What the Duck? 你鸭的！ 作者：Drew Magary @ 2013-11-17 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：babyface_claire（@许你疯不许你傻） 来源：GQ,http://www.gq.com/story/duck-dynasty-phil-robertson How in the world did a family of squirrel-eating, Bible-thumping, catchphrase-spouting duck hunters become the biggest TV stars in America? And what will they do now that they have 14 million fervent disciples? Our Drew Magary toured the Louisiana backwater with Phil Robertson and the Duck Dynasty gang to find out. 究竟是出于什么缘故，才会使得这样一个捕食松鼠、大肆宣扬圣经、口头禅滔滔不绝的猎鸭大家庭成了全美最耀眼的电视明星？现拥1400万狂热信徒，他们又会做些什么？为解答这些问题，本刊记者Drew Magary在路易斯安那的穷乡僻壤走访了Phil Robertson及《鸭子王朝》一伙人。

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Let's start with the crossbow, because the crossbow is huge. I'm sitting in the passenger seat of a camo-painted ATV, rumbling through the northern Louisiana backwoods with Phil Robertson, founder of the Duck Commander company, patriarch at the heart of A&E's smash reality hit Duck Dynasty, and my tour guide for the afternoon. 首先说说手弩，因为它实在太大了。当时我坐在一辆涂了迷彩的全地形车的副驾位置上，跟Phil Robertson一起颠簸在路易斯安那北部的老林中。Robertson是“鸭司令”公司的创始人，A & E有线台极为轰动的热播真人秀《鸭子王朝》的核心家长，也是我本次午后之旅的导游。 There are seat belts in this ATV, but it doesn't look like they've ever been used. Phil is not wearing one. I am not wearing one, because I don't want Phil to think I'm a pussy. (Too late!) The crossbow—a Barnett model equipped with a steel-tipped four-blade broadhead arrow—is perched on the dash between us. It looks like you could shoot through a goddamn mountain with it. 车上配有安全带，但似乎从来没人用过。Phil没系。我也没系，因为我可不想让Phil看扁。（然而太迟了……）手弩就趴在我俩之间的仪表板上。那是只巴内特弩，装备有一根箭头钢制、四向开刃的阔首箭。它看上去会让你觉得拿着它就可以他妈的射穿一座山。 "That'll bury up in you and kill you dead," Phil says. “这东西能把你射穿，彻底干掉你”，Phil说。 The bow is cocked and loaded, just in case a deer stumbles in front of us and we need to do a redneck drive-by on the poor bastard, but the safety is on. SAFETY FIRST. Still, Phil warns me, "You don't want to be bumping that." 弓已装好，扳机已扣上，万一有野鹿突然跑到我们的车子面前，那我们就需要在这倒霉蛋身上玩一场红脖式飞车射击了。但保险栓还是拉上了。安全第一！不过，Phil还是告诫我，“你最好还是不要碰到它。” As we drive out into the woods, past a sign that reads parish maintenance ends, Phil is telling me all about the land around us and how the animals are a glorious gift from God and how blowing their heads off is part of His plan for us. 随着我们驱车驶入丛林，把一个写着“县政府维护界”的牌子甩在后面，Phil一路都在跟我介绍周边的土地，说动物们是上帝赠与的极好礼物，又说把它们爆头是他为我们此行准备的计划之一。 "Look at this," he says, gesturing to the surrounding wilderness. "The Almighty gave us this. Genesis 9 is where the animals went wild, and God gave them wildness. After the flood, that's when he made animals wild. Up until that time, everybody was vegetarian. After the flood, he said, 'I'm giving you everything now. Animals are wild.'" “看看这个”，他说，手指着我们周围的荒野。“上帝把它赐予了我们。动物们走向野生是在《创世纪》第9章，上帝赐予了它们荒野。是在洪水之后，他才让动物们野生的。直到那时以前，所有人都吃素。洪水以后，上帝就说，‘我把一切都赐予你们。动物是野生的。’” There's a fly parked on Phil's long beard. It's been there the whole ride, and I desperately want to pluck it out, but I decide against it. Along with the crossbow, there's a loaded .22-caliber rifle rattling around in the footwell. Phil的长胡子上停着一只苍蝇。整个行驶过程中，它一直都在那儿，我极度想要把它抓走，但最终还是决定不这么干。除了手弩之外，车上还有支已经装上弹药的点22口径步枪在脚坑里一直晃荡。 And yet, much like the 14 million Americans who Nielsen says tune in to Duck Dynasty every week—over 2 million more than the audience for the Breaking Bad finale—I am comfortable here in these woods with Phil and his small cache of deadly weaponry. He is welcoming and gracious. 不过，跟Nielsen所说的每周都收看《鸭子王朝》的1400万美国人（比《绝命毒师》大结局的观众还要多200万）一样，我跟Phil及他的一小批致命武器藏品一起呆在丛林中时，感到非常舒适。他热心好客、和蔼可亲。 He is a man who preaches the gospel of the outdoors and, to my great envy, practices what he preaches. He spends most of his time out here, daydreaming about what he calls a "pristine earth": a world where nothing gets in the way of nature or the hunters who lovingly maintain it. No cities. No buildings. No highways. 他是一个户外运动的布道者，而且令我非常嫉妒的是，他实践了他所传之道。他大部分时候都呆在这里，梦想存在一个他称为“原始地球”的地方：整个世界没有任何东西会妨碍自然，或者妨碍那些细心维护自然的猎人。没有城市。没有建筑。没有高速公路。 Oh, and no sinners, too. So here's where things get a bit uncomfortable. Phil calls himself a Bible-thumper, and holy shit, he thumps that Bible hard enough to ring the bell at a county-fair test of strength. If you watch Duck Dynasty, you can hear plenty of it in the nondenominational supper-table prayer the family recites at the end of every episode, and in the show's no-cussing, no-blaspheming tone. 哦，还得没有罪人。说到这里事情就有点尴尬了。Phil称自己是个圣经狂人，而且我的神啊，他宣扬圣经的力度都可以把县农贸市场的力量测试钟给敲响了。如果你也看《鸭子王朝》，那你就能听到很多，包括他们一家在每集节目结尾时的晚餐桌前都会念诵的无宗派祈祷文，以及整个节目不乱诅咒、不亵渎神明的语气。 But there are more things Phil would like to say—"controversial" things, as he puts it to me—that don't make the cut. (This March, for instance, he told the Christian-oriented Sports Spectrum magazine that he didn't approve of A&E editing out "in Jesus" from a family prayer scene, even though A&E says that the phrase has been uttered in at least seventeen episodes.) 但Phil想要表达的东西更多，用他自己的话说，那都是些“有争议的”事情，而这些就不太符合要求了。（比如，今年三月，Phil就跟具有基督教倾向的《运动光谱》杂志说他并不赞成A&E台将“奉耶稣”一语从家庭祷告镜头中剪辑掉的做法，尽管A&E台宣称这一词汇已经在至少17集节目中被他们提到过。） Out here in these woods, without any cameras around, Phil is free to say what he wants. Maybe a little too free. He's got lots of thoughts on modern immorality, and there's no stopping them from rushing out. Like this one: 在这种丛林之中，周围没有摄像机，Phil拥有了想说啥就说啥的自由。可能还有点过分自由了。他对于现代的道德败坏想法甚多，根本无法阻止它们脱口而出。比如： "It seems like, to me, a vagina—as a man—would be more desirable than a man's anus. That's just me. I'm just thinking: There's more there! She's got more to offer. I mean, come on, dudes! You know what I'm saying? But hey, sin: It's not logical, my man. It's just not logical." “在我看来，作为一个男人，阴道似乎要比男人的后门更可爱。我就是这样。我的想法就是：那可要好多了！她能给我提供更多东西。我的意思是，别这样，男人们！你明白我在说什么吧？但世上就是会有罪恶。这没道理，兄弟。这就是没道理。” Perhaps we'll be needing that seat belt after all. 我想我们终究还是需要把安全带系好。

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The Duck Dynasty origin story is the mighty river from which all other Robertson-family stories flow. And it is an awesome story, one that improves the more it is told, so here is my stab at it: 《鸭子王朝》的起源故事是一条滔滔大河，Robertson家族此后所有的故事都发源于此。这是一个精彩的故事，而且每讲一次就会愈加完美一次，所以让我来试着叙述一下： Phil Robertson grew up bone poor in the northwest corner of this state—a place where Cajun redneck culture and Ozark redneck culture intersect—to a manic-depressive mother and a roughneck father. Phil Robertson成长于该州西北角一个极度贫困的家庭，当地乃是卡真人红脖文化【译注：卡真人是路易斯安那州的法国后裔。】与欧扎卡红脖文化【译注：欧扎卡山区位于密苏里南部与阿肯色和俄克拉荷马交界处。】的交汇之处。他的母亲患有狂躁抑郁症，父亲则是一个大老粗。 He was a star quarterback in high school and earned a scholarship to play at Louisiana Tech, but quit after one season because football interfered with duck-hunting season. The guy who took his roster spot at Tech was Terry Bradshaw, because that's how these kinds of stories go. 高中时代，他是个明星四分卫，后来获得奖学金在路易斯安那理工大学校队打球。但一个赛季以后他就退学了，因为橄榄球赛季和猎鸭季节相互冲突。在理工大学校队球员名册上顶替他位置的是Terry Bradshaw【译注：著名四分卫】，因为所有这类故事都有这种情节走向。 Phil On Growing Up in Pre-Civil-Rights-Era Louisiana Phil谈民权时代以前的路易斯安那成长经历 "I never, with my eyes, saw the mistreatment of any black person. Not once. Where we lived was all farmers. The blacks worked for the farmers. I hoed cotton with them. I'm with the blacks, because we're white trash. We're going across the field.... They're singing and happy. “我从未亲眼看过对任何黑人的虐待。一次都没有。我们住的地方全是农民。黑人们都为农民工作。我跟他们一起锄棉花。我跟黑人是一边的，因为我们都是穷苦白人。我们横穿田野……他们兴高采烈地歌唱。 "I never heard one of them, one black person, say, I tell you what: These doggone white people—not a word!... Pre-entitlement, pre-welfare, you say: Were they happy? They were godly; they were happy; no one was singing the blues." “我从未听他们，从未听任何一个黑人说过，嘿，我跟你说，这些他妈的白人——我从未听过此类说辞……这是在补贴以前，在福利制度以前。你要问：他们开心吗？他们是虔诚的、开心的；根本没人丧气埋怨。” According to Phil's autobiography—a ghostwritten book he says he has never read—he spent his days after Tech doing odd jobs and his evenings getting drunk, chasing tail, and swallowing diet pills and black mollies, a form of medicinal speed. In his midtwenties, already married with three sons, a piss-drunk Robertson kicked his family out of the house. 根据Phil的自传——该书由影子写手完成，Phil称自己从未读过——他从理工大学退学后，白天做零工，晚上则喝个大醉、拈花惹草、吞服减肥药和“黑玛丽鱼”（一种药物兴奋剂）。20多岁时，他已经结婚，并生有3个孩子，某次酩酊大醉后将家人全部赶出了自己的房子。 "I'm sick of you," he told his wife, Kay. But Robertson soon realized the error of his ways, begged Kay to come back, and turned over his life to Jesus Christ. “我看见你就烦”，他这么跟他老婆Kay说。但Robertson很快就意识到这种生活方式的错误，求Kay回家，并将自己的生命托付给了耶稣基督。 In 1972, with Jesus at the wheel, Robertson founded the Duck Commander company, which sold a line of custom-made duck-hunting calls that quickly became popular among avid hunters for their uncanny accuracy in replicating the sound of a real duck. 1972年，在耶稣的指引下，Robertson创办了“鸭司令”公司，出售一种定制的猎鸭哨子。这种哨子很快就在贪婪的猎人中流行开来，因为它能出奇精准地再现真鸭子的声音。最终，他将公司的一半卖给了自己现年41岁的儿子Willie。 He eventually sold half the company to his son Willie, now 41, and together they made a DVD series about the family's duck hunts, which led to a show on the Outdoor Channel, which led to Duck Dynasty on A&E, which led to everything blowing right the fuck up. 他们还一起录制了一个DVD系列，内容是全家的猎鸭活动，此举促使他们后来在“户外频道”上过一期节目，又催生了A&E台的《鸭子王朝》，而后者则促成了此后所有名声大噪的一切。 The show—a reality sitcom showcasing the semiscripted high jinks of Phil, his brother "Uncle Si," his four sons, Alan, Willie, Jase, and Jep, and the perpetually exasperated but always perfectly accessorized Robertson-family ladies—has become the biggest reality-TV hit in the history of cable television, reportedly earning the family a holy shit worthy $200,000-an-episode paycheck. 《鸭子王朝》是个真人秀情景剧，剧中展现的是Phil，他的兄弟“Uncle Si”和他4个儿子Alan、Willie、Jase和Jep之间半编排半自发的嬉笑怒骂，以及永远怒气冲冲但又总是穿戴整齐完美的Robertson家族的女士们。该剧已经成为有线电视史上最为成功的真人秀热播节目。据报道，这一家子收获了每集20万美元的天价报酬。 It's a funny, family-friendly show, with "skits that we come up with," as Phil describes the writing process. They plunder beehives. They blow up beaver dams. And when the Robertson-family ladies go up to a rooftop in a hydraulic lift, you just know that lift will "accidentally" get stuck and strand them. 这个节目既逗乐又适合家庭观看，据Phil介绍其写作过程，其中“有些搞笑是我们想出来的”。他们偷蜂巢。他们炸河狸坝。如果Robertson家族的女士们想要通过液压升降机爬到屋顶上去，你就知道升降机肯定会“突然”卡住，把她们困在里面。 But the show, whose fifth season premieres on January 15, is just one part of the family's pop-cultural dominance. In 2013 four books written (kind of!) by Robertson family members made the top ten on the New York Times nonfiction best-seller list. 该剧第5季将在1月15日首播，但它还只是Robertson家族在流行文化界统治地位的一个侧面。2013年，Robertson家族成员写作（请自行加上引号！）的4本书进入了《纽约时报》畅销书非虚构类前十榜单。 Another book—penned by Jase Robertson and detailing his Christian rebirth at age 14, his struggle to forgive his father's past behavior, and his young daughter's struggle through five facial-reconstruction surgeries to overcome a severe cleft lip and palate—is forthcoming and destined to make it five best-sellers. 还有一本马上要出的书——由Jase Robertson写作，详述他本人14岁时经历的基督教新生、他如何努力原谅其父过去的所作所为、他的小女儿为了治疗严重的唇腭裂如何挣扎着经历5次面部修复手术——也注定要成为第5本畅销书。 There's also a book of devotionals somewhere in there, along with Duck Dynasty themed birthday cards, bobblehead dolls, camo apparel (pink camo for the ladies), Cajun-spice seasoning, car fresheners, iPhone games (from the press release: "As players successfully complete the challenges, their beards grow to epic proportions and they start to transform from a yuppie into a full-blown redneck!"), and presumably some sort of camouflage home-pregnancy test. 这家人的作品清单里还有一本关于宗教仪式的书，此外还有《鸭子王朝》主题生日卡片、大头塑像、迷彩服（女士还有粉红迷彩）、卡真香料调味品、车用空气清新剂、iPhone游戏（游戏的新闻稿称，“如果玩家成功完成挑战，他们的胡子就会长到极为浓密，于是他们就会开始从雅皮转变为一个货真价实的红脖！”），可能还有某种具有伪装性的居家验孕办法。 It's easy to see the appeal. The Robertsons are immensely likable. They're funny. They look cool. They're "smarter than they look," says sportswriter Mark Schlabach, who co-writes the family's books. 他们的吸引力显而易见。Robertson一家子极为可爱。他们很搞笑。他们看起来很酷。他们“比看上去要聪明得多”，体育作家Mark Schlabach说道，他参与了写作该家族的书籍。 And they are remarkably honest both with one another and with the viewing audience: Phil's old hell-raising, Si's traumatic stint in Vietnam, the intervention that the family staged for Jep when he was boozing and doing drugs in college (Phil placed him under house arrest for three months)—all of it is out in the open. The more they reveal, the more people feel connected to them. 而且，他们对于彼此以及对于收看节目的观众也极为诚实。Phil曾经的捣蛋胡闹、Si在越南的痛苦岁月、Jep大学期间嗜酒嗜毒时全家为他而安排的干预矫治（Phil把他软禁在家中长达3个月）等等，所有这些都公之于众。他们展示给人的越多，人们就越是觉得自己与他们有共鸣。 And then, of course, there is their faith, which plays no small role here. During the family's initial negotiations about the show with A&E, Jase told me, "the three no-compromises were faith, betrayal of family members, and duck season." 当然，此外还有就是他们的信仰，这也发挥了不小的作用。Jase告诉我，在家族与A&E台最初就节目进行交涉时，“我们绝不让步的有三样，那就是信仰、背叛家族成员和猎鸭季节。” That refusal to betray their faith or one another has been a staple of every media article about the Robertson family. It's their elevator pitch, and it has made them into ideal Christian icons: beloved for staking out a bit of holy ground within the mostly secular, often downright sinful, pop culture of America. 拒绝背叛信仰、拒绝背叛彼此，已经成为了所有关于Robertson家族的媒体文章的共同主题。这就是他们的“电梯演讲”【译注：指推销自己的简短自我介绍】，使他们成为了完美的基督徒典范：因为在通常都很世俗、经常纯属邪恶的美国流行文化界圈出了一小块圣洁土壤而受到人们钟爱。

