 11,500 years: That’s the age of salmon bones that archaeologists have uncovered at the Upward Sun River site, one of Alaska’s oldest human settlements. 如果你觉得大部分鱼放三天就会发臭，试试放11500年，考古学家在在向阳河遗址中发掘出的鲑鱼骨头就有这么古老，那里是阿拉斯加最早的人类聚居点之一。 They say the cooked bones provide the first clear evidence of salmon fishing among the earliest Americans, Paleoindians, who crossed from Siberia into Alaska over the Bering Land Bridge more than 13,000 years ago. 他们说，这些经过烹制的骨头首次明确证实了早期美洲人的鲑鱼捕捞活动；这些古印第安人于13000多年前跨过白令陆桥，由西伯利亚进入阿拉斯加。 The finding, published online today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, helps debunk the idea that America’s first fishermen relied primarily on big game for food. It also explains how they managed to survive in an ice age Arctic environment and adapt to life on a new continent. 这一发现已于今日【译注：9月21日】在线发表于《美国国家科学院院刊》，有助于驳倒认为美洲最早的渔民主要以大型猎物为捕食对象的观点。它也解释了这些人如何在冰河时期的北极世界中维持生存，并使自己适应一个全新大陆上的生活。 These days, salmon is a staple for native Alaskans, but evidence for the origins of salmon fishing has been hard to come by. Wood and rope fishing tools decompose quickly, as do salmon bones. And until recently, most researchers hadn’t been doing the kind of careful excavation necessary for discovering fragile fish skeletons. 目前，鲑鱼是阿拉斯加原住民的一种主食，不过有关鲑鱼捕捞起源的证据一直难以找到。木与绳制成的捕捞工具极易腐化，鲑鱼骨也是如此。并且，要发现易于破碎的鱼类骨骸，必须进行小心细致的发掘，而直至近期，大多数研究者都不曾做过此类发掘。 But building on recent work that suggests big-game hunting was just one part of a “broad-spectrum” strategy among America’s first people, researchers have begun searching for other remains. These include creatures like migratory waterfowl, small mammals, and salmon that would have been part of a more seasonally based diet. 但近期的研究提出，捕杀大型猎物可能只是早期美洲人“宽谱”策略【编注：指将较多种类的食物来源纳入食谱的取食策略，生物学的最优取食理论以一组条件因子来解释或推测动物在特定约束条件下如何选择最优食谱宽度，参见wikipadia词条：optimal foraging theory。】的一部分，有鉴于此，研究者近来已开始搜寻其它残骸。其中包括迁徙性的水禽，小型哺乳动物及鲑鱼等生物，它们都可能构成一个更为季节性的食谱的一部分。 Archaeological sites across the Bering Strait region—including Siberia—support this idea, says John Hoffecker, a University of Colorado, Boulder, archaeologist who specializes in the region. 科罗拉多大学波德分校专门研究这一区域的考古学家John Hoffecker说，遍及白令海峡地区——包括西伯利亚——的考古遗址为上述看法提供了依据。 But finding ancient salmon leftovers has been a challenge. “It’s difficult to capture ancient fishing because of the nature of fish bones—they’re small, fragile bones,” says Carrin Halffman, a biological anthropologist at the University of Alaska (UA), Fairbanks, and the lead author of the new study. And if archaeologists do turn up any fishy remains, she says, it’s hard to know just what kind of fish it was. 不过，寻找古代鲑鱼残留物一直是个挑战。“古代渔猎活动的发现之难源于鱼骨的特性——这种骨头小而脆”，阿拉斯加大学费尔班克斯分校的生物人类学家Carrin Halffman如是说，她是上述研究的发起人。她还说，即便考古学家确实发现了一丁点鱼类残骸，也很难知道那到底是何种鱼类。 As the team tried to find out how the people at Upward Sun River used the resources of the nearby Tanana River, they carefully excavated parts of the site, sifting soil through fine-meshed screens. In the same fire pit where they found the buried remains of two infants, they discovered the salmon bones. 在尝试查明向阳河的人们如何利用附近的塔纳纳河资源时，这个团队小心地发掘了这一遗址的部分区域，用网眼细小的筛子翻检泥巴。在同一个火坑中，他们找到了两具婴儿遗骨，还发现了这些鲑鱼骨头。 Analyzing DNA in a piece of uncooked fish bone, Halffman and her team found that it was chum salmon (Oncorhynchus keta), a hefty fish that weighs 5 to 10 kilograms and grows roughly 60 centimeters long. Thousands of chum salmon still swim up the Tanana River every summer to spawn, and the run remains a central cultural event for the indigenous Athabascan people who live there today. 通过对一份未经烹制的鱼骨进行DNA分析，Halffman及其团队发现它是大马哈鱼（学名Oncorhynchus keta），这是一种重达5-10公斤、长约60公分的大型鱼类。直至今日，每年夏天仍有成千上万大马哈鱼沿塔纳纳河溯游产卵，而且这种洄游至今仍是当地原住民阿萨巴斯卡人的一项核心文化活动。 But could the find be evidence for the beginnings of this annual ritual? It was possible that the salmon were not part of the annual saltwater-to-freshwater migration, but instead were freshwater fish that lived in the river their entire lives. To find out, Halffman analyzed carbon and nitrogen isotopes in the fish bones. Because different versions of the two elements—both with different weights—are found in varying concentrations in seawater and fresh water, that compositions is reflected in the fish bones. 但这一发现是否就是这种年度仪式的起源证据呢？另有一种可能性存在：鲑鱼过去并非每年定期从咸水洄游到淡水，而是终生存活于河流中的淡水鱼。为了查明这一点，Halffman分析了鱼骨中的碳、氮同位素。因为这两种元素的不同同位素——其重量各不相同——在海水和淡水中分别有着不同的富集度，而这一成分差异会体现在鱼骨中。 The bones that Halffman analyzed had higher ratios of heavier carbon and nitrogen isotopes, meaning the fish had lived in the ocean and must have been caught during a spawning run. “What we’re looking at is probably the beginnings of the utilization of salmon,” says Ben Potter, an archaeologist at UA Fairbanks, and a co-author of the study. 在Halffman所分析的鱼骨中，较重的碳、氮同位素占比更大，这意味着这些鱼曾经生活于海洋，必定是在产卵洄游时被人捕捞的。阿拉斯加大学费尔班克斯分校的考古学家、本研究的共同作者Ben Potter说：“我们看到的可能是鲑鱼被人利用的开端。” The discovery boosts the view of Paleoindians as generalists who ate a variety of foods, Hoffecker says. “I don’t think it was possible for people to occupy these environments without this broad-based diet and without this kind of high-tech economy,” he says. Hoffecker说，这一发现为古印第安人是饮食种类繁多的多面手这一观点提供了支撑。“如果没有这种宽泛的食谱，没有这种高技术的经济，我不认为这些人有可能占领这样的自然环境”。 Herb Maschner, an Arctic archaeologist at the University of South Florida in Tampa, agrees and says the careful excavation methods and analysis serve as a good example of what archaeologists need to do to answer questions about ancient people living in central Alaska where the conditions for preserving bones and artifacts are “notoriously” bad. 坦帕市南佛罗里达大学的北极考古学家Herb Maschner对此表示赞同并说，骨头和人工制品在阿拉斯加中部地区的保存环境之恶劣“臭名昭著”，为了回答与生活于此地的古代人有关的问题，考古学家要怎么做？这种细心的发掘方法和分析为此树立了一个良好典范。 Potter and the other researchers are already busy answering other questions. Eventually, they say, the abundance of salmon and the ability to store fish allowed the indigenous people of the Pacific Northwest to settle in large permanent villages, a lifestyle that typically requires agriculture. Potter及其他研究者已经开始忙于回答其它问题。他们说，鲑鱼数量之丰富以及储存鱼类的能力，最终让太平洋西北地区的原住民得以定居于大型永久性村落，而这种生活方式通常要求农业的出现。 The team suspects that salmon fishing became more important over time as big game became scarcer in central Alaska, an idea they hope to test with further excavations. For now, little is known about salmon fishing in the period between 11,500 and 1000 years ago, but Upward Sun River gives the research team a start. Potter says: “You need that beginning to see how the end came about.” 该团队推测，随着阿拉斯加中部地区大型猎物日益稀少，鲑鱼捕捞的重要性可能也日益增加，团队并希望能通过进一步的发掘来验证这一想法。目前而言，人们对于从11500年前到1000年前这一时期的鲑鱼捕捞活动所知甚少，但向阳河给了这个研究团队一个起点。Potter说：“欲知晓终点如何而来，你需要这个开端。” （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