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Phil Robertson's house is located in the sticks about twenty miles outside the city of Monroe (pronounce it mun-roe). It's a rather small house—the kind of place its owner would proudly call "humble." The kitchen table is covered with big plastic tubs of cinnamon rolls and mini muffins. There are candy dishes filled to the brim, bricks of softening butter, and packages of jerky made from unknown animals, sent by unnamed fans. (I tried some, and it was awesome.) Phil Robertson的家安在距门罗市大约20英里的边远地区。房子相对较小——主人很可以骄傲地称这种住所为“寒舍”。厨房餐桌上摆满了大塑料盆装的肉桂饼和迷你松糕。还有满到冒尖的糖果盘子、快要融化的黄油块以及一包包由不知名粉丝送来的不知何种动物的肉干（我试吃了一些，味道棒极了）。 Just inside the front door, a giant flat-screen TV shows Fox News on mute at all times, and a bunch of big squishy sofas are arranged in a rectangle around it. 一进前门，就可以看到一个巨大的平面屏幕电视机，不间断地静音播放Fox News。好几个松垮垮的沙发就呈矩形摆放在电视机周围。 Si Robertson is sitting on the couch facing the TV. Jep Robertson, age 35, the youngest son, curls up in a recliner in the corner with a pistol strapped to his waist. He barely speaks, like a countrified Silent Bob. Si Robertson坐在正对电视机的沙发上。35岁的Jep Robertson是最小的儿子，蜷缩在角落里的一条躺椅上，腰上别支手枪。他很少说话，就像是个乡村版的“沉默的鲍勃”【译注：美国制片人Kevin Smith创造的虚拟人物，沉默寡言】。 Jase, 44, and Willie share a love seat while Phil lounges barefoot on a camo-patterned recliner in the far corner of the room. Two dogs share the recliner's footrest with Phil's heavily callused bare feet. He has severe bunions, so his big toes jut in at forty-five-degree angles. 44岁的Jase和Willie一起坐在一张双人沙发上，而Phil则赤脚躺在房间最远处角落里的一张涂着迷彩图案的躺椅上。两只狗跟Phil那长满老茧的赤脚一同靠着脚垫。他患有严重的拇囊炎，所以大脚趾根呈45度角突出【编注：据某些医生认为，拇囊炎和长期穿不合脚的鞋有关，比如特别窄的尖头皮靴。】。 The main TV room is cluttered with mismatched furniture and photos hung haphazardly on the walls. And Phil looks like part of the clutter himself, as if he'd been wedged into that recliner a while back by some absentminded homeowner who didn't know where else to put him. 放电视机的主客厅里胡乱摆放着互不搭配的家具，墙上随意挂着些照片。Phil本人看起来似乎就是杂物之一，就好像是之前某个心不在焉的房主不知道要把他摆哪里，所以就塞进了那个躺椅中。 When I walk into the TV area, no one makes a move to get up—the Robertson men greet you as they would a friend who just came back from a beer run. Not only are the Robertsons among the most famous people in the country, they also happen to be among the most recognizable. 我走进电视房时，没人做出什么要起来的动作。Robertson家的男人欢迎你的方式，就像他们对待一个刚买啤酒回来的朋友一样。Robertson一家不但是全县最出名的人物之一，他们也是最好认的人之一。凭着那些大胡子，你在一英里以外都能认出他们。 You can spot them from a mile away with those beards. Imagine Johnny Depp walking around every day in his Jack Sparrow costume and you begin to get an idea of how much they stand out. It's gotten to the point that they say they can't fly commercial anymore. 想象一下约翰·尼德普天天顶着杰克船长的那套装扮四处晃悠，你就能大体理解他们有多么突兀显眼。这事已经发展到了他们说他们再也不能乘坐普通民航的程度。 "You been hunting yet this year?" Phil asks me, by way of introduction. “今年你打过猎？”Phil这么问我，算是引见。 I have not. In fact, I confess to Phil, I've never been hunting before. But I have fired a gun! NOT A TOTAL LIGHTWEIGHT, GANG! 没有。事实上，我跟Phil坦白说，我还从未打过猎。但是开过枪！绝不是完全的废材，酷！ "Si went this morning and killed three squirrels," says Phil. "They're delicious. One of the best meats there is in the woods, I'll tell you that. Very clean animal." He nods toward Uncle Si, who, with his mangy ponytail, looks very much like the squirrels he hunts. “Si今天早上去了，杀了三只松鼠”，Phil说。“太美味了。我跟你说，这可是丛林中最美的肉食之一。非常干净的动物。”他朝Uncle Si点点头，后者顶着一条脏兮兮的马尾辫，看起来倒是蛮像他猎杀的松鼠。 Phil On Why He Voted Romney in 2012 Phil谈他2012年为什么给罗姆尼投票 "If I'm lost at three o'clock in a major metropolitan area...I ask myself: Where would I rather be trying to walk with my wife and children? One of the guys who's running for president is out of Chicago, Illinois, and the other one is from Salt Lake City, Utah. [Editor's note: Romney is from Boston, not Salt Lake City.] Where would I rather be turned around at three o'clock in the morning? I opted for Salt Lake City. I think it would be safer." “如果我早上三点在一个大都市区迷路了……我会问我自己：我更想带着我的妻子和孩子朝哪个方向走？竞选总统的人中有一个来自伊利诺斯的芝加哥，另一个来自犹他的盐湖城[原文编辑注：罗姆尼来自波士顿，而不是盐湖城]【译注：罗姆尼虽不是来自盐湖城，但确实是摩门教徒。】。凌晨3点钟，我应该朝哪个方向走？我选择盐湖城。我觉得这样安全些。” Even though he's in the far corner of the room, Phil dominates the house. There are times when he doesn't look you in the eye while he's speaking—he looks just off to the side of you, as if Jesus were standing nearby, holding a stack of cue cards. Everyone else in the room just stares at his phone, or at the TV, or holds side conversations as Phil preaches. 尽管他只是远远地坐在房间的角落里，但Phil仍俯视着整个屋子。有时候，他在跟你说话时并不会和你对视，他的视线会朝向你的左右两边，就好像耶稣正手拿一堆提示卡站在旁边一样。Phil布道时，屋子里的其他人要么就盯着自己的手机，要么就盯着电视机，要么就继续和其他人单独说话。 "We're Bible-thumpers who just happened to end up on television," he tells me. "You put in your article that the Robertson family really believes strongly that if the human race loved each other and they loved God, we would just be better off. We ought to just be repentant, turn to God, and let's get on with it, and everything will turn around." “我们都是些圣经狂人，只是碰巧跑到电视上去了而已”，他跟我说。“你写的文章要说一说，Robertson一家人确实非常相信，如果人类能够爱彼此同时爱上帝，我们就会过得更加好。我们就是应该悔改、应该皈依上帝。只要我们努力如此，一切都会好转。” What does repentance entail? Well, in Robertson's worldview, America was a country founded upon Christian values (Thou shalt not kill, etc.), and he believes that the gradual removal of Christian symbolism from public spaces has diluted those founding principles. (He and Si take turns going on about why the Ten Commandments ought to be displayed outside courthouses.) He sees the popularity of Duck Dynasty as a small corrective to all that we have lost. 悔改意味着什么？关于这事，在Robertson的世界观里，美国的建国基础是基督教价值观（“不可杀人”等等）。而且他认为，将基督教符号从公共空间中逐步清除的做法已经冲淡了这些建国原则。（他和Si轮流喋喋不休地谈论为什么应该将十诫摆在法院外边。）他将《鸭子王朝》的风靡视作对我们所丢弃之物的一点点矫正。 "Everything is blurred on what's right and what's wrong," he says. "Sin becomes fine." “何为是？何为非？一切都模糊了”，他说。“罪恶通行无阻。” What, in your mind, is sinful? 在你心目中，什么是有罪？ "Start with homosexual behavior and just morph out from there. Bestiality, sleeping around with this woman and that woman and that woman and those men," he says. Then he paraphrases Corinthians: "Don't be deceived. Neither the adulterers, the idolaters, the male prostitutes, the homosexual offenders, the greedy, the drunkards, the slanderers, the swindlers—they won't inherit the kingdom of God. Don't deceive yourself. It's not right." 他说，“首先是同性恋，然后就从那开始分化。兽交，跟这个女的那个女的厮混，然后又跟那个女的这群男的厮混。”然后他改述《哥林多前书》：“不要自欺。无论是奸淫的、拜偶像的、做男妓的、行同性恋的冒犯者、贪婪的、醉酒的、造谣的、行骗的，他们都不能承受神的国。不要自欺。这是不对的。” During Phil's darkest days, in the early 1970s, he had to flee the state of Arkansas after he badly beat up a bar owner and the guy's wife. Kay Robertson persuaded the bar owner not to press charges in exchange for most of the Robertsons' life savings. ("A hefty price," he notes in his memoir.) I ask Phil if he ever repented for that, as he wants America to repent—if he ever tracked down the bar owner and his wife to apologize for the assault. He shakes his head. 在他过往的黑暗日子里，1970年代早期，Phil曾将一个酒吧店主及其妻子打成重伤，自己不得不逃离阿肯色。Kay Robertson说服酒吧店主不起诉，代价是付出了Robertson一辈子攒下的大部分积蓄。（“沉重的代价”，他在自传中说。）我问他，如果他要美国悔改，那他是否曾为此悔改过，是否曾追寻那个店主及其妻子的下落并为其袭击行为致歉。他摇了摇头。 "I didn't dredge anything back up. I just put it behind me." “我不会在任何旧事上徘徊。我会径直将它们丢在脑后。” As far as Phil is concerned, he was literally born again. Old Phil—the guy with the booze and the pills—died a long time ago, and New Phil sees no need to apologize for him: 在Phil看来，他已经真真切切地重生了一次。旧的Phil，那个饮酒嗑药的Phil，很久以前就已死去，新的Phil不觉得有必要帮他道歉。 "We never, ever judge someone on who's going to heaven, hell. That's the Almighty's job. We just love 'em, give 'em the good news about Jesus—whether they're homosexuals, drunks, terrorists. We let God sort 'em out later, you see what I'm saying?" “谁会上天堂，谁会下地狱，在这个问题上我们从不、绝不对人加以评判。这是上帝的事务。我们只需爱他们，向他们传递关于耶稣的好消息，不管他们是同性恋、酒鬼还是恐怖分子。我们让上帝以后来挑选他们，你知道我什么意思吗？” Okay, so perhaps it's not exactly shocking that a deeply religious 67-year-old hunter from rural Louisiana would have, shall we say, enthusiastic ideas about what constitutes good Christian morality. That's the unspoken red-state appeal of Duck Dynasty. They're godly folk. "Real" folk. 好吧。所以，一个信仰极为真诚的67岁路易斯安那乡下猎人会对什么是好的基督教伦理这一问题抱有（也许可以说）极为狂热的想法，这也许并不是特别令人震惊。这是《鸭子王朝》对于红州不言而喻的感染力。他们是一帮虔诚的老百姓。“真正的”老百姓。 It helps explain why people flock to Monroe in droves to visit the Duck Commander store (which, shockingly, does not sell firearms). It's why Willie Robertson can walk out of work on a regular Thursday afternoon and be greeted by a cheering crowd that seemingly stretches back to the horizon. He shows me a video of the crowd on his phone. 它可以解释，为什么人们会成群结队地涌入门罗市，只为参观“鸭司令”的门店（令人惊讶的是，店里并不出售武器）。这也是为何当Willie Robertson在某个平常的周四下午歇工后会受到一大群人欢呼致意，拥挤的人群似乎要延伸到天边去。他用手机向我展示了人群的视频。 "This was one day just in the summer," he says. "I was just going in my car to go home. " “这就只是夏日的一天”，他说。“我只是朝我的车子走去，准备回家。” Does it ever wear you down? 这是否会让你疲倦？ "Oh yeah." “嗯。” Willie has just come back from Washington, D.C., where he accepted an award at the Angels in Adoption Gala. (He and his wife, Korie, adopted a biracial child named Will and are dedicated advocates of the practice.) As we speak, there's a film crew outside the house, prepping for a State Farm ad that the family will be shooting here on the property tomorrow. Willie刚从华盛顿回来，他去“收养天使庆典”上领了一个奖。（Willie和妻子Korie领养了一个混血儿，叫做Will，两人都是领养行为的热情拥护者。）我们交谈的时候，屋子外头还有一个制片组，正在为全家人明天将在这片宅子上拍摄的一个“州立农业保险公司”广告做准备。 The Robertsons receive more than 500 media requests a day, and Willie had to negotiate down to four shooting days a week with A&E just so the family would have a bit of breathing room. Phil knows it won't last. He can already see that the end is near, and he's prepared for it. 每天，Robertson一家都会收到500多份媒体请求，Willie则需要和A&E台商量，将拍摄日减少到每周4天，以便全家能稍微有一些喘息空间。Phil知道事情不会一直如此。他已经预见到，快要到头了，而且正在为之做准备。 "Let's face it," he says. "Three, four, five years, we're out of here. You know what I'm saying? It's a TV show. This thing ain't gonna last forever. No way." “承认吧”，他说。“三年、四年、五年，我们肯定会停的。你知道我什么意思不？这只是个电视节目。这种东西不会永远持续。绝不可能。” When the show runs its course and the production trucks drive off the Robertson property for good, there will be nothing keeping Phil from his greater mission. He could step back if he felt like it, given that he's now a very wealthy man. He could stay in these woods and live out the rest of his days hunting. But he has a flock now. He and the other Robertson men happily tour the country, giving speeches and hosting Bible studies. 如果节目寿终正寝，摄制组的大卡车彻底离Robertson一家人的领地而去，那时候将没有任何事物能够阻止Phil去履行他那更伟大的使命。如果他愿意，他可以退隐，因为他现在已经非常富有。他可以呆在这些林子里，余生全用来打猎。但是他现在有了一批教徒。他和Robertson家的其他男人一起，愉快地在全国巡回，发表演讲，主持圣经研究。 I ask Jep Robertson later on if the second generation of Robertson men shares Phil's views on sin and morality. "We're not quite as outspoken as my dad, but I'm definitely in line," he says. "If somebody asks, I tell 'em what the Bible says." 我后来曾问过Jep Robertson，在罪行和道德问题上，Robertson家的第二代男人是否跟Phil持有一样的观点。“我们并不像爸爸那样坦率直言，但我绝对是跟随着他的”，他说。“如果有人问我什么事，我会告诉他圣经怎么说。” When Uncle Si went to Conway, Arkansas, recently for a paid appearance, 20,000 people showed up. It led the local news that night in Little Rock. The show is merely the platform. The end goal is to save souls. And the Robertson family is more than happy to sacrifice a little privacy out here in the woods—visitors regularly congregate outside Phil's security gate hoping for a glance at the family— to spread the good word. Uncle Si最近参加阿肯色州康威市的一次商业登台时，有20000人出席。该活动在小石城当晚的地方新闻中大放异彩。演出只是一个平台。最终目的是拯救灵魂。而且，为了传播上帝的好消息，Robertson一家非常乐意在这片林子里牺牲一点隐私——参观者经常会聚集在Phil的防盗闸前面，盼望着能窥探一下这个家庭。 "For the sake of the Gospel, it was worth it," Phil tells me. "All you have to do is look at any society where there is no Jesus. I'll give you four: Nazis, no Jesus. Look at their record. Uh, Shintos? They started this thing in Pearl Harbor. Any Jesus among them? None. Communists? None. Islamists? Zero. That's eighty years of ideologies that have popped up where no Jesus was allowed among those four groups. Just look at the records as far as murder goes among those four groups." “为了福音，这么做是值得的”，Phil跟我说。“你只需要看看那些没有耶稣的社会。我给你举4个。纳粹，没有耶稣。看看他们的历史。呃，神道教？他们搞出了珍珠港这档子事。他们有耶稣吗？没有。共产主义者？没有。伊斯兰主义者？零。这4个群体中有80年不允许耶稣出现，结果就冒出了这么些意识形态。只需要看看这4个群体中谋杀蔓延的记录。” Phil On Health Insurance Phil谈医疗保险 "Temporary is all you're going to get with any kind of health care, except the health care I'm telling you about. That's eternal health care, and it's free.... I've opted to go with eternal health care instead of blowing money on these insurance schemes." “你从任何医疗保健上面得到的，都只能是暂时的。除非你采用我跟你说的这种医疗保健，那就是永恒医疗保健，而且它是免费的……我选择采用永恒医疗保健，不会把钱浪费在那些保险计划上头。” For what it's worth—and since I actually looked it up—the violent-crime rate here in America has plummeted since 1990, even as church attendance has stayed the same. And, of course, Phil is conveniently ignoring centuries upon centuries of war, bloodshed, and human enslavement committed in the name of Christ. 或可加以参考的是——我确实查证过——美国的暴力犯罪率自1990年以来已经大幅下降了，尽管去教堂的人数并没有什么变化。而且，Phil显然随手就把历史上数个世纪里以基督的名义犯下的种种战争、杀戮和奴役他人等行为给忽略了。 But I doubt any of that would sway Phil. And anyway, I'm a guest in his house and he is my welcoming host, so I smile politely and nod like the milquetoast suburban WASP that I am. 但是，我怀疑所有这些都不会动摇Phil。而且，不管怎样，我是到他家作客的，他又是个好客的主人，所以我一直礼貌地笑着，恰如其分地像个城郊盎格鲁萨克逊白人新教徒那样温驯地点头。 If you can't reconcile some of the things Phil says with his otherwise friendly demeanor—perhaps because you are gay, or a duck—I don't blame you. And I don't blame Duck Dynasty for keeping the show safely apolitical, ensuring smooth digestion for a mass audience. 如果你没法很好地调和Phil的部分言论与他的另外一些友好举止——也许因为你是同性恋，或者你是只鸭子——我并不会怪你。我也不怪《鸭子王朝》一剧刻意小心地保持其非政治性质的做法，这是为了确保大众受众能够毫无阻碍地接受它。 While Phil proselytizes, I lean over to Willie, who is playing a video game on his phone. 在Phil推销其宗教信仰的时候，我侧身探向Willie，他正在手机上玩电子游戏。 Boy, it's hard to get a word in with him! 哎呀，要在他面前插进一句话可真难啊！ Willie nods knowingly, barely looking up. I get the sense he's heard all this before, many, many times. It's taken me a while to figure out that you can cut Phil off and it's not rude. He's like a sidewalk preacher. One look from a stranger is all he needs to delve into the story bank and dole out his sermon. You can stop and listen for a bit, and then move on if you like. So even though he's rolling, I change the subject. Willie会意地点点头，基本没看我。于是我就知道，他之前肯定已经听过这些话了，而且是很多很多次。我费了好一会儿才明白，你可以直接打断Phil的话，他不会觉得你粗鲁。他就像是那些呆在路边的布道者。只要有陌生人看他一眼，就足够让他深入到他自己的故事库里，开始他的讲道。你可以驻足一会，稍微听听，然后想走就走。所以尽管他还在滔滔不绝，我却换了一个话题。 You know what, Phil? Maybe we should just go shoot some stuff. Can we do that? 你知道吗，Phil？也许我们应该直接跑去射点东西。行不？ "Oh yeah. You betcha we can." “当然行。这还用问吗？”