I love the Victorian era. So I decided to live in it. 我热爱维多利亚时代，所以决定生活于其中。 作者：Sarah A. Chrisman @ 2015-9-09 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：龟海海 来源：Vox，http://www.vox.com/2015/9/9/9275611/victorian-era-life My husband and I study history, specifically the late Victorian era of the 1880s and '90s. Our methods are quite different from those of academics. Everything in our daily life is connected to our period of study, from the technologies we use to the ways we interact with the world. 我丈夫和我都研究历史，具体说是维多利亚时代晚期，即1880至1890年代。我们跟学院派的方法极为不同。我们日常生活中的所有事物，从我们所用的技术到我们与世界沟通的方式，都跟我们所研究的时代有关联。 Five years ago we bought a house built in 1888 in Port Townsend, Washington State — a town that prides itself on being a Victorian seaport. When we moved in, there was an electric fridge in the kitchen: We sold that as soon as we could. Now we have a period-appropriate icebox that we stock with block ice. Every evening, and sometimes twice a day during summer, I empty the melt water from the drip tray beneath its base. 五年前，我们买了栋建于1888年的宅子，位于华盛顿州的汤森港——一座以曾为维多利亚时期海港自傲的城镇。当我们搬进去时，厨房里还有台电冰箱。我们立马把它给卖了。现在我们使用一个跟时代相吻合的冰盒，里面储藏冰块。每天傍晚，我都要清空冰盒底下滴水盘中的融水，如果是夏天，有可能每天要清两次。 Every morning I wind the mechanical clock in our parlor. Each day I write in my diary with an antique fountain pen that I fill with liquid ink using an eyedropper. My inkwell and the blotter I use to dry the ink on each page before I turn it are antiques from the 1890s; I buy my ink from a company founded in 1670. My sealing wax for personal letters comes from the same company, and my letter opener was made sometime in the late Victorian era from a taxidermied deer foot. 每天早上我要给客厅里的机械钟上发条。每天写日记，我用的都是一支古董自来水笔，并用点眼药水的滴管给它灌墨水。我的墨水池和我翻页之前用于吸干墨水的吸墨纸都是1890年代的古董；我从一家成立于1670年的公司购买墨水。我在私人信件上所用的封蜡也是同一家公司所产，开信刀则制造于维多利亚时代晚期的某个时候，原料是一只经标本剥制术处理的鹿脚。 There are no modern lightbulbs in our house. When Gabriel and I have company we use early electric lightbulbs, based on the first patents of Tesla and Edison. When it's just the two of us, we use oil lamps. When we started using period illumination every day, we were amazed by how much brighter the light is from antique oil lamps than from modern reproductions. 我们家没有现代灯泡。我和Gabriel之外另有客人在时，我们就用早期的白炽灯，这种灯还是基于特斯拉和爱迪生最早的专利。如果只有我们两个，我们就用油灯。当初，我们开始每天都使用时代照明时，我们都感到很惊讶，来自古董油灯的光线可比来自其现代复制品的亮得多。 Our heat comes from 19th-century gas heaters and from an antique kerosene space heater. In the winter we tuck hot water bottles into bed with us, and even the cotton covers that I sewed for those bottles are made from period-appropriate fabric (its designs are copies of fabric patterns from the late 19th century). 我们用19世纪的煤气炉和一个古董煤油小暖炉取暖。冬天，我们把热水瓶子塞到我们的被子里，连我为这些瓶子缝棉套子时所用的布料都与时代吻合（其设计复制自19世纪末的织物图案）。 Our bed itself is an antique from our period of study, and since it didn't have a mattress when we bought it, I sewed one by hand and stuffed it with feathers. 我们用的床本身就是我们所研究的那个时代的古董，而因为买来的时候没有床垫，我手缝了一个，里面填充的是羽毛。 I bake all our bread from scratch, using a sourdough culture I keep constantly bubbling in the back corner of our kitchen in a bowl that belonged to my grandmother. When I want whipped cream or an omelet, I use an antique rotary eggbeater; when we want to grind something, we have a Victorian food chopper as well as mortars and pestles. 烤面包时，我都是从最初的原料开始准备，要用到的酵种被我装在一个我祖母用过的碗里，放在厨房的墙角养着，不停冒泡。需要打奶油或者煎蛋饼时，我用的是一个古董旋转打蛋器；要研磨东西时，我们有维多利亚时代的食品搅拌机、研钵和研槌。 Whenever I'm inside my house I have an antique chatelaine hanging from my waist — a marvelous 19th-century accessory that combines elements that would remind a modern person of a charm bracelet, multi-tool, and organizer all in one. Mine usually holds a notebook, pincushion, and scissors, but I also have attachments for it ranging from a thimble holder to a matchbox, a coin box, or a pair of tweezers. 任何时候只要我呆在屋子里，腰上总是系着一根古董腰链——一种神奇的19世纪饰品，其组成元素可让现代人感觉它是漂亮手镯、多功能器具和整理器的多合一。我这根腰链通常挂着笔记本、针插和剪刀，不过也有其它坠物，从顶针夹到火柴盒、硬币盒或小镊子不等。 I bathe with a bowl and pitcher every morning, and for a nice long soak I use our cast-iron clawfoot bathtub. I wash my hair using Castile bar soap from a company established in 1839. (Shampooing with Castile soap is a piece of beauty advice I found in a Victorian magazine from about the time our house was built.) My hairbrush is a 130-year-old design, and my toothbrush has natural boar bristles. 我每天早上洗澡用的是盆和水罐，要泡个舒服的长澡时就用我们那个带铸铁爪足的浴缸。洗头发用的是卡斯提尔橄榄条皂，生产公司始建于1839年。（用卡斯提尔橄榄条皂洗发是我从一本维多利亚时期的杂志上得到的美容建议，这本杂志的发行大概与我们房子的建立同期）。我用的梳子是个已有130年历史的工艺品，牙刷则含有天然猪鬃。 Neither my husband nor I have ever had a cellphone; I've never even had a driver's license. On special outings when Gabriel and I go cycling together, I ride a copy of a high-wheel tricycle from the 1880s. Gabriel has three high-wheel bicycles, and he has ridden them hundreds of miles. 我和我丈夫都从没用过手机；我连驾照都没有拿过。某些特别的日子，我和Gabriel会一起骑车出游，我骑的是一辆仿自1880年代的高轮三轮车。Gabriel有三辆高轮双轮车，他已经骑了有好几百英里。 On our vacation just last week, we rode our high-wheel cycles more than 75 miles along a historic railroad route between abandoned silver mines. I kept thinking of an article we had read in an 1883 cycling magazine about wheelmen riding bikes just like Gabriel's when they took a trip out to a mine. 就在上周的假期，我们就曾沿着几个废弃银矿之间的一条历史铁路线骑行，用我们的高轮自行车跑了75英里多。那时我就一直在想我们从一本1883年的骑行杂志上读过的一篇文章，讲的正是骑行者们蹬着与Gabriel那部一样的自行车，去往一个矿地远游。

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The process didn't happen all at once.  It's not as though someone suddenly dropped us into a ready-furnished Victorian existence one day— that sort of thing only happens in fairy tales and Hollywood. We had to work hard for our dreams. The life we now enjoy came bit by bit, through gifts we gave each other. The greatest gift we give each other is mutual support in moving forward with our dreams. 这一转变并非一蹴而就。并不是说某人某天突然就将我们拉入了一个配备齐全的维多利亚式生活——这种事只会发生于童话故事或好莱坞中。我们得为我们的梦想辛苦奔忙。我们现在所享受的生活是通过我们送给彼此的礼物而一点一点得来的。我们所赠与彼此的最美好礼物就是伴着梦想相濡以沫的走下去。 Even before I met Gabriel, we both saw value in older ways of looking at the world. He had been homeschooled as a child, and he never espoused the strict segregation that now seems to exist between life and learning. As adults, we both wanted to learn more about a time that fascinated each of us. But it took mutual support to challenge society's dogmas of how we should live, how we should learn. We came into it gradually — and together. 早在我与Gabriel相识之前，我们就都已看到了老式世界观的价值所在。