……

The Robertson family spread is a 20,000-acre stretch of Louisiana floodplain. At first glance, it looks like an untouched expanse of rural wilderness. It is not. Phil stops the ATV in the middle of the trail, which runs atop a levee that he built himself, to show me a vast field of pink wild flowers. He crumbles one of the wild flowers and shows me the black seeds inside. Robertson家族散居在路易斯安那20000英亩的大片洪泛平原上。乍一看，此地就像是一个未经开发的辽阔荒野。但它不是。Phil半路中停住了他的全地形车，我们行驶的小径就修在他自己建的一条堤坝上。Phil带我去看一大片的粉红色银莲花。他捏碎其中一个，让我看里面的黑色种子。 "See them little black seeds? See that? That's what ducks eat. They love that. It's called Pennsylvania smartweed. So we basically grow either natural vegetation or plants, or augment it, and we flood it." In other words, the Robertsons are a legit farm-to-table family. Real pre-hipster shit. “看到那些小小的黑色种子没有？看到不？鸭子就吃那个。它们很喜欢。这叫做宾夕法尼亚荨麻。所以我们基本上要么就是种天然的植被，要么就是种作物，或者帮助其增长，然后就把它们放水淹起来。”换句话说，Robertson一家可是正统的从农场到餐桌的家庭。真正是颓废派出现之前的做派。 When the waters from the nearby Ouachita River flood, it creates an ideal place to feed ducks. Which means it's also the ideal place to kill ducks, who fly all the way from the Canadian prairies just to find themselves at the wrong end of Phil's shotgun. 当附近的沃希托河洪水泛滥时，这里就成了一个饲养鸭子的理想场所。这也意味着，它同样是猎杀鸭子的理想场所。鸭子们从加拿大的大草原上一路飞过来，却发现自己错误地撞到了Phil的枪口。 "Whack 'em and stack 'em," as he says. And if the river doesn't flood during the sixty-day duck season between November and January, Robertson has a pipeline installed to flood the lowlands anyway so that they don't lose a day of hunting. “啪一下、堆起来”，他是这么说的。如果在11月至1月之间的60天猎鸭季节之内，河里没有涨水，那么Robertson就会装上一根管子，总之要把低洼地带淹没起来，这样他们就不会浪费一天打猎机会。 The ecology here has been so perfectly manipulated that it feels as if two giant hands reached down from the sky and molded the land itself, an effect that I'm sure would please Phil. Whatever you think of Phil's beliefs, it's hard not to gaze upon his cultivations and wonder if you've gotten life all wrong. 这里的生态营造得如此完美，以至于你会觉得好像是有两只巨手从天而降亲自塑造了这片大地。我想这肯定让Phil特别愉悦。无论你怎么看待Phil的信仰, 当你看着他种植的东西时，你几乎总会纳闷自己的生活是不是都错了。 This is life as summer camp. It's gorgeous, in a way that alters you on an elemental level. I feel it when I breathe the air. I feel it when I survey the enormity of the space around me. I shouldn't be sitting around the house and bitching because the new iOS 7 touchscreen icons don't have any fucking drop shadow. I should be out here, dammit! Killing things and growing things and bringing dead things home to cook! There is a life out in this wilderness that I am too chickenshit to lead. 这是一种夏令营似的生活。它无比动人，会从最根本的层面上改变你。我呼吸的时候，有这种体会。我纵览周边的无垠空间时，有这种体会。我不应该在屋子里呆着，为那见鬼的新版iOS 7触屏图标没有阴影效果而满腹牢骚。我应该跑到这儿来，该死的！杀点东西、种点东西，然后带点打死的东西回家煮！这片荒野中有一种生活方式，而我胆小懦弱、无力体验。 As we speed along, a speck of mud gets on my shirt—OMG MUD EWW SO GROSS!—and I flick it away. Meanwhile, Phil sits next to me, and his whole life is caked in mud. He's been out here plunging his hands into the earth and ripping the heads off ducks while I've been in suburbia with my thumb up my ass. I feel both inadequate and ungrateful. There's only one way to absolve myself, I figure, and that is to shoot the fuck out of this crossbow. 疾驰而过的时候，一小块泥巴溅到了我的衬衫上——天啦！泥巴！呃，太恶心啦！——我把它给弹走了。这时，Phil就坐在我旁边，他的整个人生就凝结在泥巴里。当我在郊区呆着没事抠屁眼的时候，他却一直呆在这片荒野中，双手扒进泥土里，撕扯鸭子们的脑袋。我既感到自己人生不够完整，又感到自己不知感恩。我想，只有一种办法能赦免我自己，那就是拿着这只手弩射他妈的几发。 Can I shoot the crossbow? And the rifle, for that matter? 我能不能射射这只手弩？还有那条步枪？ "It's ready to go," he says. "Let's see what you can shoot at." “已经弄好了”，他说。“看看你能射到什么。” Since it isn't duck season yet, and since there are no deer around, Phil tosses out a bottle of water from the ATV for me to target. I grab the .22 first, step out of the vehicle, and nail it dead on. first shot. I AM THE HUNTER. 因为现在还没到猎鸭季节，而且周围也没有野鹿，所以Phil从车上往外边扔出一瓶水，让我去瞄准。我先拿起那条点22步枪，爬出车子，十分精准地击中了它。第一枪。我是个猎人！ Time for the crossbow. Phil steps in front of the ATV to move the bottle so that I have a clear shot. I jokingly pantomime grabbing at the crossbow to shoot him. 接着是手弩。Phil跑到车子前面去挪动那只瓶子，以便让我能看得更清。我开玩笑地打手势，假装拿着弩要去射他。 Just stay there, Phil! That's perfect! 就呆在那儿，Phil！很好！ He laughs and pats his pant leg: "That's why I keep an extra sidearm here." 他笑了，拍拍自己的裤腿。“这就是为啥我要额外在这里再放一支小手枪。” Phil hands me the bow, and I try to get a bead on the bottle through the scope. I close my eyes just as I'm squeezing the trigger. I hear the rush of the arrow and open my eyes in time to see the bottle jump up and start bleeding water down into the swamplands. The arrow is stuck a foot deep in the muck. I feel so very alive. Phil把弩交给我，我试着用瞄准器的准星去对那只瓶子。扣下扳机时，我闭上了眼睛。我听到箭支射出去的声音，睁开眼睛，就看到瓶子飞了起来，正往底下的沼泽地里漏水。箭支没地足有一英尺。我感到活力十足。 Phil nods in approval. "What do they call you where you're from? Deadeye? Let me guess: You were a mischievous boy when you were younger." I was indeed. Perhaps I should have stayed that way. Phil赞赏地点点头。“在你们那边，人们管你叫啥？我猜，是‘神射手’？你小的时候肯定是个淘气的孩子。”我确实是。也许我应该一直保持那样。 "So you and your woman: Are y'all Bible people?" “那么，你和你的女人，信圣经的吗？” Not really, I'm sorry to say. 恐怕不是，很遗憾地说。 "If you simply put your faith in Jesus coming down in flesh, through a human being, God becoming flesh living on the earth, dying on the cross for the sins of the world, being buried, and being raised from the dead—yours and mine and everybody else's problems will be solved. And the next time we see you, we will say: ‘You are now a brother. Our brother.' So then we look at you totally different then. See what I'm saying?" “只要你能相信耶稣通过一个人的形式以肉身降临，相信上帝变成肉身，生活在地球上，为着世上的罪恶而死在了十字架上，被埋进土里又死而复生。那么你的问题、我的问题、所有其他人的问题就都解决了。下次我们再看到你，我们就会说：‘你现在是兄弟。我们的兄弟’。那时候我们看待你就会完全不同了。知道我什么意思不？” I think so? 大概知道？ We hop back in the ATV and plow toward the sunset, back to the Robertson home. There will be no family dinner tonight. No cameras in the house. No rowdy squirrel-hunting stories from back in the day. There will be only the realest version of Phil Robertson, hosting a private Bible study with a woman who, according to him, "has been on cocaine for years and is making her decision to repent. I'm going to point her in the right direction." 我们跳回车上，车子朝着夕阳颠簸，往Robertson家开回去。今晚不会有家庭晚餐。家里不会有摄像机。不会有人叽叽喳喳地讲述白天猎松鼠的故事。只会有最真实版本的Phil Robertson，他将举办一个私人的圣经学习会。另外一位参与者是个妇女，据Robertson说，“她多年来一直吸食可卡因，正决定悔改。我会为她指明正确的方向。” It's the direction he would like to point everyone: back to the woods. Back to the pioneer spirit. Back to God. "Why don't we go back to the old days?" he asked me at one point. But now, I'm afraid, I must get out of the ATV and go back to where I belong, back to the godless part of America that Phil is determined to save. 这方向是他愿意为任何人指明的：回归丛林；回归拓荒者的精神；回归上帝。“为什么不能回到老时光呢？”他曾这样问我。但是，我想我现在必须离开他的全地形车，回到属于我的地方、回到Phil下定决心要去拯救的那个不虔诚的美国去了。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2016-07-23】 @linsantu 发表了博文《科学家和哲学家的宗教信仰》（6月24日改自去年知乎回答，7月10日发表于腾讯大家）一我们生活在一个科学主义的时代，科学家（尤其是自然科学家）常常被视为理性与真理的化身。因此一般人在讨论“神 http://t.cn/R5gmmgp @Drunkplane-zny: @whigzhou 辉总也许会对这文章感兴趣。我感觉挺有趣的。 @whigzhou: 这主要是个文化现象，不从文化方面入手没啥意思 @whigzhou: 我见过一些信仰调查问卷，基本观感是，通常它们的问题都问的很蠢，让我无从回答，比如『你认为上帝存在吗？』这种问题，若不澄清其操作性含义，便毫无意义，『你有宗教信仰吗？』也差不多，『你觉得下列哪顶帽子更适合你：无神论者、怀疑论者、不可知论者、基督徒……』稍微好一点，但信息量也不大。 @whigzhou: 假如1950年的一位数学家说自己是基督徒，2010年的一位数学家说自己是无神论者，依我看，这一不同表态对于我们判断他们在基本哲学立场上有何差异毫无帮助。 @whigzhou: 因为如何表态主要取决于他们是否喜欢『基督徒』和『无神论者』这两个词所沾上的文化气味 @whigzhou: 宗教信仰主要是一种文化认同，跟哲学立场没什么关系，或者说两者间关系是高度任意的，『全知全能的上帝规定了物理定律并通过这些定律运行世界』和无神论有什么经验上可辨认差异吗？反之，无神论者照样可以相信灵性、感质和各种天钩。 @whigzhou: 所以，假如你要把宗教当成一个哲学问题来问，那么你的问题就不能这么幼稚或暗含立场，假如你要把它当成文化认同问题来问，那么像『你经常去教堂吗？』『假如你没受过洗，你会在未来受洗吗？』『你常阅读圣经吗？』『教会生活对你重要吗？』『你希望自己的葬礼遵循基督教仪轨吗？』之类的问题会更好。 @whigzhou: 当代美国社会的语境中，信仰问题其实已经收窄到了其伦理方面，即，争议参与者所关切的，主要是其伦理方面，其中要点可表述为：在判定某一人类行动应该与否时，除了个人欲望、理性及其集体表达之外，是否存在某个更高（或最高）的外部指引，若是，它具体给出了哪些指引？ @whigzhou: 多数坚守信仰者所意图坚守的，其实是这个，尽管他们自己往往也表达不清楚。  

【2016-07-16】 @方悄悄诺娃 有人问：你这样张口闭口小粉红，你跟小粉红有什么区别？ 区别很明显啊……我从没逼人表过态，也没去别人微博底下骂过街……小时候被人踩了一脚，我哭了，我妈妈问我是不是很疼，我说他为什么不跟我说对不起……然后那人听见了就跟我说“对不起”，我就哭着说“没关系”啊……我哪有小粉红万分之一的战斗力，不要谬赞我了。 @sw小橘子: 词的褒贬，是随着词所指对象的属性而变迁的。本来是褒义的词，长期用在卑劣的事物上，就带上了贬义。本来是贬义的词，长期用在价值链上游，就带上了褒义。那么，“小粉红”是如何成为贬义词的呢？ @whigzhou: 可不是嘛，whig/tory/yankee最早都是骂人话，只有最自信者才能欣然接受这些贬义绰号 @whigzhou: 英国人在这方面最豁达，美国黑人的称呼已经换了那么多个了，最后都没变成好词，negro在60年代还是中性词，约翰逊政府的官方文件里还这么叫，现在已经变成禁用词了 @whigzhou: 连Iron Lady都是俄国人叫出来的 @whigzhou: 马丁路德金在1963年那篇演讲里还把自己的民族称为Negro @whigzhou: 针对美国白人的蔑称不计其数，craker, okie, redneck, hillbilly，也没见受者满地打滚，很多人反而欣然受之引以为豪，最露骨的词是white trash，80年代很多南方白人作家自称white trash，1986年还出了本《白垃圾烹饪》，热卖  

I’m an Oregon rancher. Here’s what you don’t understand about the Bundy standoff. 俄勒冈农场主来信：谈谈“邦迪对峙”中你所不知道的一些事情 作者： Keith Nantz @ 2016-1-8 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：Tankman 来源：The Washington Post， https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/01/08/im-an-oregon-rancher-heres-what-you-dont-understand-about-the-bundy-standoff/ The Obama administration has pushed our livelihood to the brink. 奥巴马政府把我们的生计推到了崩溃边缘。 This week, the Ammon Bundy-led seizure of a federal wildlife refuge thrust Oregon’s ranchers into the spotlight. While I don’t agree with the occupiers’ tactics, I sympathize with their position. Being a rancher was always challenging. And it has become increasingly difficult under the Obama administration. 本周，由阿蒙·邦迪领导的一场占领某联邦野生动物保护站的行动将俄勒冈的牧场主们推到了聚光灯下。尽管我并不赞同占领者的策略，但我同情他们的立场。牧场主历来难当，在奥巴马政府治下更是日益艰辛。 I grew up in a ranching community in northeast Oregon. Even as a kid, I knew I wanted to be a rancher. After eight years as a firefighter, I’d saved enough to start my own business. I wanted to work on the land, raising delicious, wholesome beef for our growing population. 我自幼在俄勒冈东北部的一个放牧社区长大。还在孩提时代，我就知道自己想要做个牧场主。当了八年消防员之后，我攒够了钱，启动了自己的生意。我渴望在土地上劳作，为我们日益增长的人口生产出美味可口的健康牛肉。 For almost a decade, I’ve done just that. Most days, I’m up before the sun rises. I spend my mornings tending to my horses, dogs and livestock. In the winter, when it’s bitter cold, I’m outside with my cattle, making sure their water isn’t frozen and that they’re properly fed. In the summer, I often work 15-hour days, cultivating my crops and tending to the animals. In the afternoons, I’m in my office, reaching out to customers and handling the ranch’s business side. Over the course of a given day, I act as a vet, a mechanic, an agronomist and accountant. 有大约整整十年，我就在做这个事情。大多数日子，我会在天亮之前起床。整个早上都要去照料我的马匹、狗和牲畜。冬天的严寒时节，我也需要和牛群呆在外边，确保它们的饮水不会结冰，进食不会出错。夏天，我通常每天工作15小时，种植庄稼、照料动物。下午则呆在办公室里联络顾客、处理农场的经营事务。每天的不同时候，我需要扮演兽医、技工、农艺师和会计等不同角色。 I love the work, but it’s grueling. As a rancher, I’m always one bad year away from financial disaster. Every purchase I make — from new cows ($2,000 each) to a new piece of equipment worth hundreds of thousands of dollars — is a major investment. And my ranch operates on very slim margins, so I have to be savvy to make ends meet. 我热爱这份工作，但确实很累。作为一个牧场主，我离出现财务悲剧永远只有一个糟糕年份的距离。每购进一样东西——不管是新的奶牛（每头2000元）还是价值数十万的新设备——都是一次重要投资。我的农场盈利微薄，所以我必须精打细算、量入为出。 Money isn’t the only challenge. Raising cattle requires a lot of land, much more than most ranchers can afford to own outright. I lease about a third of the space I use from private owners. But most ranchers aren’t so lucky. The federal government controls a huge amount of land in the west (more than 50 percent in some states, like Oregon), and many ranchers must lease that space to create a sustainable operation. 钱并不是唯一的麻烦。养牛需要大片土地，多数牧场主做不到全部使用自有土地。我所用的土地中，约有三分之一是从其他私人业主手中租用的。但多数牧场主没有我这种好运。在西部，联邦政府控制着巨量土地（在一些州，如俄勒冈，联邦政府土地占有量超过50%），许多牧场主必须从其手中租用，以支撑牧场持续运转。 Utilizing federal land requires ranchers to follow an unfair, complicated and constantly evolving set of rules. For example, a federal government agency might decide that it wants to limit the number of days a rancher can graze their cattle to protect a certain endangered plant or animal species, or they might unilaterally decide that ranchers can’t use as much water as they need because of a fight over water rights. Or they might take over land that once belonged to the state or private individuals, imposing an entirely new set of restrictions. 使用联邦土地要求牧场主遵从一系列不甚公平、复杂且持续多变的规则。比如，某联邦机构可能会决定限制牧场主放牧牛群的时间，以保护某种濒危植物或动物；或者，他们也可能单方面要求牧场主不能足量地使用淡水，因为在水权问题上有争执。或者，他们也可能接管原属于州政府或私人的土地，强加一套全新的规制。 I saw this play out firsthand when the federal government considered listing the sage grouse, a chicken-like bird, as endangered. That regulation would have shrunk the amount of land where ranchers could graze cattle, putting many out of business and decimating the industry. 我曾亲眼目睹上述现象上演，起因是联邦政府考虑将艾草榛鸡——一种外形像鸡的鸟——列为濒危物种。一旦政府作出这一规定，牧场主用于放牧牛群的土地面积就将大为缩减，许多牧场会因此倒闭，整个行业也会大受伤害。 To avoid this, ranchers like myself and local officials spent months meeting with federal officials looking for compromise. We ultimately found middle ground. But we already have an enormous workload in our daily lives. The pressure of having to drop everything to lobby against a rule (which happens more often than you’d think) is a tremendous burden. 为避免发生这种事情，像我这样的牧场主及地方官员费时数月之久去和联邦官员会谈，寻找折中方案。最后，我们找到了中间立场。但我们的日常经营本来就有庞大的工作量，要我们放下手头一切事情去游说政府放弃某条规则（此类事情的发生频率比你想象的要高），这种压力对我们而言是极大的负担。 Most of the time, those regulations are written by people with no agriculture experience, and little understanding of what it takes to produce our nation’s food. The agencies that control these lands can add burdensome regulations at any time. Often, they will begin aggressively enforcing them before ranchers have a chance to adjust. 大多数时候，制定此类规定的人没有任何农业经验，也对生产全国食物需要付出什么缺乏任何了解。控制土地的各类机构任何时候都可以添加各种累赘麻烦的规定。通常，在牧场主们有机会为此做任何调整之前，他们就已经咄咄逼人地强制执行开了。 This forces us to either find new grazing land, reduce the size of our herd or sell out completely. In rural communities, this can have a catastrophic effect on the local economy and environment. Ranching is a billion-dollar industry in Oregon. 这就迫使我们要么找到新的放牧用地，要么削减牧群规模，要么彻底卖光牲畜。对于农村社群而言，这就有可能对地方经济和环境造成灾难性影响。在俄勒冈，放牧是一门价值十多亿的生意。 Overall, agriculture accounts for 15 percent of the state’s economic activity and 12 percent of the state’s employment. The income of a local farm generates double the money for the local economy as a supermarket’s income in the same area, according to the London-based New Economics Foundation. 总体而言，农业在全州经济活动中占到15%，在全州就业中占到12%。根据位于伦敦的“新经济学基金会”估计，就对俄勒冈地方经济的货币贡献而言，一个地方农场的收入是同一地区一个超市收入的两倍。 The siege on our industry has only increased under the Obama administration. Officials are effectively regulating us out of business by enforcing a string of unprecedented environmental restrictions. In Malhuer county (next to Harney county, where the current standoff is taking place), the Obama administration is considering a measure that will turn 2.5 million acres of federal land into a “national monument,” a move that would severely restrict grazing. These restrictions would cause a huge economic downturn for those communities. 对我们这一行业的围攻在奥巴马当政期间有增无减。官员们通过实施一系列前所未见的环境管制，事实上正把我们规制得走向歇业。在马卢尔郡（临近此次对峙所在地哈尼郡），奥巴马政府正考虑采取一项举措，将250万英亩联邦土地变成“国家保护区”。此举将会极大地限制放牧。这类管制将会使此类社群面临巨大的经济衰退。 These decisions are being made by people who are four to five generations removed from food production. The rule-makers don’t quite understand our industry, and are being spurred on by extreme environmentalist groups asking for unreasonable policy changes. 这类决策的制定者祖上四代或五代人之前就已经远离食物生产。规定制定者并不很了解我们这一行业，并且受到了要求进行不合理的政策变革的极端环保主义团体的鼓动唆使。 It’s not that I don’t care what the environmental community wants. In every part of my business, I try to find a balance between economics, mother nature and our culture. I know that if we don’t treat our land properly, we will go out of business by our own hands. It is of utmost importance for us to be true conservationists if we want to continue producing the most nutritious and safest protein in the world. 并不是说我不关心环保团体的要求。在我的生意的方方面面，我都努力寻求在经济、大自然母亲和我们的文化之间达成平衡。我知道，如果我们不善待自己的土地，我们就会在自己手上歇业完蛋。如果我们期望持续地生产出世界上最营养、最安全的蛋白质，那么最重要的一点就是要做一个真正的自然资源保护主义者。 But all too often, I’m not given the autonomy to do so. I’m given rules, not a conversation about how ranchers and government officials and environmentalists might be able to work together. That’s an approach that fails everyone. 但反复发生的事情是，我并没有得到自决权去这么做。他们给我定规则，而不是和我就农场主、政府官员和环保主义者如何可能共同合作进行对话。这种办法令所有人都失望透顶。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

The Amish Effect: Unique cultural strengths help Plain Sect businesses thrive 阿米绪效应：独特的文化力量帮助该朴素教派获得商业繁荣 作者： Tim Stuhldreher  @ 2016-5-18 译者：babyface_claire（@许你疯不许你傻） 校对：hkustliqi 来源：LancasterOnline，http://lancasteronline.com/business/local_business/the-amish-effect-unique-culturalstrengths-help-plain-sect-businesses/article_ba60c8e4-e6dc-11e5-9cc7-73775e680585.html Amish scholar Don Kraybill calls it a riddle, or a paradox. 阿米绪学者Don Kraybill称之为一个迷，或者一个悖论。 How can the Amish be such successful entrepreneurs today, when they end their formal education at eighth grade and forswear so much of the paraphernalia of modern life? 在完成八年级后结束正式教育，并且放弃这么多与现代生活息息相关的用品，阿米绪人如何能在当今成为如此成功的企业家？ That they succeed is indisputable: The failure rate of Amish startups in the first five years is less than 10 percent, versus 65 percent for businesses in North America overall. 他们的成功是毋庸置疑的：阿米绪人创业企业在第一个五年内的失败率不到10%，而对于整个北美，这一失败率为65%。 Many Amish retailers cater to mainstream customers, and do so with sophistication. Kraybill likes to cite Emma’s Gourmet Popcorn, which pegs promotions to popular holidays and offers online ordering on a modern, well-designed website. 许多阿米绪零售商迎合主流客户，并且精于世故。Kraybill喜欢引用“艾玛的美食爆米花”为例，它经常利用受欢迎的节假日进行促销活动，并且提供了一个精心设计的入时网站供在线订购。 Bowls of the flavored treat were part of a buffet preceding a talk on Amish business that Kraybill gave recently at Elizabethtown College. Kraybill, who retired from teaching at Elizabethtown last year, remains an active scholar at the college’s Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies. Kraybill最近在伊丽莎白镇学院做了一个有关阿米绪商业的演讲，在演讲开始前的自助餐上，有着各式各样的风味小吃。Kraybill去年从伊丽莎白镇学院的教学岗位退休，但仍然是该学院青年中心的一位活跃学者，这个中心从事再洗礼派和虔信派研究。 2,000-plus Amish firms 2000多家阿米绪企业 Over the past few decades, Lancaster County’s Amish have undergone a “mini-Industrial Revolution,” Kraybill said. High land prices plus a population explosion limited farming opportunities for rising generations, fueling a turn to carpentry, small manufacturing and other enterprises. Kraybil说，在过去的几十年里，（宾夕法尼亚州）兰开斯特县的阿米绪人经历了一场“小型工业革命”。对年轻一代，高昂的土地价格加上人口爆炸限制了农业机会，推动了（从农业）向木工业、小型制造业和其他企业的转变。 Today, there are more than 2,000 Amish businesses in the Lancaster area, Kraybill said. Fewer than one-third of local Amish households still rely on farming as the primary source of income. 现今有超过2000多家阿米绪企业在兰开斯特地区，Kraybill说道。只有少于三分之一的当地阿米绪家庭仍然依靠农业作为主要收入来源。 Alan Dakey is president of the Bank of Bird-in-Hand. Its single branch sits at the corner of North Ronks Road and Route 340, and a majority of its clientele are Plain-sect members. Many of the bank’s customers farm but also operate nonfarm side businesses, Dakey said. Alan Dakey是手中鸟银行的主席。该银行的唯一分行座落在Ronks北路和340号公路的路口，并且大多数客户是朴素派教徒。Dakey说，许多银行的客户经营农场，同时也进行非农业方面的业务。 Remarkably, the bank has yet to record a single 30-day delinquency on a loan since its December 2013 opening — a tribute to its customers’ frugality and money-management capabilities. Amish aren’t opposed to borrowing per se, but “they want to use it constructively,” Dakey said. 值得注意的是，自从2013年12月开业以来，归功于其客户的节俭和理财能力，银行从未有过哪怕一个拖欠贷款达到30天的记录。阿米绪人并不反对借款本身，但“他们想积极地使用它，” Dakey如是说。 In his talk, Kraybill identified 12 factors he sees contributing to Amish business success. While some are integral to the culture, many, in principle, could be adopted by anyone. 在Kraybill的演讲中，他指出了他所认为的帮助阿米绪人创业成功的12个因素。虽然有一些与他们的文化融为一体，但也有许多在原则上是可以被任何人采纳的。 Here they are: 这些因素是： 1.Apprenticeship: Apprenticeship is a training system that mainstream society has largely abandoned, Kraybill said. But in Amish society, teens learn trades by working alongside their parents or other adults. Kraybill described once watching a 13-year-old fix a piece of hydraulic machinery. He had already spent years in his father’s shop and knew what he was doing. “That’s apprenticeship,” Kraybill said. 1.学徒制：学徒制是一个很大程度上已经被主流社会放弃了的训练体系，Kraybill说到。然而在阿米绪社会中，青少年从通过在他们父母或其他成年人旁边工作而学习手艺。Kraybill介绍了他曾经观察一个13岁少年在修理一台液压机械的部件。他已经花了数年时间在父亲的商店，并且知道自己在做什么。“这就是学徒制，” Kraybill说。 2.Limited education: Because Amish finish school with eighth grade, they can’t be drawn off into law, medicine or other professions that require extended formal education. The two basic Amish career tracks are farming and small business, so that’s where the best and brightest end up, bringing their ingenuity and drive with them. 2.有限的教育：由于阿米绪人八年级就结束学校教育，他们不能进入律师、医药或者其他需要更长时间正式教育的行业。阿米绪人的两种基本职业路线是农业和小型企业，这就是最优秀最聪明的人的出路，这些人具备智慧和进取心。 3.Work ethic: Amish are brought up in a culture that values hard work. It’s seen as integral to life, and children are brought up from an early age to pitch in to help their family and community. 3.职业道德：阿米绪人在一种重视努力工作的文化中长大。这种文化被视为生活中不可或缺的一部分，并且儿童从小要帮助他们的家庭和社区。 4.Smallness: “Bigness spoils everything,” Kraybill said an Amishman once told him. With many small companies instead of a few dominant ones, individual Amish have scope to express their entrepreneurial spirit. There’s little social distance between business owners and employees, and owners stay personally invested in their enterprises. 4.精简：“庞大宠坏了一切，”Kraybill说一个阿米绪人曾经这么告诉他。有许多小公司而不是少数几家大公司占据统治地位，阿米绪个人有机会展现他们的创业精神。企业主和员工之间的社交距离很短，业主们在他们自己的企业里保持投入。 5.Low overhead: Amish businesses don’t have air conditioning or luxurious offices. If the business has an office, Kraybill said he usually finds it empty, because the owner is out working on the shop floor. 5.低开销：阿米绪企业没有空调和奢华的办公室。Kraybill说，即便企业有办公室，他也经常发现办公室是空的，因为业主在车间工作。 6.Social capital: Information propagates rapidly through Amish communities’ social networks. Job seekers and companies with vacancies can put the word out and find each other easily. Transaction costs are low because everyone shares the same values and trust is high. 6.社会资本：信息通过阿米绪社区的社交网络传播得很迅速。求职者们和有职位空缺的公司可以让每个人都知道，并且很容易找到彼此。由于大家有着共同的价值观和高信任度，因此交易成本很低。 7.The paradox of technology: The Amish taboos on technology stimulate innovation and “hacking” as entrepreneurs find workarounds, Kraybill said. The culture distinguishes between using and owning technology — that’s why it’s OK for a business like Emma’s Gourmet Popcorn to contract with a website developer, or for Amish carpenters to journey to job sites in “Amish taxis” driven by their neighbors. 7.技术的悖论：在创业者寻找替代方法时，阿米绪人的技术禁忌刺激了创新和黑客精神，Kraybill说。这种文化把使用技术和拥有技术区别对待——那就是为什么像艾玛的美食爆米花这样的企业与网站开发人员签约是可行的，阿米绪木匠也可以乘坐由他们邻居的“阿米绪出租车”去工作地点。【编注：阿米绪人的教规不允许他们拥有手机、电脑和汽车等现代器物，但其中一些较开明的支派允许在工作中使用这些器物。】 8.Infrastructure:New Amish companies operate within a framework created by their fellow business people. They enjoy access to a well-established network of products and services tailored to the culture and its unique needs and restrictions. 8.基础设施：新的阿米绪公司在一个由他们的商人创建的框架里运行。他们享有一个为其文化以及该文化所赋予的独特需求和限制而量身定做的完善的网络产品和服务。 9.Regional markets: The tens of millions of people in the mid-Atlantic region comprise a “phenomenal external market” for the Amish, Kraybill said. There are more than 50 Amish markets between Annapolis and New York City, many catering to urban dwellers hungering for a taste of rural life. Ben Riehl, who owns a stand at the Markets at Shrewsbury in southern York County, said half of his Saturday customers drive up from Maryland, and he estimates they account for half his weekly sales. 9.区域性市场：Kraybill说，大西洋中部地区数以千万计的居民为阿米绪人提供了一个“规模惊人的外部市场”。在安纳波利斯（美国马里兰州首府）和纽约之间有超过50个阿米绪市场，许多是为了迎合城市居民对体验农村生活的渴望。Ben Riehl在南约克郡什鲁斯伯里的集市里拥有一个摊位【译注：什鲁斯伯里是宾夕法尼亚州的一个自治镇】，他说他周六的一半客人是从马里兰州开车赶来的，他估计这大概占了每周收入的一半。 10.Niche markets: Gourmet popcorn is a niche product. So are dried flower arrangements, carriage restoration, handmade furniture and horse-drawn farm machinery. Many Amish specialize in organic or free-range farming, Dakey said. Kraybill said he knows an Amish farmer who raises camels, having discovered camel milk commands a premium price. 10.细分市场：美食家爆米花是一个细分产品。同样，干花艺术、马车修整、手工家具和马车农业机械也是。许多阿米绪人专业从事有机或自由放养的农业，Dakey说。Kraybill说他知道一个阿米绪农民饲养骆驼，并且发现骆驼奶奇货可居。 11.Amish “branding”: For many Americans, the term “Amish” has strong positive associations: honesty, simplicity, old-fashioned virtue. Businesses can partake in those associations simply by being Amish. For Riehl, there's a big difference between overt image-building and the kind of trust that accrues when Amish business owners serve their customers with integrity: The latter “is a reputation that was earned, not a brand that was bought.” 11.阿米绪“品牌效应”：对许多美国人而言，“阿米绪”这个词有着很强的正面联想：诚实、朴素和传统的美德。企业仅仅需要是阿米绪的即可产生那些联想。对Riehl而言，赤裸裸的形象塑造和阿米绪企业主通过全心全意为客人服务而积累的那种信任之间有天壤之别，后者“是赢得的口碑，而不是可以买到的品牌”。 12.Payroll costs: Amish employees in Amish businesses are exempt from mainstream companies’ Social Security, health insurance and pension mandates. Though that keeps costs down, the impact is often exaggerated, Amish business owners say. They say they still have to pay into Amish Aid, the community’s mutual-aid fund, and they have responsibility for payroll taxes and benefits for non-Amish employees, so the difference isn’t all that great. 12.薪资成本：在阿米绪企业工作的阿米绪雇员被免除了主流公司的社会保障、医疗保险和退休津贴的要求。阿米绪企业主说，尽管那带来了成本下降，效果却经常被过分夸大。阿米绪企业主说他们仍然需要支付阿米绪援助金，社区互助基金，并且有责任为非阿米绪员工付工资税和福利津贴，因此差别并没有那么显著。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