他小时候接受过家庭式教育，从不赞成生活与学习之间如今看似存在的那种严格分离。长大以后，我们都渴望更多地了解那个让我们都无比着迷的时代。但要挑战社会关于我们应该如何生活、应该如何学习的成见，这需要共同渡过。我们是逐渐——也是共同——步入这一点的。 It's hard to say who started it. I was the first to start wearing Victorian clothes, but Gabriel, who knew how I'd always admired Victorian ideals and aesthetics, gave them to me as presents, a way for both of us to research a culture we found fascinating. I was so intrigued by those clothes that I hand-sewed copies I could wear every day. 很难说我们之间是谁最先开始这么做的。其实是始于我穿维多利亚式的服装，不过Gabriel知道我素来崇尚维多利亚式的理念和审美，是他把那些服饰送给我作礼物的，这也是我们研究这种令我俩都着迷的文化的一种方式。我被这些衣物深深地迷住，以至于我手缝了许多件类似的，可以每日做伴。 Soon after, I gave Gabriel an antique suit of his own, but tailoring men's clothes is a separate skill set, and it took him a while to find a seamstress who could make Victorian men's clothing with the same painstaking attention to historic detail that I was putting into my own garments. 随后不久，我又送了Gabriel一套古董西装，不过缝制男士服装需要另一种技能，所以他花了段时间才找到一位女裁缝。这位裁缝能为他缝制维多利亚式的男装，并像我对待我的衣物一样，为其历史细节煞费苦心。 Wearing 19th-century clothes on a daily basis gave us insights into intimate life of the past, things so private and yet so commonplace they were never written down. Features of posture, movement, balance; things as subtle as the way my ankle-length skirts started to act like a cat's whiskers when I wore them every single day. 在日常生活中穿着19世纪的服装，为我们提供了有关过往私密生活的洞见，这类事物如此隐私却又如此日常，以至于从未被人书写过。姿势、动作与平衡的特征；一些无比微妙的事物，比如当我每天都穿着及踝长裙时，它们开始像猫须一样飘逸。 I became so accustomed to the presence and movements of my skirts, they started to send me little signals about my proximity to the objects around myself, and about the winds that rustled their fabric — even the faint wind caused by the passage of a person or animal close by. 对于裙子的存在和运动，我变得无比熟稔，以至于当我接近身边的事物时，当风与布面摩擦作响时——即便是临近的人或动物穿过时导致的那种微弱的风，它们都会给我传递小小的信号。 I never had to analyze these signals, and after a while I stopped even thinking about them much; they became a peripheral sense, a natural part of myself. Gabriel said watching me grow accustomed to Victorian clothes was like seeing me blossom into my true self. 我从不需要去分析这些信号，而且一段时间以后技艺已熟练于心；它们成为了一种外围感官，我自己的自然的一部分。Gabriel曾说，看着我逐渐适应维多利亚式衣服，就像是看到我那个绽放的真实自我。 When we realized how much we were learning just from the clothes, we started wondering what other everyday items could teach us. 当我们意识到仅仅从衣服上我们学到的就何其之多时，我们开始琢磨其它的日常用品能够教给我们什么。 When cheap modern things in our lives inevitably broke, we replaced them with sturdy historic equivalents instead of more disposable modern trash. Every birthday and anniversary became an excuse to hunt down physical artifacts from our favorite time period, which we could then study and use together. 当我们生活中便宜的现代物品不可避免地破损时，我们就代之以结实耐用的历史对应物，而不再用那种不能重复使用的现代垃圾。每个生日和纪念日都变成了搜罗我们最钟爱时代的人工制品的理由，然后它们就可以供我们一起研究和使用。 Everything escalated organically from there, and now our whole life revolves around this ongoing research project. No one pays us for it, but we take it more seriously than many people take their paying jobs. 一切都从那里开始有机的成长了起来，如今我们整个生活都围绕着这个持续进行的研究项目打转。没人为此向我们提供资金，但我们对待它，可比许多人对待他们的有偿工作更为严肃。