Surrendering to Death 向死亡投降 作者：Gavin McInnes @ 2016-5-14 译者：Tankman 校对：babyface_claire（@许你疯不许你傻） 来源：Taki Mag，http://takimag.com/article/surrendering_to_death_gavin_mcinnes/ Eagles of Death Metal recently finished a Canadian tour and I got to sit down with vocalist Jesse Hughes and discuss the Bataclan attack in Paris that killed 89 of his fans. You’d think he’d want to avoid the topic, but he was actually eager to get into it. He sees it as a catharsis. 死亡金属之鹰乐队最近结束了一个加拿大巡演，我有机会和主唱Jesse Hughes坐下来讨论巴黎的Bataclan剧院惨案。该事件中，他的89位粉丝惨遭杀害。也许你认为他想回避这一话题，但他其实很渴望提到它。他将此视为一种宣泄。 Hughes is not happy with the way the media has treated the story. Details are randomly pulled from his interviews and entire angles are edited in later that are diametrically opposed to his beliefs. Jesse Hughes has been ordained as a minister by the Universal Life Church. He’s pro-gun, pro-Trump, and pro-life. He recognizes that Islam is the problem and political correctness is literally killing us. Hughes 不满意媒体对待该故事的方式。他访谈中的细节被随意抽出，整个视角随后则被编写成与他的信念截然相反。Jesse Hughes 已经被任命为普世生命教会的牧师【译者注：该宗教流派鼓励行善，并允许牧师保持其原有信仰，无论是基督教、伊斯兰教和无神论等。】。他支持持枪权，支持川普，也反对堕胎。他认为伊斯兰教才是问题所在，而政治正确正在真真切切的杀死我们。 Takimag: It’s hard to talk about the attack without sounding like you’re blaming the victims, but it’s impossible to deny fear of Islamophobia and fear of guns led to a lot of deaths that night. Taki杂志：谈论这次袭击，却避免听起来像是指责受害者，是很难的。但是不能否认的是：对伊斯兰恐惧症的恐惧，和对枪支的恐惧，导致了那晚很多人的死亡。 Jesse Hughes: I saw fear fall like a blanket on the whole crowd and they fell like wheat in the wind—the way you would before a god. I was totally alert from the very beginning. The first thing I needed to do was find my girl. Fear took a backseat and “where’s my girl?” took over. Jesse Hughes：我看见恐惧如毯子一样盖在整个人群上，人群倒伏在地，如风中的麦子——就是那种面对上帝你会下拜的姿态。我从一开始就非常的警觉。首先，我需要做的是找到我的女朋友。恐惧退居第二位，而“我的女朋友在哪”则位居第一。 I could smell gunpowder in the backstage area and I knew someone fired a round back there. I saw a guy with an FAL and when he turned to face me his eyes looked like marbles. He was stoned out of his mind, and we now know they were on Xanax and cocaine. I recognized him. I’d seen him earlier in the day and noticed him staring at us. 我可以在后台区域闻到火药味，我知道某人往那边打了一梭子。我看见一个配有轻型自动步枪的人，当他面朝我时，他的眼睛看起来像玻璃弹珠一样。他整个呆住了，现在我们知道他们当时是嗑了蝴蝶丸和可卡因。我认出了他。当天早些时候，我看到过他并注意到他盯着我们看。 They were in the venue early. That implies some staff were in on it. 他们早先就在会场。这意味着有些工作人员参与了此事。 I got in a lot of trouble for saying that. I know for sure that they were in there early. I remember them staring at my buddy. I just chalked it up to Arab envy. You know what I mean? When a Muslim sees a cocky American dude with tattoos, he stares at him. 因为声称这点，我遭遇了很多麻烦。我很肯定他们早先就在那里。我记得他们盯着乐队成员看。我当时认为那只是阿拉伯式的羡慕。你懂吧？当一个穆斯林看到一个臭屁的纹着身的美国哥们，他就盯着那人看。 I realized later it was Abdeslam and he was staring at my buddy because they thought he was a threat. There’s no denying the terrorists were already inside, and they had to get in somehow. During the shooting I went outside and the backstage door was propped open. How did that happen? 之后我意识到那人是 Abdeslam【译者注：袭击参与者之一】。他盯着我哥们看，因为他们认为他是个威胁。无可否认，恐怖分子已经混进里面了，他们必须用某种法子混进去。在枪击中，我跑到外面去，而后台的门是大开着的。这是怎么发生的？ Do you think political correctness is killing our natural instincts and making us vulnerable? 你认为政治正确正在杀死我们的自然直觉，并使得我们变得易受攻击吗？ Definitely. There were two girls who were involved. They were at the venue and vanished before the shooting, and these women were in traditional Muslim garb. They knew people wouldn’t check them because of the way they were dressed. They got caught a few days later. 当然。有两个女孩参与了此事。她们曾在大厅里，但在枪击前又消失了。这些女士穿着传统穆斯林服装。他们知道因为她们的穿着，人们不会检查她们。几天后她们被抓获。 The fear of offending Muslims is a terrorist’s greatest weapon. 害怕冒犯穆斯林的心态是恐怖分子最有力的武器。 Look at the guys who bombed Brussels. They were wearing black gloves on one hand. Their luggage was too heavy to lift, but they didn’t want anyone helping them with it. Nobody brought any of this up until after the bombs went off. 看看那些在布鲁塞尔放炸弹的家伙。他们一只手带着黑手套，他们的行李太重举不起来，但是他们不想让任何人帮助他们搬行李。直到炸弹爆炸后才有人把这些线索联系起来。 We’d rather die than be called a bigot. 我们宁死也不愿意被称作是偏执狂。 How is a faith being associated with racism? Just take out the word “Islam” and replace it with “communism.” It’s an ideology. The same way the Rosenbergs could sell nuclear secrets from within America is the same way Muslim terrorists can attack us from within. It’s okay to be discerning when it comes to Muslims in this day and age. 一种信仰是如何被和种族主义联系起来的？只要把“伊斯兰”一词抽掉，换成“共产主义”。这就是一种意识形态。和卢森堡夫婦出卖美国的原子弹机密一样，穆斯林恐怖分子也从内部袭击我们。今时今日，一旦涉及到穆斯林，小心一点没错。 Where is this push coming from? Is it all our fault? 这动机从何而来？都是我们的错吗？ Of course not. When you’re at a soccer game in Europe and you see the words “United Arab Emirates,” you know there is a lot of Arab money floating around and influencing the dialogue. The conversation is constantly being steered away from scrutiny. They think we’re fools. 当然不是。当你在欧洲的足球赛场看到阿联酋一词，你就知道有很多阿拉伯资金流入并影响了交流。这一交流始终得以避开审慎的检视。他们觉得我们是白痴。 Arab money is a pollutant. So many movies are made with Arab money. George Clooney doesn’t kiss the ass of the Arabs for no reason. American movies are the best way to influence the hearts and minds of the world. 阿拉伯资金是一种污染物。如此多的电影是在阿拉伯资金的支持下拍摄的。乔治·克鲁尼不是无缘无故跪舔这些阿拉伯人的。美国电影是影响这世界的心灵和思想的最佳方式。 You never see bad guys in movies who are Arab terrorists. It’s always Germans or French… 电影中，你从来看不到阿拉伯恐怖分子作为坏人出现。总是德国人或者法国人。 Or conservative Christian rednecks. They’re apparently what’s wrong with everything in the world now, including global warming. What about the other ice age we went through? There were no Christian Republicans back then. What caused that meltdown? 或者保守的红脖子基督徒。他们显然是这个世界当下各种麻烦的根源，包括全球变暖。那我们经历过的那个冰河时代呢？那时候可没有基督徒共和党人。那是什么导致了这场灾难呢？ The other problem with that is, when you get rid of these Christian rednecks, you create a vacuum and it gets filled with people way worse. It gets filled with Islam. You end up replacing evangelism with sharia law. 另一个麻烦是，如果你排挤走这些红脖基督徒，你就创造了一个真空，让更糟糕的人来填补。伊斯兰填补了这真空。你的结局就是用伊斯兰教法代替福音主义。 Politicians behave better when they know people are watching. We behave better when we believe Jesus is watching us. 当知道人们在监督时，政客们的行为更规矩。当相信耶稣在看着我们时，我们的行为更规矩。 These atheists tell us we don’t need religion, yet everyone seems to be creating flimsy substitutes to replace it. Rehab is just Lent. Meditation is just Latin Mass. Seeing a therapist is just talking to your priest. 那些无神论者告诉我们，我们不需要宗教，不过每个人似乎都在创造轻浮脆弱的替代品来代替宗教。修复期实际是大斋期【译者注：在西方基督教国家，每年的大斋期是基督徒献供与苦修的时期，也是洗涤罪恶，承蒙天主启示的时期】。冥想实际是拉丁弥撒。去看治疗师实际上是和你的牧师谈话。 And the thing about the Bible is it’s written down. A therapist can change his diagnosis just like that and there’s no way of calling him out on it. 而圣经，就是那些被写了下来的（治愈谈话），它不像一个治疗师可以任意更改其诊断，而且人们无法在这事上挑战他。 Let’s get back to the attack. Why didn’t the cops come in earlier? It seemed like the killing went on forever. 让我们回到袭击这个话题。为什么警察不能更早来呢？当时看起来杀戮好像会永远进行下去。 The press heard some kids were locked away in rooms so they reported it as a hostage situation. Those kids were hiding. This misinformation meant the cops set up outside for a negotiation while inside dozens of people were dying. 媒体听说一些小孩被锁在房间里，所以他们当时把这事当作人质危机报道。那些小孩在躲藏。这种信息误导意味着警察在外面准备谈判，而内部的数十人则正在死去。 The terrorists would go up to bodies and stick them with the gun. If they budged, they’d shoot them again. One girl got up and said she was scared. The guy said, “Don’t be scared, you’ll be dead in two minutes,” and then he shot her, BOOM. 恐怖分子们会走近倒下的人，用枪戳他们。如果倒地者动了，就会被补枪。一个女孩爬了起来，说她很害怕。一个恐怖分子说“别怕，你在两分钟内就会死。”然后他开枪打了她，砰。 The French are so concerned with racism, they’re letting Muslims get away with murder. 法国人太在意种族主义，他们让穆斯林逍遥法外。 A day after, at the stadium, Muslims booed the moment of silence and we barely heard about it in the press. I saw Muslims celebrating in the street during the attack. I saw it with my own eyes. In real time! How did they know what was going on? There must have been coordination. 一天后，在球场上，穆斯林在默哀时刻发出嘘声，而我们很少听到关于这一情节的媒体报道。袭击的时候，我看到穆斯林们在街上庆祝袭击。我亲眼看到这事。就在袭击的那个时刻。他们怎么知道袭击正在发生？这些事情一定有联系。 I’ve heard you say you credit your childhood with your survival. You had a real dad who stuck around and taught you about guns. 我听说你提到你的童年经历帮你幸存了下来。你有个陪伴你的父亲，而且教给你关于枪支的知识。 I knew what gunfire was. I was able to think through it. I was also able to remember practical lessons of my life because I had to be in fights as a kid. My mom didn’t go sue anyone. I didn’t have playdates. I had some practical upbringing growing up in the desert where you got to get yourself out of your problems. 我知道开枪是怎么回事。我能把这事考虑清楚。我也能记起我生活中的实际经验，因为我小时候不得不参与打架。我妈妈没有起诉任何人，我也没有大人给我找的玩伴。我有些实际成长经验，在孤立无援的困境中你只能靠你自己走出来。 Also, the reason I’ve done well with this healing process is everything I was raised to believe was affirmed that night. In a way, that’s a blessing of God. When the first bullets started being fired, people looked at me. I remember that. It pissed me off because I knew right then and there it was going to be bad. I knew these kids had no idea what was coming. None. They’d never heard a gunshot in real life and it hit them so hard. 而且，我从此事件中恢复的如此之好的原因是，我长大成人过程中得到的一切信念都在那一晚被肯定了。某种程度上，这是神的保佑。当第一颗子弹出膛，人们看着我。我记得这点。这让我愤怒，因为就在那刻那地我知道事情要坏了。我知道那些孩子们对即将发生的事情毫无概念。没有一个知道。他们从未在现实生活中听到过一声枪响，这重重的打击了他们。 Political correctness kills. 政治正确在杀人。 Davey [bassist Dave Catching] was in the middle of the stage and when the lights went on, he saw shit he’d never seen before in his life, awful stuff. It has no parallel. It’s not just death. It’s the most unsuspecting, innocent victims you can imagine—people who are gripped in terror and can’t move as a result of it. 当灯光开启时，Davey（贝斯手Dave Catching）在舞台中间，他看到了他此生从未见过的可怕场景，可怕极了。没什么可以与此相比。不仅仅是死亡。那是你可以想象的最无辜最没有防备的受害人——人们被笼罩在恐怖中呆若木鸡。 It’s like a metaphor for all of Western civilization. 这好像是所有西方文明的一个隐喻。 I watched about seven people die. A couple of them were three feet from the barrier. They could have fallen backwards and been alive but they were too scared to even turn around. I remember a woman just standing with her hands up in a surrender pose. The terrorist finally saw her and all she did was go, “No no no.” She surrendered to death in front of my very eyes. I was yelling at her, “HEY!” and I don’t think she could hear me. She was so terrified, I think she’d already given up. 我目睹了大约七个人死亡。他们中一些离护栏就三英尺远。他们也许能翻越护栏逃生，但他们太害怕了甚至不敢转身。我记得一个女人就站在那里，高举双手作投降状。恐怖分子终于看见了她，而她只是一味的说“不，不，不。”就在我的眼前，她向死亡投降了。我向她呐喊，“嗨！”。我不认为她听到了我。她如此害怕，我想她已经放弃了。 Is it fair to say the liberal mentality created this need to surrender? 说自由派的精神气质创造了投降的需要，合理吗？ I will lay the blame right in its lap. When you tell people they can’t help themselves and that they’re children, you weaken them to a point where three feet away is life and they can’t see it because they’re too scared. 对，我要责怪的正是他们。当你告诉人们他们不能自助，他们只是孩子，你就把他们变弱到一个连三英尺远的逃生机会都看不到的地步。他们看不到，因为他们太害怕了。 In a way we’re unarmed two fold. We’re literally unarmed and we’re also mentally unarmed. 某种程度上我们是双倍的赤手空拳。我们本来就赤手空拳，而且我们在精神上赤手空拳。 It’s like the bleating sheep from Animal Farm. You suggest anything that strays from the narrative and this chorus of bleats comes to drown you out. This attack didn’t happen by accident. 就像《动物庄园》中懦弱哀嚎的绵羊。当你的观点脱离叙述的主流，这懦弱哀嚎的合唱就把你的声音盖过。这个袭击不是偶然发生的。 I went to Paris after the attacks and was disgusted by the lack of rage. They didn’t blame Islam. In fact, many blamed the Jews. They seemed more concerned with us promoting xenophobia than laying blame on the terrorists. 我在袭击后去过巴黎，并对缺乏愤怒的程度感到恶心。他们没有谴责伊斯兰。事实上，很多人指责犹太人。比起指责恐怖分子，他们似乎更关心我们促进仇外情绪。 I hung out with plenty of Parisians who were fucking pissed off, but it was mostly cops and military. During the attack, one cop finally realized it wasn’t a hostage situation and yelled out, “It’s a turkey shoot” as he charged in, holding his gun. He got shot right through the hand and into the neck and kept going. He took a terrorist out, chased another one into the hallway, who then blew himself up, and did it to another guy, who blew himself up on stage. Our amplifiers were a gory mess. 我和很多出离愤怒的巴黎人交流过，但是这些主要都是警察和军人。在袭击期间，一个警察终于意识到这不是人质劫持，他持枪突入，并且大叫，“这是土耳其射击！”。他被子弹穿过手，击中脖子，仍然进击。他撂倒了一个恐怖分子，在走廊追击另一个。那恐怖分子就自爆了。之后又追击另一个，那人在舞台上自爆。我们的扩音器上血肉模糊。 Did that cop live? 那警察生还了吗？ Yes, I met him in triage. I hung out with him. Great guy. 是的。我在急救站见过他。我们后来又聚了一次。很好的人。 You went to the hospital? 你进医院了？ I had pieces of teeth and human bone pulled out of my face. A girl got shot right next to me by the shooter at the top of the stairs who I had met earlier. She stepped one step in front of me and her head just exploded. It blew pieces of her teeth and skull into my face. 从我的脸上取出了牙齿和人骨碎片。我旁边的女生被楼梯顶上我早先见过的枪手击中了，她在我面前踉跄了一下，接着她的头爆开了。她的牙齿和头骨碎片扎进了我的脸。 Why don’t we hear about this? 为何我们没听到此事？ The media wants to summarize it, and important details get lost. The most important detail being when they started shooting, they were already inside. If they were hanging out enough to let three people go, then they knew security dudes. They knew bouncers. They knew doormen. 媒体想要总结事件，而重要的细节则丢失了。最重要的细节是，在他们开始射击时，他们早已经混入内部了。如果他们让三个人混入都能保持隐蔽，那他们一定认识保安。他们认识门卫。 Do you think a percentage of the security staff was Muslim? 你认为有一定比例的保安人员是穆斯林？ I know they were. Look, security guards backstage are notorious for being dicks. They check your ID every few minutes and nobody goes back and forth without being checked, even if you’re in the band. This guy didn’t care what we did. He didn’t even look at me. 我知道他们其中一些是。听着，后台保安一般以严格著称。他们没几分钟就会查验你的证件。没人能不被检查来回穿梭，即使你是乐队的一员。而这次后台保安则不管我们是干什么的，他甚至没看我。 The only time he seemed remotely interested in us was when he said to my girlfriend, “Do you speak French?” and “Where are you from?” She said she was from Texas and he was getting frustrated because that’s not what he meant. Then she said, “I’m American” and he lost interest. I honestly think he was trying to determine if she was Arab or not. She’s Mexican and she could easily pass for Lebanese and I think he was going to warn her if she was Muslim. 唯一一次他看来对我们稍有兴趣是他问我女友“你说法语吗？”以及“你从哪里来？”她说她从德州来，而他则感到沮丧，因为这不是他所要问的。然后女友说“我是美国人。”他就失去了兴趣。坦率的说，我认为他试图判定她是不是阿拉伯人。她是个墨西哥人，很容易被错认成黎巴嫩人。我认为如果女友是穆斯林，他当时会警告她。 I kept opening up the back door to smoke and that’s usually a big no-no because of the sound ordinances. I’ve played there before and opening up that door to smoke got you in big trouble. This time, the security guy walks right past me and anxiously looks down the alleyway in either direction. 我让后门开着以便抽烟，通常这是绝不允许的，因为噪声管制。以前我在这里演奏过，开门抽烟会给你带来大麻烦。这次，保安径直从我身边走过，焦虑的打量通道的各个方向。 Maybe one of the reasons the cops are so much more pragmatic about this threat is that they are the ones who have to go into Les Banlieues and confront these people. Naïveté is a luxury they can’t afford. 也许对恐怖威胁，警察的态度现实得多的原因之一是，他们正是那些要去市郊移民聚居区，面对穆斯林的人。幼稚是他们负担不起的奢侈品。 When the cops went in after the attack, they shut down, what, 450 mosques? They found recruitment material in every single one of them. What the fuck is wrong with us that we don’t know about that? 当袭击后警察进入聚居区时，他们沉默了，什么，450个清真寺？他们在它们中的每一个都发现了招募材料。我们到底是怎么了，竟然不知道这事？ Parisians think everyone is innocent, but the cops don’t. They even investigated you. 巴黎人认为每个人都是无辜的，但是警察不这么想。他们甚至会调查你。 I was a person of interest, yes. They interrogated me for four days. I ended up helping them a lot by getting cell-phone footage. It was the cops and the FBI who asked me about the promoter and the security. This isn’t something I brought up to them. 我是个需要被调查的人，是的。他们盘问了我四天。最终我通过现场手机视频帮了他们很多。是警察和FBI问了我关于演出组织者和保安的问题。这不是我提出来的。 We had eight police officers in our audience that night. They all had the same conversation with their wives, which was “Should I bring my gun or not?” All of them said no. When we went back and played Paris again they stood in the same places they stood at the original show and they opened their jackets and showed me their guns as if to say, “Not tonight, motherfucker.” It was beautiful. 当晚观众中有八个警察。他们全都和太太有过相同的对话，“我应该带枪吗？”。太太们全都说不。当我们回到巴黎再次演出的时候，他们站在我以前演出时他们站过的地方，而且他们打开外套，向我展示他们的枪，好像在说，“今晚狗杂种们休想再搞事”。真赞。 Islam is crying wolf about Islamophobia in order to anesthetize us and make us easier prey. 对伊斯兰恐惧症，伊斯兰教不断叫嚷“狼来了”，为了麻痹我们，使我们更容易被猎杀。 They know there’s a whole group of white kids out there who are stupid and blind. You have these affluent white kids who have grown up in a liberal curriculum from the time they were in kindergarten, inundated with these lofty notions that are just hot air. Look at where it’s getting them. 他们知道有一大群白人孩子都是愚蠢和无知的。有大堆的白人孩子自幼儿园起，就成长于自由派课程中，沉浸在热空气般虚无不切实际的幻想中。看看这些白孩子将要面对的吧。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2016-07-01】 @whigzhou: 喜欢Game of Thrones首先是因为一条底线：不迎合恶俗趣味，不落大俗套，其次是一条顶线：三观很赞，封建价值观和骑士精神得到颂扬，各种乌托邦理想主义逐个被嘲讽，实在难得。 @whigzhou: 好莱坞大俗套之一：一个坏结果必定是某个坏人在邪恶动机驱使下通过不端行为所造成，即多重同态：人是坏的，动机是恶的，行为是不端的，结果是坏的。 @whigzhou: 纯真爱情高于责任？被关门屠灭了。无条件和平主义？全吊死在树上了。社会平等与道德纯洁乌托邦？神权专制。解放者之名可以让权力意志毫无约束？女拿破仑。 @whigzhou: 最近两季里我最喜欢的形象是麻雀教，这个隐喻真是太棒了，里面可以看到很多东西的影子，大主教的表演也非常到位，特别是他谦卑的姿态、慈祥的面容，谆谆的口吻、和阴森恐怖的氛围，完美结合。 @whigzhou: 第六季最让我失望的是挑了个歪嘴软蛋演青年Ned，不久前看到篇文章 http://t.cn/R5R4CZO 说新一代演员里已经找不出男子气十足的了，不是没需求，需求一直很旺盛，就是没供给了，看来是真的。 @天无邪:可是龙妈不是乌托邦吗。。 @whigzhou: 是啊，所以这还是个悬念，假如最后一季以龙妈光荣胜出收场，并且被赋予极为正面的解放者形象，那我对该剧的好感就没了，算我一厢情愿 @胸达咪: 喷了，龙妈废个奴就乌托邦了，贵右活在部落时代吗 @whigzhou: 喷个屁，废奴是好事，问题在于她目空一切乾纲独断法力无边那股劲，往高说就是拿破仑，往低说就是带两个太监微服私访扫灭贪官救黎民于水火的横店乾隆爷，你国人民最喜欢了～