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The artifacts in our home represent what historians call "primary source materials," items directly from the period of study.  Anything can be a primary source, although the term usually refers to texts. The books and magazines the Victorians themselves wrote and read constitute the vast bulk of our reading materials — and since reading is our favorite pastime, they fill a large percentage of our days. 我们家中的人工制品代表的是历史学家所谓“一手材料”，都是直接来自所研究时代的物品。任何事物都可以是一手的，尽管这个词汇通常指涉文本。维多利亚时代的人们自身所写作和阅读的书籍和杂志构成了我们的阅读材料的主要部分——并且由于阅读是我们最爱的消遣，它们也占据了我们一天中的很大一部分时间。 There is a universe of difference between a book or magazine article about the Victorian era and one actually written in the period. Modern commentaries on the past can get appallingly like the game "telephone": One person misinterprets something, the next exaggerates it, a third twists it to serve an agenda, and so on. Going back to the original sources is the only way to learn the truth. 关于维多利亚时代的书籍或杂志，和写于这一时期的书籍或杂志，两者之间有着天壤之别。对于过往的现代评论有可能像“打电话”游戏一样令人吃惊：某人曲解了某事，另一人进一步夸大，第三个人出于某个目的对其加以扭曲，如此持续。回顾原始材料是了解真相的唯一办法。 We're devoted to getting our own insights and perspectives on the era, not just parroting stereotypes that "everyone knows." The late Victorian era was an incredibly dynamic time, with so many new and extraordinary inventions it seemed anything was possible. 我们矢志于获得我们自己对这一时代的见解和观点，而不是仅仅人云亦云“众所周知”的刻板印象。晚期维多利亚时代是个充满活力的时期，有许多全新而非凡的发明，看起来似乎无所不能。 Interacting with tangible items from that time helps us connect with and share that optimism. They help us understand the culture that created them — a culture that believed in engineering durable, beautiful items that could be repaired by their users. 与源于这一时期的实物接触，能帮助我们了解并分享这种乐观主义。它们有助于我们理解那一创造了它们的文化——一种对制造耐用、美观且能由使用者修理的物品存有信念的文化。 Constantly using them helps us comprehend their context.  Absorbing the lessons our artifacts teach us shapes our worldview. They are our teachers.  Seeing their beauty every day elevates and inspires us, as it did their original owners. 在不断使用它们的过程中，我们领悟其内涵。吸收由我们的物品教给我们的教训，也塑造了我们的世界观。它们是我们的老师。欣赏它们的美，也提升并鼓舞了我们，就像它们曾提升鼓舞了其最初的主人一样。 It's a life that keeps us far more in touch with the natural seasons, too. Much of modern technology has become a collection of magic black boxes: Push a button and light happens, push another button and heat happens, and so on. The systems that dominate people's lives have become so opaque that few Americans have even the foggiest notion what makes most of the items they touch every day work — and trying to repair them would nullify the warranty. 这也让我们能无比贴近天然的四季轮替。多数现代技术都已然变成了一堆魔法黑箱子：按这个按钮就有光，按另一个按钮就有热，如此等等。主导人们生活的种种系统已变得如此晦涩，以至极少有美国人对他们每天碰到的物品都是如何运作的具有哪怕是模糊的概念——试着去修理它们还会使质保单作废。 The resources that went into making those items are treated as nothing more than a price tag to grumble about when the bills come due. Very few people actually watch those resources decreasing as they use them. It's impossible to watch fuel disappearing when it's burned in a power plant hundreds of miles away, and convenient to forget there's a connection. 用于制造这些物品的资源，仅仅是被当做一个价签来对待，在账单到期时供人们抱怨几句。极少有人在使用这些资源时真的看到它们在减少。当燃料是在几百英里以外的发电站里烧掉的时候，我们不可能看到它们消失；自然而然也就忘记这之间存在关联了。 When we use resources through technology that has to be tended, we're far more careful about how we use them. To use our antique space heater in the winter, I have to fill its reservoir with kerosene and keep its wick and flame spreader clean; when we want to use it, I have to open and light it. It's not a burdensome process, but it's certainly a more mindful one than flicking a switch. 当我们通过那些需要照看的技术来使用资源时，我们对于如何使用它们会更加仔细。冬天里，要用我们那件古董小暖炉的时候，我得往它的储液器里添煤油，保持灯芯和扩焰器干净；要用它时，我得打开它，然后点燃。这并非一件繁琐的事，但它确实比弹开一个开关要更费心思一些。 Not everyone necessarily wants to live the same lifestyle we have chosen, of course. But anyone can benefit from choices that increase their awareness of their surroundings and the way things they use every day affect them. 当然，未必所有人都想要过和我们选择的这般生活方式。但任何人都可以从这样一种选择中受益：这些选择将让他们更清晰的意识到周遭事物以及他们每日所用之物如何影响着他们。 Watching the level of kerosene diminish in the reservoir heightens our awareness of how much we're using, and makes us ask ourselves what we truly need. Learning to use all these technologies gives us confidence to exist in the world on our own terms. 看着储液器里煤油油位的下降，会提高我们对自己用了多少煤油的意识，促使我们追问自己，我们的真实需求是什么。学着使用所有这些技术，能让我们依照自己的方式充满自信地存在于这个世界。

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And that, really, is the resource we find ourselves more and more in need of. My husband and I have slowly, gradually worked to base our lives around historical artifacts and ideals because — quite frankly — we love living this way. 而这，我们发现，确实是我们日益需要的东西。我丈夫和我已经慢慢地、逐步地将我们的生活建基于历史物品和历史理念之上，因为——坦率地说——我们忠爱这种生活方式。 People assume the hard part of our lifestyle comes from the life itself, but using Victorian items every day brings us great joy and fulfillment. The truly hard part is dealing with other people's reactions. 人们以为我们生活方式的难处会在于这种生活本身，但是每天使用维多利亚时代的物品给我们带来的是极大的愉悦和满足。然而真正的困难却在于应付别人对此的反应。 We live in a world that can be terribly hostile to difference of any sort. Societies are rife with bullies who attack nonconformists of any stripe. 我们所生活的世界，对于任何差异都可能极为敌视。社会上充斥着欺凌，攻击任何形式的不循常规者。 Gabriel's workout clothes were copied from the racing outfit of a Victorian cyclist, and when he goes swimming, his hand-knit wool swim trunks raise more than a few eyebrows — but this is just the least of the abuse we've taken. Gabriel的运动服是某位维多利亚骑行者所用竞赛服的复制品，而当他去游泳时，他的手织羊毛制泳裤所得到的可不止是一点点异样眼光——这还只是我们所受伤害中最轻微的一类。 We have been called "freaks," "bizarre," and an endless slew of far worse insults. We've received hate mail telling us to get out of town and repeating the word "kill ... kill ... kill." Every time I leave home I have to constantly be on guard against people who try to paw at and grope me. 我们曾被称为“变态”、“怪异”，以及无穷尽的一堆更为不堪的辱骂。我们还收到过恐吓信，让我们离开镇子，并重复写有“杀……杀……杀”这个词。每次出门，我都得时刻保持警惕，防止人们抓我或者摸我。 Dealing with all these things and not being ground down by them, not letting other people's hostile ignorance rob us of the joy we find in this life — that is the hard part. By comparison, wearing a Victorian corset is the easiest thing in the world. 应付所有这类事情，不被它们打翻，不让其他人充满敌意的无知剥夺我们在这种生活中找到的快乐——这才是难点。与之相比，穿件维多利亚式的紧身胸衣就是世上最容易的事了。 This is why more people don't follow their dreams: They know the world is a cruel place for anyone who doesn't fit into the dominant culture. Most people fear the bullies so much that they knuckle under simply to be left alone. In the process, they crush their own dreams. 这就是为什么更多的人没有追随自己的梦想：他们知道，对于任何不一致遵从主导文化的人来说，世界是个残忍的地方。多数人如此恐惧欺凌，以至于轻言放弃，以便免受干扰。在此过程中，他们碾碎了自己的梦想。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——