【2016-06-26】 @whigzhou: @sw小橘子 问我『制度决定下限，文化决定上限』这句话是不是我说的，我说这么格拉德维尔的话不像是我说的，不过这句话确实道出了一些真相，并且和我的社会进化理论相合，我的理论就是雪球模型，从人性到文化到基础政治结构到制度到可见的繁荣状况，每一外层的可能性皆受制于内层的性质与禀赋， @whigzhou: 所以从短期看，内层结构的性质限制着外层的可能性，而从长期看，特定性质的外层的持续存在，对内层也构成了选择压力，因而也改变着内层的性质，我将这一改变称为（广义的）鲍德温效应。 @whigzhou: 我也曾为这套理论找过一句格拉德维尔式的警句『英国人无论到哪里都能建立起自由社会，德国人和日本人无论到哪个自由社会都会成为模范公民，犹太人和华人无论到哪个自由社会都比其他民族会挣钱……』，无奈还是不够短不够朗朗上口。 @whigzhou: 还要加上后半句『在长期经历不同制度之后，香港文化已不同于广州文化，东德人也已不同于西德人，北朝鲜人更不同于南朝鲜人』 @whigzhou: 有关个人认知能力和人格特质的研究很多，但针对族群比较的研究还很少，历时性的研究则更少，所以我们远未弄清那些特质（及相应的遗传基础）在支撑着宪政、法治、宽容、开放等文明的关键元素，但我们可以设想一下，某些重要特质的改变可能会引出何种结果。 @whigzhou: 不妨从一个分歧最小的特质开始，假如英国人的IQ分布拉低两个标准差，顶级科学家就消失了，再拉低一个标准差，整个科学社区就没了，这大概不会有疑问， @whigzhou: 再考虑经验开放性，假如一个民族的经验开放性的统计分布拉低两个标准差，该民族就不会有出色艺术家了，再拉低一个标准差，所有艺术活动都消失了，这一点不太确定，或许经验开放性不是很好的指标，但我很确信必定可以找到某项特质来评估这一点 @whigzhou: 再考虑法治，法治能够存续的前提是绝大多数人在绝大多数场合愿意自觉遵守规则，否则再强大的司法机器也没用，那么一个族群的尽责性分布拉低两个标准差结果会如何？情绪稳定性也拉低两个标准差呢？ @whigzhou: 道德感又如何？普通法的要义便是：凭良心和常识即可自行判断某一行为是否正当，在一个普遍缺乏道德感的群体，这样的体系能够存续吗？道德感无关于人格特质吗？ @沉默的马大爷: 智商拉低两个标准差，意味着有一半人是弱智，别说科学社区，整个社会都崩溃了。。大部分族群差异达不到这个量级，组内差异一般要高于组间差异 @whigzhou: 两个标准差是夸张了点，但绝非不现实，请看右表 http://t.cn/hByJ2N 不许随便说人弱智，人家要不高兴的 @whigzhou: 确实，消灭顶级科学家大概一个标准差就够了  

【2016-06-18】 @希波克拉底门徒 今天听说一个朋友要退党，我问他有没有读过圣经，他说没有，我说去信这个的人大多数没完整读完圣经。我最后跟他讲：我尊重你，尊重你的信仰自由权利，但不会尊重基督教信仰。我替你最后选择基督教信仰感到惋惜。希望你在选择一种信仰前，先了解它的来龙去脉、真实面貌，完全不了解就去信，跟不知道对方性格、历史就去领结婚证有什么区别？over @黄章晋ster: 宗教提供的价值体系的非理性化，恰恰是一个社会道德伦理体系能相对稳定的保证。如果一个社会的道德伦理是可以讨论的，是服从理性的，它必然是不稳定甚至是无从建立的，它必然很快会讨论人肉是否好吃这样的话题。我们反对器官人肉的自由买卖，其实是自觉使用了宗教提供的绝对伦理。 @黄章晋ster：从社会功能而言，除了为一个社会提供稳定的价值锚链，它还早就衍生出为社会提供反哺和救济功能，社区的化精神纽带功能，跨阶层交流沟通的调适功能……这些社会功能，都是世俗政府无法有效提供的，而西方社会提供类似功能的非宗教社会组织，本身就是宗教组织启发的产物。 @黄章晋ster：我们不用去做历史表现的对照，仅从将来的可能性而言，在彼岸建立天国的信仰和在现世建立人间天国的社会，必然是前者造成灾难的可能性更小。 @黄章晋ster：基督教诞生前的希腊罗马世界，只有崇拜英雄、强者、理性的价值取向，并无同情弱者之类的价值取向，虽然多数人有共情同理心，但不意味着它能上升为稳固的群居规则，尤其是在生产力低下的时代。虽然中国两千年来儒表法里，但儒家伦理若不成意识形态，以韩非子价值观造就的社会必然是斗兽场。 @whigzhou: 前面几点我都没意见，这条不同意 @whigzhou: 需要注意到，所有文明都经历了一个残忍行为逐渐减少的过程，特别是人牲和肉刑的普遍消亡，这个过程发生的很早，宗教在其中似乎并未扮演关键角色 @whigzhou: 去残忍化的过程可能是社会大型化及和平秩序长期持续的自然后果，宗教或意识形态未必是前导因素 @whigzhou: 类似对战场（和角斗场）上的失败者缺乏同情的残酷文化在罗马存续得较久，可能和他的普遍兵役义务有关，当军事职业与其他职业分化更明确，壁垒更森严之后，军事阶层之外的文化就会改变 @whigzhou: 另一方面，就『同情弱者』的经济方面而言，罗马帝国向其公民大派面包可是福利国家的先驱 @baidu冷兵器吧: 希腊和基督教前罗马世界有着长期的慈善行为和组织，这不可能是没有同情价值观的社会 @whigzhou: 对，以后世标准，罗马人表现得缺乏同情心的方面主要是针对战斗中的失败者，依我看这是尚武精神与普遍兵役的结果 @whigzhou: 说起同情心，想到个事情，轿子从北宋开始流行，起初士大夫都鄙视坐轿子的，认为太残忍（也太娘炮），程颐还说『吾不忍乘，分明以人代畜』，但此后轿子地位不断提升，到清代已是官绅富家主要交通工具，是个官没有不坐的，毫无压力，原因显然不是儒家意识形态衰弱，而是人口压力提高，人力益发便宜了。 @whigzhou: 明廷已重新控制北方，清廷更控制了草原，所以这事情不能以缺驴马解释，只能说人比驴便宜。

【2016-06-07】 @熊也餐厅 服务生和理发师为什么要在大街上做军事化训练要打客人吗～ @whigzhou: 短时间成批量改造行为习惯（诸如用袖子擦鼻涕，死盯着客人看，间歇性怪叫，甩着抹布跳霹雳舞）的低成本简易方法，这事情跟你的雇工来源有关系，大学生虽然工资不高，但通常不愿去海底捞打工。 @whigzhou: 理由跟在贫困地区开工厂不能为工人提供自助午餐类似，要不然下午都撑得没法干活了 @whigzhou: 职业伦理和工业文化的形成是个漫长的过程，这一点从发薪周期的演变也可看出：最早是日薪，然后周薪、月薪、年薪，在成熟工业社会，这一驯化过程由社会（通过强大的文化压力）完成，而在过渡型社会，只能由雇主自己动手 @长空博云: 服从性训练 在大街上干这个也把那些不适合的都给剔除了 这两个行业自尊心太强没法干 你说的这些个东西是上上个世纪的事儿了 @whigzhou: 上上世纪？都是我耳熟能详的事情，我有这么老吗？  

Does Your Language Shape How You Think? 语言是否塑造了你的思维方式？ 作者：Guy Deutscher @ 2010-8-26 译者：尼克基得慢（@尼克基得慢） 校对：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 来源：NYtimes，http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/29/magazine/29language-t.html?_r=0 Seventy years ago, in 1940, a popular science magazine published a short article that set in motion one of the trendiest intellectual fads of the 20th century.At first glance, there seemed little about the article to augur its subsequent celebrity. Neither the title, “Science and Linguistics,” nor the magazine, M.I.T.’s Technology Review, was most people’s idea of glamour. 在七十年前的1940年，一份大众科学杂志发表了一篇短文，开启了二十世纪最新潮的思想风尚之一。乍看这篇文章，很难预料到它之后的名气。无论是文章标题《科学和语言学》，还是刊登的杂志《麻省理工科技评论》，都跟大多数人心目中的魅力不沾边。 And the author, a chemical engineer who worked for an insurance company and moonlighted as an anthropology lecturer at Yale University, was an unlikely candidate for international superstardom. And yet Benjamin Lee Whorf let loose an alluring idea about language’s power over the mind, and his stirring prose seduced a whole generation into believing that our mother tongue restricts what we are able to think. 而且，身为保险公司的化学工程师，同时兼职担任耶鲁大学人类学讲师，作者的这种身份并没有成为国际超级巨星的潜质。然而Benjamin Lee Whorf提出了一种关于语言对思维影响的诱人观点，而且他激动人心的文章诱使整整一代人相信，我们的母语限制了我们所能思考的内容。 In particular, Whorf announced, Native American languages impose on their speakers a picture of reality that is totally different from ours, so their speakers would simply not be able to understand some of our most basic concepts, like the flow of time or the distinction between objects (like “stone”) and actions (like “fall”). 特别是，Whorf宣称，美洲土著语言令它们的使用者形成了与我们完全不同的现实图景，所以美洲土著完全不能理解我们的一些最基本概念，比如时间的流逝，以及物体（比如“石头”）与动作（比如“下落”）的区分。 For decades, Whorf’s theory dazzled both academics and the general public alike. In his shadow, others made a whole range of imaginative claims about the supposed power of language, from the assertion that Native American languages instill in their speakers an intuitive understanding of Einstein’s concept of time as a fourth dimension to the theory that the nature of the Jewish religion was determined by the tense system of ancient Hebrew. 几十年来，学术圈和普罗大众都为Whorf的理论所折服。在他的巨大影响下，其他人基于设想中的语言之威力提出了很多富有想象力的断言，比如断言美洲土著语言赋予了美洲土著对爱因斯坦将时间作为第四维这一观念的直观理解，又如提出犹太教的本质决定于古希伯来语时态系统的理论。 Eventually, Whorf’s theory crash-landed on hard facts and solid common sense, when it transpired that there had never actually been any evidence to support his fantastic claims. The reaction was so severe that for decades, any attempts to explore the influence of the mother tongue on our thoughts were relegated to the loony fringes of disrepute. 最终，当人们发现Whorf的荒诞断言从未有证据支持时，他的理论在坚硬的事实和可靠的常识面前败退了。这一反弹的后果如此严重，以至于数十年里，任何探究母语对于我们思考之影响的尝试都被贬斥为不光彩的疯狂之举。 But 70 years on, it is surely time to put the trauma of Whorf behind us. And in the last few years, new research has revealed that when we learn our mother tongue, we do after all acquire certain habits of thought that shape our experience in significant and often surprising ways. 但是70年过去了，是时候把Whorf造成的不幸放诸脑后了。在过去几年里，新近研究表明，我们在学习母语时确实会养成一些思维习惯，这些习惯会以重要且出乎意料的方式塑造我们的体验。 Whorf, we now know, made many mistakes. The most serious one was to assume that our mother tongue constrains our minds and prevents us from being able to think certain thoughts. The general structure of his arguments was to claim that if a language has no word for a certain concept, then its speakers would not be able to understand this concept. If a language has no future tense, for instance, its speakers would simply not be able to grasp our notion of future time. 我们现在知道Whorf犯了许多错误。最严重的一个就是，他假定我们的母语会限制我们的思维，而且使我们无力思考某些概念。他论证的大体框架就是声称，如果一种语言没有某种概念对应的词汇，该语言的使用者就不能理解这种概念。例如，假设一种语言没有将来时态，它的使用者就无法理解未来时间的概念。 It seems barely comprehensible that this line of argument could ever have achieved such success, given that so much contrary evidence confronts you wherever you look. When you ask, in perfectly normal English, and in the present tense, “Are you coming tomorrow?” do you feel your grip on the notion of futurity slipping away? Do English speakers who have never heard the German word Schadenfreude find it difficult to understand the concept of relishing someone else’s misfortune? Or think about it this way: If the inventory of ready-made words in your language determined which concepts you were able to understand, how would you ever learn anything new? 我们很难理解为什么这一论点竟能获得如此巨大的成功，因为你随处可见大量相反的证据。当你用完全标准的英语以现在时态问出“Are you coming tomorrow?”这句话时，难道你就感觉到对未来这一概念的理解随之消逝了吗？难道从未听说过德语单词Schadenfreude的英语使用者就很难理解幸灾乐祸这一概念吗？或者这样思考一下：如果你的母语中现存的全部词汇决定了你可以理解哪些概念，那你又如何可能学到任何新东西呢？ SINCE THERE IS NO EVIDENCE that any language forbids its speakers to think anything, we must look in an entirely different direction to discover how our mother tongue really does shape our experience of the world. Some 50 years ago, the renowned linguist Roman Jakobson pointed out a crucial fact about differences between languages in a pithy maxim: “Languages differ essentially in what they must convey and not in what they may convey.” This maxim offers us the key to unlocking the real force of the mother tongue: if different languages influence our minds in different ways, this is not because of what our language allows us to think but rather because of what it habitually obliges us to think about. 既然并无证据表明任何一种语言会令其使用者无法思考某些事情，我们必须从反方向来探究我们的母语如何确实塑造了我们对世界的感受。大概五十年前，著名语言学家Roman Jakobson 用一句精辟箴言指出了关于不同语言之差异的一个关键事实：“语言实质上区别于它们所必须表达的内容，而不是它们可能表达的内容。”这句箴言给我们提供了解开母语真实威力的钥匙：如果不同的语言会以不同的方式影响我们的思维，这不会是由于语言允许我们思考什么内容，而会是由于语言内在地强制我们思考什么内容。 Consider this example. Suppose I say to you in English that “I spent yesterday evening with a neighbor.” You may well wonder whether my companion was male or female, but I have the right to tell you politely that it’s none of your business. But if we were speaking French or German, I wouldn’t have the privilege to equivocate in this way, because I would be obliged by the grammar of language to choose between voisin or voisine; Nachbar or Nachbarin. 考虑这样一个例子。假设我用英语对你说“我昨天晚上跟我的邻居一起”。你或许会想知道我的同伴是男还是女，但是我有权礼貌地告诉你这事与你无关。但是如果我们讲法语或者德语，我就没有这样含糊其辞的特权了，因为语法强制我必须从voisin与voisine或者Nachbar与Nachbarin中选择一个。 These languages compel me to inform you about the sex of my companion whether or not I feel it is remotely your concern. This does not mean, of course, that English speakers are unable to understand the differences between evenings spent with male or female neighbors, but it does mean that they do not have to consider the sexes of neighbors, friends, teachers and a host of other persons each time they come up in a conversation, whereas speakers of some languages are obliged to do so. 这些语言强迫我将同伴的性别告知你，不管我是否认为你与此事有什么干系。当然，这并不意味着英语使用者就无法理解与男邻居共度的夜晚和与女邻居共度的夜晚之间的区别，但这确实意味着他们并不需要思考在对话中出现的邻居、朋友、老师和其他许多人的性别，然而某些语言的使用者却必须这么做。 On the other hand, English does oblige you to specify certain types of information that can be left to the context in other languages. If I want to tell you in English about a dinner with my neighbor, I may not have to mention the neighbor’s sex, but I do have to tell you something about the timing of the event: I have to decide whether we dined, have been dining, are dining, will be dining and so on. 另一方面，英语也会强制你明确说明某些类型的信息，而这些信息在其他语言里可以留在语境里面。如果我想用英文给你讲我跟邻居的一顿晚餐，我可能不用必须提到我邻居的性别，但是我却必须告知你有关事件发生时间的一些东西：我必须选择我们是已经吃过晚饭了（we dined）、已经在吃着晚饭（have been dining）、正在吃着晚饭（are dining）还是将要吃晚饭（will be dining）等。 Chinese, on the other hand, does not oblige its speakers to specify the exact time of the action in this way, because the same verb form can be used for past, present or future actions. Again, this does not mean that the Chinese are unable to understand the concept of time. But it does mean they are not obliged to think about timing whenever they describe an action. 与此不同，汉语则并不强制其使用者这样详细说明动作的具体时间，因为汉语中同样的动词可以用于指称过去的、现在的和将来的动作。同样地，这并不意味这中国人就无法理解时间的概念。但是这确实意味着，无论何时描述一个动作，他们都不会被强制去考虑时间的问题。 When your language routinely obliges you to specify certain types of information, it forces you to be attentive to certain details in the world and to certain aspects of experience that speakers of other languages may not be required to think about all the time. And since such habits of speech are cultivated from the earliest age, it is only natural that they can settle into habits of mind that go beyond language itself, affecting your experiences, perceptions, associations, feelings, memories and orientation in the world. 当你所用的语言经常强制你去说明特定种类的信息时，它会迫使你关注世界中的某些特定细节和经历中的某些特定方面，而这可能是其他语言的使用者不必一直思考的。因为这些说话的习惯从很小就开始养成，他们很自然就会变成超越语言本身的思维习惯，影响你在世上的体验、知觉、联想、感觉、记忆和倾向。 BUT IS THERE any evidence for this happening in practice? 但是有证据表明上述影响在现实中发生过吗？ Let’s take genders again. Languages like Spanish, French, German and Russian not only oblige you to think about the sex of friends and neighbors, but they also assign a male or female gender to a whole range of inanimate objects quite at whim. What, for instance, is particularly feminine about a Frenchman’s beard (la barbe)? Why is Russian water a she, and why does she become a he once you have dipped a tea bag into her? 我们再以性别为例。像西班牙语、法语、德语和俄语这样的语言不仅强制你思考朋友和邻居的性别，而且还心血来潮地赋予各种无生命的物体以性别。例如，法国人胡须怎么就成了阴性的？为何俄语中水是阴性的，但是把一个茶包放进她里面，她为何又会变成了他呢？ Mark Twain famously lamented such erratic genders as female turnips and neuter maidens in his rant “The Awful German Language.” But whereas he claimed that there was something particularly perverse about the German gender system, it is in fact English that is unusual, at least among European languages, in not treating turnips and tea cups as masculine or feminine. 众所周知，Mark Twain曾用“糟糕透顶的德语”一语来痛斥其稀奇古怪的词性，比如阴性的萝卜和中性的少女。尽管他声称德语的词性系统有些特别不合常理之处，但事实上，至少在欧洲各语言里，像英语这样不把萝卜和茶杯看作阴性或者阳性的，才真正是不同寻常。 Languages that treat an inanimate object as a he or a she force their speakers to talk about such an object as if it were a man or a woman. And as anyone whose mother tongue has a gender system will tell you, once the habit has taken hold, it is all but impossible to shake off. When I speak English, I may say about a bed that “it” is too soft, but as a native Hebrew speaker, I actually feel “she” is too soft. “She” stays feminine all the way from the lungs up to the glottis and is neutered only when she reaches the tip of the tongue. 那些把无生命物体当作他或她对待的语言，会迫使其使用者以它是一个男人或女人的方式来谈论该物体。而且，母语有性别系统的人会告诉你，一旦养成这种习惯，就不可能改掉了。当我说英语时，我可能会说一张床“它”太软了，但作为一个生来就讲希伯来语之人，我实际上是感觉到“她”太软了。从肺部上至声门，“她”一直都是阴性的，只有当她到达舌尖时才会变成中性。【编注：作者是犹太人，生于以色列特拉维夫市，在荷兰莱顿大学任教授】 In recent years, various experiments have shown that grammatical genders can shape the feelings and associations of speakers toward objects around them. In the 1990s, for example, psychologists compared associations between speakers of German and Spanish. There are many inanimate nouns whose genders in the two languages are reversed. A German bridge is feminine (die Brücke), for instance, but el puente is masculine in Spanish; and the same goes for clocks, apartments, forks, newspapers, pockets, shoulders, stamps, tickets, violins, the sun, the world and love. 近几年，不同实验均表明，语法上的性别可以塑造说话人对周围物体的感觉和联想。比如1990年代，心理学家比较了德语使用者和西班牙语使用者的联想。两种语言中有很多无生命名词的性别是相反的。比如德语中的桥是阴性的(die Brücke)，但是在西班牙语中桥(el puente)是阳性的。同样，时钟、公寓、叉子、报纸、口袋、肩膀、邮票、票、小提琴、太阳、世界和爱都是如此。 On the other hand, an apple is masculine for Germans but feminine in Spanish, and so are chairs, brooms, butterflies, keys, mountains, stars, tables, wars, rain and garbage. When speakers were asked to grade various objects on a range of characteristics, Spanish speakers deemed bridges, clocks and violins to have more “manly properties” like strength, but Germans tended to think of them as more slender or elegant. With objects like mountains or chairs, which are “he” in German but “she” in Spanish, the effect was reversed. 另一方面，对德国人来说，苹果是阳性的，但是在西班牙语中则是阴性的，椅子、扫帚、蝴蝶、钥匙、山岳、星星、桌子、战争、雨和垃圾也是如此。当说话者被要求对不同物体的一系列特征进行评分时，说西班牙语的人认为桥梁、时钟和小提琴拥有更多“男性特质”，比如力量；但是德国人则倾向于认为它们更加纤弱或雅致。对于像山岳或椅子这样德语中为阳性而在西班牙语为阴性的物品来说，效果正好相反。 In a different experiment, French and Spanish speakers were asked to assign human voices to various objects in a cartoon. When French speakers saw a picture of a fork (la fourchette), most of them wanted it to speak in a woman’s voice, but Spanish speakers, for whom el tenedor is masculine, preferred a gravelly male voice for it. More recently, psychologists have even shown that “gendered languages” imprint gender traits for objects so strongly in the mind that these associations obstruct speakers’ ability to commit information to memory. 在另一个实验中，说法语和西班牙语的人被要求为卡通中的不同物体配上人类发音。说法语的人看到一幅叉子(la fourchette)的图片时，大多数就想要为它配上女性声音，但在西班牙语中，叉子(el tenedor)是阳性的，其使用者就会更倾向于给它一个沙哑的男性声音。心理学家最近甚至揭示，“名词具有词性的语言”会将物体的性别特性在思维上留下极为深刻的印记，以致于这种联想甚至会阻碍语言使用者记忆信息的能力。 Of course, all this does not mean that speakers of Spanish or French or German fail to understand that inanimate objects do not really have biological sex — a German woman rarely mistakes her husband for a hat, and Spanish men are not known to confuse a bed with what might be lying in it. Nonetheless, once gender connotations have been imposed on impressionable young minds, they lead those with a gendered mother tongue to see the inanimate world through lenses tinted with associations and emotional responses that English speakers — stuck in their monochrome desert of “its” — are entirely oblivious to. 当然，所有这些并不意味着说西班牙语、法语或者德语的人不能理解无生命物体并没有真正的生物性别——一个德国女性很少会把她的丈夫错认为一顶帽子，西班牙男性也并不以混淆床和床上的东西而著称。然而，一旦性别涵义强加于易受影响的年轻头脑上，它们就会使得母语中名词具有词性的人通过联想和感性回应的滤镜来看待这无生命的世界，而这是困在单色的“its”沙漠中的英语使用者完全察觉不到的。 Did the opposite genders of “bridge” in German and Spanish, for example, have an effect on the design of bridges in Spain and Germany? Do the emotional maps imposed by a gender system have higher-level behavioral consequences for our everyday life? Do they shape tastes, fashions, habits and preferences in the societies concerned? At the current state of our knowledge about the brain, this is not something that can be easily measured in a psychology lab. But it would be surprising if they didn’t. 例如，“桥梁”在德语和西班牙语中相反的性别会对两国桥梁的设计有影响吗？词性系统所设置的情感地图对我们的日常生活会产生更高级别的行为后果吗？它们会影响相关社会的品味、时尚、习惯和倾向吗？在我们有关大脑的现有知识状态下，这并不是能在心理学实验室轻松测量出来的事情。但是如果它们没有影响，这会叫人意外。 The area where the most striking evidence for the influence of language on thought has come to light is the language of space — how we describe the orientation of the world around us. Suppose you want to give someone directions for getting to your house. You might say: “After the traffic lights, take the first left, then the second right, and then you’ll see a white house in front of you. Our door is on the right.” But in theory, you could also say: “After the traffic lights, drive north, and then on the second crossing drive east, and you’ll see a white house directly to the east. Ours is the southern door.” 我们在某个领域已经发现了有关语言影响思想的最引人注目的证据。这一领域就是有关空间的语言——我们如何描述我们周围世界的方向。假设你想给要去你家的某人指路。你可能会说：“过了红绿灯后，第一个路口左转，然后第二个路口右转，然后你会看到面前有一栋白房子。我家门在右边。”但是理论上，你也可以说：“过了红绿灯后，向北开，然后在第二个十字路口往东开，然后你会看到正东方向有栋白房子。我家门是南边那个。” These two sets of directions may describe the same route, but they rely on different systems of coordinates. The first uses egocentric coordinates, which depend on our own bodies: a left-right axis and a front-back axis orthogonal to it. The second system uses fixed geographic directions, which do not rotate with us wherever we turn. 这两组指令描述的是同一路线，但是它们依赖不同的坐标系统。第一种使用了依赖自己身体的自我中心坐标：左右坐标轴和与之垂直的前后坐标轴。第二种系统使用固定的地理方向，不论我们转向何处都不会随我们旋转。 We find it useful to use geographic directions when hiking in the open countryside, for example, but the egocentric coordinates completely dominate our speech when we describe small-scale spaces. We don’t say: “When you get out of the elevator, walk south, and then take the second door to the east.” The reason the egocentric system is so dominant in our language is that it feels so much easier and more natural. After all, we always know where “behind” or “in front of” us is. We don’t need a map or a compass to work it out, we just feel it, because the egocentric coordinates are based directly on our own bodies and our immediate visual fields. 我们发现有时使用地理方向很有用，比如当我们在开阔的野外徒步时。但是当我们描述小型空间时，自我中心坐标在我们的言谈中占绝大多数。我们并不会这么说：“出电梯后，往南走，然后在第二个门往东走。”自我中心坐标在我们的语言中如此重要，原因是我们觉得用起来更容易、更自然。毕竟，我们总是会知道我们的“后面”或者“前面”在哪。我们不需要地图或者指南针来辨别前后，我们只需靠感觉，因为自我中心坐标直接基于我们的身体和当下的视野。 But then a remote Australian aboriginal tongue, Guugu Yimithirr, from north Queensland, turned up, and with it came the astounding realization that not all languages conform to what we have always taken as simply “natural.” In fact, Guugu Yimithirr doesn’t make any use of egocentric coordinates at all. The anthropologist John Haviland and later the linguist Stephen Levinson have shown that Guugu Yimithirr does not use words like “left” or “right,” “in front of” or “behind,” to describe the position of objects. Whenever we would use the egocentric system, the Guugu Yimithirr rely on cardinal directions. 可是且慢，一种生僻的澳洲土著语言——北昆士兰的Guugu Yimithirr语——冒了出来，它让人们震惊地意识到，并不是所有语言都符合我们理所当然认定的“自然”。事实上，Guugu Yimithir语根本不使用自我中心坐标。先是人类学家John Haviland，后来又有语言学家Stephen Levinson，都表示Guugu Yimithirr语并不使用诸如“左”或“右”、“前”或“后”这些词来描述物体的方位。在任何我们使用自我中心坐标的场合，Guugu Yimithirr语都依赖于东西南北这种基本方向。 If they want you to move over on the car seat to make room, they’ll say “move a bit to the east.” To tell you where exactly they left something in your house, they’ll say, “I left it on the southern edge of the western table.” Or they would warn you to “look out for that big ant just north of your foot.” Even when shown a film on television, they gave descriptions of it based on the orientation of the screen. If the television was facing north, and a man on the screen was approaching, they said that he was “coming northward.” 如果他们想让你在车座上挪出点空位来，他们会说“往东移一点。”为了告诉你他们忘在你家的东西的具体位置，他们会说，“我把它落在西边桌子的南边了。”他们还会警告你，“小心你脚北边的大蚂蚁。”甚至当电视上播放电影时，他们也会基于屏幕的朝向来描述电影。如果电视机朝北，屏幕上的男人正在靠近，他们会说他“正在往北走”。 When these peculiarities of Guugu Yimithirr were uncovered, they inspired a large-scale research project into the language of space. And as it happens, Guugu Yimithirr is not a freak occurrence; languages that rely primarily on geographical coordinates are scattered around the world, from Polynesia to Mexico, from Namibia to Bali. Guugu Yimithirr语的这些怪异特性的发现，激发了对于空间语言的一项大规模研究项目。经过研究发现，Guugu Yimithirr语并不是不寻常的事情；主要依靠地理坐标的语言散落在世界各地，从波利尼西亚到墨西哥，从纳米比亚到巴厘岛。 For us, it might seem the height of absurdity for a dance teacher to say, “Now raise your north hand and move your south leg eastward.”But the joke would be lost on some: the Canadian-American musicologist Colin McPhee, who spent several years on Bali in the 1930s, recalls a young boy who showed great talent for dancing. As there was no instructor in the child’s village, McPhee arranged for him to stay with a teacher in a different village. 对于我们来说，如果一位舞蹈老师说“现在举起你北边的手，向东移动你的南腿”，可能听起来十分荒谬。但是某些情况下就不好笑了：曾于1930年代在巴厘岛生活过几年的美籍加拿大音乐学家Colin McPhee回忆说，他在那儿遇到过一个有着极佳舞蹈天赋的男孩。由于男孩的村子没有老师，McPhee就安排他跟着另一个村子的老师。 But when he came to check on the boy’s progress after a few days, he found the boy dejected and the teacher exasperated. It was impossible to teach the boy anything, because he simply did not understand any of the instructions. When told to take “three steps east” or “bend southwest,” he didn’t know what to do. The boy would not have had the least trouble with these directions in his own village, but because the landscape in the new village was entirely unfamiliar, he became disoriented and confused. Why didn’t the teacher use different instructions? He would probably have replied that saying “take three steps forward” or “bend backward” would be the height of absurdity. 但是几天后当他检查男孩的进展时，他发现男孩情绪低落而且老师充满怒气。因为男孩根本不能理解任何指令，所以没法教他任何事情。当被告知“向东三步”或者“往西南弯曲”时，他不知道该怎么做。男孩在他自己的村子就不会有这些方向上的麻烦，但是因为新村子的地貌完全不熟悉，他变得困惑，分不清方向。为什么老师不用不同的指令呢？他的回答大概是：说“往前三步”或者“向后弯曲”是极度荒谬的。 So different languages certainly make us speak about space in very different ways. But does this necessarily mean that we have to think about space differently? By now red lights should be flashing, because even if a language doesn’t have a word for “behind,” this doesn’t necessarily mean that its speakers wouldn’t be able to understand this concept. Instead, we should look for the possible consequences of what geographic languages oblige their speakers to convey. In particular, we should be on the lookout for what habits of mind might develop because of the necessity of specifying geographic directions all the time. 所以不同语言确实让我们对于空间的描述十分不同。但是这一定表明我们必须对空间有不同的思考吗？到此红灯应该闪起来了，因为即使一种语言没有“后面”这一个词，这不一定意味着说这种语言的人不能理解这个概念。相反，我们应该寻找地理语言强制它们的使用者传达某些内容所带来的后果。特别是我们应该留神观察，由于他们一直需要明确地理位置，他们的思维会形成什么样的习惯。 In order to speak a language like Guugu Yimithirr, you need to know where the cardinal directions are at each and every moment of your waking life. You need to have a compass in your mind that operates all the time, day and night, without lunch breaks or weekends off, since otherwise you would not be able to impart the most basic information or understand what people around you are saying. Indeed, speakers of geographic languages seem to have an almost-superhuman sense of orientation. Regardless of visibility conditions, regardless of whether they are in thick forest or on an open plain, whether outside or indoors or even in caves, whether stationary or moving, they have a spot-on sense of direction. 为了讲一种像Guugu Yimithirr这样的语言，你需要在你醒着的每一刻都知道基本方向在哪。你的脑中需要有一个一直运行的指南针，无论白天还是晚上，没有午休或者周末休息，否则你就无法表述最基本的信息，也无法理解周围人在说什么。确实，地理语言的使用者好像拥有近乎超人般的方向感。不管视线条件如何，不管他们在茂密的森林或是开阔的平原，不管在户外或是室内乃至洞穴中，不管静止还是移动，他们都有准确的方向感。 They don’t look at the sun and pause for a moment of calculation before they say, “There’s an ant just north of your foot.” They simply feel where north, south, west and east are, just as people with perfect pitch feel what each note is without having to calculate intervals. 他们不看太阳，也无需停下片刻计算一番，就能脱口而出“你脚的北边有一只蚂蚁。”他们凭感觉就能知道哪是北方、南方、西方和东方，就像有完美音调的人不用计算音程就能感觉出每个音调是什么。 There is a wealth of stories about what to us may seem like incredible feats of orientation but for speakers of geographic languages are just a matter of course. One report relates how a speaker of Tzeltal from southern Mexico was blindfolded and spun around more than 20 times in a darkened house. Still blindfolded and dizzy, he pointed without hesitation at the geographic directions. 在我们看来似乎不可思议的定位奇迹，对于使用地理语言的人来说是理所当然的事，关于此有太多故事可讲。一份报告描述了南墨西哥说Tzeltal语的人被蒙住眼睛在漆黑的屋子里转二十多圈的故事。转完后，虽然仍旧被蒙住双眼而且头昏，他还是毫不犹豫地指出了地理方向。 How does this work? The convention of communicating with geographic coordinates compels speakers from the youngest age to pay attention to the clues from the physical environment (the position of the sun, wind and so on) every second of their lives, and to develop an accurate memory of their own changing orientations at any given moment. So everyday communication in a geographic language provides the most intense imaginable drilling in geographic orientation (it has been estimated that as much as 1 word in 10 in a normal Guugu Yimithirr conversation is “north,” “south,” “west” or “east,” often accompanied by precise hand gestures). 这是怎么实现的呢？用地理坐标进行交流的习惯，使得说话者从很小开始就在生命中每一秒都去留意有关物理环境的线索（太阳的位置，风等等），培养出了在任何时刻都能记住自己方位变化的精确记忆力。所以在地理语言中，日常交流提供了对地理方位最大强度的想象训练（据估计，一次普通的Guugu Yimithirr语谈话中，每十个词就有一个是“北”“南”“西”或“东”，而且经常伴有准确的手部姿势）。 This habit of constant awareness to the geographic direction is inculcated almost from infancy: studies have shown that children in such societies start using geographic directions as early as age 2 and fully master the system by 7 or 8. With such an early and intense drilling, the habit soon becomes second nature, effortless and unconscious. When Guugu Yimithirr speakers were asked how they knew where north is, they couldn’t explain it any more than you can explain how you know where “behind” is. 这种恒常知晓地理方向的习惯从婴儿时期就开始得到灌输。研究表明，这种社会中的儿童最早在2岁就开始使用地理方向了，到了7、8岁就能完全掌握。有了这样早且高强度的训练，这种习惯很快就变成了毫不费力且不会察觉的第二本能。当Guugu Yimithirr语的使用者被问到他们如何知道哪是北方时，他们无法解释，就像你不能解释你怎么知道“后方”是哪一样。 But there is more to the effects of a geographic language, for the sense of orientation has to extend further in time than the immediate present. If you speak a Guugu Yimithirr-style language, your memories of anything that you might ever want to report will have to be stored with cardinal directions as part of the picture. One Guugu Yimithirr speaker was filmed telling his friends the story of how in his youth, he capsized in shark-infested waters. 但是地理语言的影响还不仅如此，因为方向感要求在当下时间的基础上有所延伸。如果你讲的是Guugu Yimithirr类型的语言，你对于自己想要说的任何东西的记忆都会将基本方向作为记忆画面的一部分来存储。一位讲Guugu Yimithirr的人曾被拍摄到向他的朋友讲述自己年轻时如何在遍布鲨鱼的水域里翻船的故事。 He and an older person were caught in a storm, and their boat tipped over. They both jumped into the water and managed to swim nearly three miles to the shore, only to discover that the missionary for whom they worked was far more concerned at the loss of the boat than relieved at their miraculous escape. Apart from the dramatic content, the remarkable thing about the story was that it was remembered throughout in cardinal directions: the speaker jumped into the water on the western side of the boat, his companion to the east of the boat, they saw a giant shark swimming north and so on. 他和一个年纪稍大的人被困在风暴中，他们的船翻了过来。他们都跳入水中，奋力游了3英里才到了海岸，却发现雇佣他们的传教士只关心船只损失，毫不庆幸他们奇迹般的死里逃生。除了这戏剧性的内容之外，值得注意的事情是整个故事都是通过基本方向来记忆的：说话者从船的西侧跳入水中，他的同伴在船的东侧跳下，他们看见了一条大鲨鱼从北面游来等等。 Perhaps the cardinal directions were just made up for the occasion? Well, quite by chance, the same person was filmed some years later telling the same story. The cardinal directions matched exactly in the two tellings. Even more remarkable were the spontaneous hand gestures that accompanied the story. For instance, the direction in which the boat rolled over was gestured in the correct geographic orientation, regardless of the direction the speaker was facing in the two films. 有没有可能，其中提到的基本方向只是临时想到的呢？很巧合的是，同一个人几年过后又被拍摄讲同样的故事。两次描述中的基本方向完全相符。更加引人注意的是伴随故事而出现的自发手势。例如，在讲述船往哪个方向摇晃时，他的手能够指向正确的地理方向，不管说话者在两段视频中面向哪个方向。 Psychological experiments have also shown that under certain circumstances, speakers of Guugu Yimithirr-style languages even remember “the same reality” differently from us. There has been heated debate about the interpretation of some of these experiments, but one conclusion that seems compelling is that while we are trained to ignore directional rotations when we commit information to memory, speakers of geographic languages are trained not to do so. 心理学实验也表明，在某些情况下，对于“同一个事实”，说Guugu Yimithirr型语言的人甚至会与我们有不同的记忆。关于如何解释部分此类实验，人们一直都有一些热烈的争议，但是有一个结论非常令人信服：尽管我们受到的思维训练是在记忆信息时忽略方向变化，但是说地理语言的人却被训练得不去这么做。 One way of understanding this is to imagine that you are traveling with a speaker of such a language and staying in a large chain-style hotel, with corridor upon corridor of identical-looking doors.Your friend is staying in the room opposite yours, and when you go into his room, you’ll see an exact replica of yours: the same bathroom door on the left, the same mirrored wardrobe on the right, the same main room with the same bed on the left, the same curtains drawn behind it, the same desk next to the wall on the right, the same television set on the left corner of the desk and the same telephone on the right. In short, you have seen the same room twice. 理解这种区别的一个方法是：想象你正与一个说这种语言的人一同旅行，住在一家各层走廊两边的门都一模一样的大型连锁酒店。你的朋友住在正对着你的房间，当你走进他的房间里时，你会看见跟你完全一样的房间：卫生间门一样在左侧，带镜衣柜一样在右侧，一样的主卧，床也一样在主卧的左边，后面一样是窗帘，靠右侧墙也一样摆着桌子，桌子的左边一样是电视，电话一样在右边。简言之，你两次看到的是相同的房间。 But when your friend comes into your room, he will see something quite different from this, because everything is reversed north-side-south. In his room the bed was in the north, while in yours it is in the south; the telephone that in his room was in the west is now in the east, and so on. So while you will see and remember the same room twice, a speaker of a geographic language will see and remember two different rooms. 但是当你的朋友进到你的房间时，他会看见相当不同的东西，因为所有事情都是南北颠倒的。在他的房间床是在北边，而在你的房间床是在南边；他房间里的电话是在西边，而你的在东边等等。所以尽管你两次看到并记住相同的房间，地理语言的使用者则看见和记住了两间不同的房间。 It is not easy for us to conceive how Guugu Yimithirr speakers experience the world, with a crisscrossing of cardinal directions imposed on any mental picture and any piece of graphic memory. Nor is it easy to speculate about how geographic languages affect areas of experience other than spatial orientation — whether they influence the speaker’s sense of identity, for instance, or bring about a less-egocentric outlook on life. 说Guugu Yimithirr的人把基本方向的十字瞄准器加诸于任何精神画面和图像记忆之上，我们很难想像他们是如何感受这个世界的。同时也很难猜测地理语言如何影响除了空间定向外的体验领域——比如它们是否会影响说话者对个体身份的理解或者是否会导致对于人生更少自我中心的看法。 But one piece of evidence is telling: if you saw a Guugu Yimithirr speaker pointing at himself, you would naturally assume he meant to draw attention to himself. In fact, he is pointing at a cardinal direction that happens to be behind his back. While we are always at the center of the world, and it would never occur to us that pointing in the direction of our chest could mean anything other than to draw attention to ourselves, a Guugu Yimithirr speaker points through himself, as if he were thin air and his own existence were irrelevant. 但是有个证据颇能说明问题：如果你看到一个说Guugu Yimithirr语的人指向他自己，你会自然地假设他有意引起对他自己的注意。事实上，他正在指向一个方向，刚好在他背后。尽管我们总是处于世界的中心，而且从来不会意识到，指向我们胸部方向的动作除了是想要引起对自己的注意之外，还能有什么别的意思，但是一个说Guugu Yimithirr语的人会指穿他自己，仿佛他是稀薄的空气，他自己的存在并不相关。 IN WHAT OTHER WAYS might the language we speak influence our experience of the world? Recently, it has been demonstrated in a series of ingenious experiments that we even perceive colors through the lens of our mother tongue. There are radical variations in the way languages carve up the spectrum of visible light; for example, green and blue are distinct colors in English but are considered shades of the same color in many languages. 我们所说的语言会在其他什么方面影响我们对世界的感受呢？最近，一系列别出心裁的实验表明，我们甚至是通过母语的滤镜来观察颜色的。在区分可见光光谱方面，各语言有很大的不同；例如，英语中绿色和蓝色是不同的颜色，但是在很多语言中它们却是同种颜色的不同色调。 And it turns out that the colors that our language routinely obliges us to treat as distinct can refine our purely visual sensitivity to certain color differences in reality, so that our brains are trained to exaggerate the distance between shades of color if these have different names in our language. As strange as it may sound, our experience of a Chagall painting actually depends to some extent on whether our language has a word for blue. 我们还发现，我们的语言所经常性地强制我们加以区分的颜色，会修正我们对于现实中特定颜色区别的视觉敏感性，所以如果这些颜色在我们的语言中有不同的名字，我们的大脑就会被训练得夸大不同色度颜色的差距。虽然这听起来很奇怪，但是我们对于Chagall画作的感受某种程度其实依赖于我们语言中是否有蓝色这一单词。 In coming years, researchers may also be able to shed light on the impact of language on more subtle areas of perception. For instance, some languages, like Matses in Peru, oblige their speakers, like the finickiest of lawyers, to specify exactly how they came to know about the facts they are reporting. You cannot simply say, as in English, “An animal passed here.” You have to specify, using a different verbal form, whether this was directly experienced (you saw the animal passing), inferred (you saw footprints), conjectured (animals generally pass there that time of day), hearsay or such. 在未来几年，研究人员或许能发现语言对更细微的感知领域的影响。例如，一些语言，像秘鲁的Matses，会像最挑剔的律师一样强制其使用者详细说明他们如何知晓正在讲述的事实。你不能像在英语中那样简单地说，“一动物经过了此处。”你必须用不同动词形式详细说明，这是直接经历的（你看到了一动物正在经过）、还是你推断的（你看到了脚印）、还是你猜测的（动物一般都会在一天中的那个时间经过那里），还是你听说的，诸如此类。 If a statement is reported with the incorrect “evidentiality,” it is considered a lie. So if, for instance, you ask a Matses man how many wives he has, unless he can actually see his wives at that very moment, he would have to answer in the past tense and would say something like “There were two last time I checked.” After all, given that the wives are not present, he cannot be absolutely certain that one of them hasn’t died or run off with another man since he last saw them, even if this was only five minutes ago. 如果提出一份陈述时的“证据性质”不正确，该陈述就会被认为是谎言。所以，举例来说，如果你问一个Matses男性他有多少老婆，除非他在那时能看到他妻子，否则他必须用过去时回答，会说一些“上次核实时，我有两个老婆”这样的话。毕竟，鉴于他的老婆并不在场，他不能绝对确定自从他上次看到她们后，他们中的一个有无死亡或者跟其他男人跑掉，即使“上次核实”也就在5分钟之前。 So he cannot report it as a certain fact in the present tense. Does the need to think constantly about epistemology in such a careful and sophisticated manner inform the speakers’ outlook on life or their sense of truth and causation? When our experimental tools are less blunt, such questions will be amenable to empirical study. 所以他不能用现在时把这作为一个确定事实来说。这种如此小心复杂地思考认识论的需要，会影响说话者对人生的看法或者他们对真相和起因的理解吗？只有在我们的实验工具足够锐利时，这些问题才能经受实证研究的检验。 For many years, our mother tongue was claimed to be a “prison house” that constrained our capacity to reason. Once it turned out that there was no evidence for such claims, this was taken as proof that people of all cultures think in fundamentally the same way. But surely it is a mistake to overestimate the importance of abstract reasoning in our lives. After all, how many daily decisions do we make on the basis of deductive logic compared with those guided by gut feeling, intuition, emotions, impulse or practical skills? 很多年来，我们的母语被称为限制我们理性能力的“牢笼”。一旦证明这样的说法没有证据，人们就以为这证明了所有文化的人根本上都以相同的方式进行思考。但是，过分高估抽象推理在我们生命中的重要性，这显然是个错误。毕竟，与那些在感觉、直觉、情感、冲动或实用技能指导下做出的日常决定相比，我们有多少决定是在演绎逻辑的基础上做出的呢？ The habits of mind that our culture has instilled in us from infancy shape our orientation to the world and our emotional responses to the objects we encounter, and their consequences probably go far beyond what has been experimentally demonstrated so far; they may also have a marked impact on our beliefs, values and ideologies. We may not know as yet how to measure these consequences directly or how to assess their contribution to cultural or political misunderstandings. But as a first step toward understanding one another, we can do better than pretending we all think the same. 我们的文化从婴儿时期就灌输进我们大脑的习惯，会影响我们在世界中的定向，和对我们所遇到的东西的情感回应，它们的影响可能比目前实验所揭示的要更深远；它们可能对我们的信仰、价值观和思想体系也有显著影响。我们可能还不知道如何直接测量这些影响，或者如何评估它们对于文化或政治误解的作用。但是作为迈向理解彼此的第一步，我们还可以做的更好，不能假装所有人都以相同方式思考。 Guy Deutscher is an honorary research fellow at the School of Languages, Linguistics and Cultures at the University of Manchester. His new book, from which this article is adapted, is “Through the Language Glass: Why the World Looks Different in Other Languages,” to be published this month by Metropolitan Books. Guy Deutscher是曼彻斯特大学语言与文化学院的荣誉研究员。他的新书《透过语言之镜：为何其他语言中的世界看起来如此不同》这个月将由Metropolitan Books出版，本文即选摘自此书。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2015-09-29】 @tertio 大胆猜想一个：动物也有代代相传的meme @tertio: 验证方法，在某一代抚养下一代的时候给予外界干预让其养成一种行为模式，会不会看到这个模式传播到下一代？ @whigzhou: 会，但动物的可教化性比人类差太远了，教化作用通常只是表现为：在极为有限的几种可能行为模式中，激活其中特定一种 @whigzhou: 比如对特定危险源的恐惧，有研究显示，幼猴很容易从长辈的反应中学会对某些危险源（比如蛇）的恐惧，但学不会对其他的 @whigzhou: 再如日本猕猴洗土豆的故事，是meme传播的著名案例，起初研究者认为猕猴是通过观察模仿学会的，但更细致的研究发现，其实更像是因为新手被老手吸引到了恰当情境下，而一旦它进入这一情境，自己就能琢磨出该怎么做，不必模仿，所以说对待此类案例要小心，动物在特定情境下的反应模式可能很有限 @whigzhou: 另一类常被谈论的meme传播现象是鸟鸣，鸣叫风格确实可以传播（所以养鸟的人也有“学脏嘴”一说），不过这事情可供发挥的余地不大，因为鸣叫风格没有太多功能性含义 @北方小米: 这种恐惧不是先天的么？我对蛇的厌恶无以言表，而父母没有这种感觉。 @whigzhou: 对某些危险源的恐惧是先天的，有些则只是有先天基础，很容易激活，另一些则需要特殊训练（比如巴甫洛夫式训练）才学得会，对于蛇，多数灵长类都属于第一或第二类  

【2016-05-15】 @whigzhou: 从上世纪中后期开始，基督教在全球范围的扩张势头逐渐消退…………除了其中最保守、生育率最高的那些教派，目前，加纳有6万多摩门教徒，肯尼亚有15万贵格派教徒，门诺派在埃塞俄比亚有47万信徒（其中26万已受洗），当然，对于主流媒体，这些事情根本没有发生。 @zeroclyy:去年埃博拉病毒感染的医生全家都是传教士，一边治病教书一边传教，感召上帝，奉献自己，传播福音。媒体不在乎，美国福音派和摩门教一直坚持在全球传教，而且都是自愿的，竟然有人说是强迫的!!!,你去强迫试一试？ @whigzhou: 非洲少有的一股积极力量  

生物学家道金斯为我们提供了看待文化的两种视角，从个体角度看，文化就像数量庞大的一组延伸表现型[1]，人类创造的服饰器具就像蚕茧和蛛网，建造的宫殿城堡就像蚁穴和蜂窝，农耕在地表留下的印迹就像河狸筑坝对河流的改造，驯养给动植物带来的改变，就像昆虫在宿主植物表面造成的瘿瘤，或者寄生虫对蚂蚁行为的操纵。 蜘蛛织网用来抓虫子，人类的各种创造物同样也是追求自身目标的手段，其成效同样影响我们生存繁衍的前景，因而同样接受自然选择的考验；不同的是，指导蜘蛛织网行为的指令，是以基因的形式编码在遗传物质中，而指导人类创造活动的指令，则多半以观念的形式编码在我们头脑中，因而可以在个体生命期中获得和改变。 指导人类活动的观念，有些是从个人的观察和试探过程中获得的，正确有效的做法，在得到可意结果因而获得神经奖励之后，便固化成为经验；但观念更多的是从别人特别是父母兄长那里学来的，通过观察模仿他人做法，或听从他人指导而尝试，或仅仅倾听他人的陈述解说，皆可习得新观念。 因为观念可以如此在个体间传播，群体内会形成一些观念上共性，群体间则表现出差异，即所谓文化特性；语言的出现极大促进了观念传播，也使得观念世界变得极为丰富，更重要的是，作为一个符号系统，语言分离了符号和意义，从而彻底改变了观念的表征和传播方式：基于语言的观念习得，仅靠一对一的示范模仿已不再可行，必须借助一个社会化过程。 当你观察他人如何编织渔网时，可直接加以模仿并在头脑中形成指导编织行为的观念，而当别人向你讲解如何织网时，你得到的只是一串语音符号，其意义（即，就影响你的行为而言，那意味着什么）只能从其他途径获得，当然，讲解者可以为你解释一些陌生词汇，甚至交给你一本词典，但终究需要你预先掌握一组基本词汇和句法。 可是，给词汇（特别是基本词汇）下定义是非常困难的，严格说来，一个词的定义就是它曾被用于其中的全部场景和上下文，包括使用者在这些场景中的动机和意向，以及他们希望在听者头脑中唤起的观念，同类场景的同类表达需要，经由协调博弈而汇聚到某个词汇或句式，这些显然无法被一对一的传递，学习者只有被反复置于类似场景中才能习得。 实际上，人类儿童学习语言时，既不依靠词典，也无须别人为他讲解基本词汇和句法，甚至根本没人意识到句法的存在，对他来说，每个词汇的含义，每个句型的用法，便是他在听到它们时头脑中所唤起的全部场景和意向，以及它们之间的关系。 当文化中越来越多的部分以语言为介质而被表征和传播时，语言便成了文化的主要载体，传播不再只是个体之间的点对点交流，文化逐渐变得更像是一个自我积累和扩散的系统：一个最初产生于个体的新观念，唯有经语言表征，并植入所在群体的口述传统，才可能长远流传，否则便当即挥发了，因为表征此一观念的语句，脱离该口述传统是没有意义的。 这样一个以语言为载体，独立于特定个体而自成体系、自我维系的知识系统，被卡尔·波普称为“第三世界”[2]；由于语义诞生于且始终关乎于现实场景，因而该知识系统总是具有某种客观性；文字的发明让第三世界变得越发非人格化，书面材料让知识可在极大的空间和时间跨度上传播，逻辑、数学、人工语言等形式系统的出现，也让第三世界变得更具客观性。 上述发展造就了人类一大独特性，假如我们将生命个体想象成机器人，指导其行为的是一组在受精卵形成之际被刷在遗传物质里的程序，那么对于像昆虫这样行为刻板的生物，这些代码终身不变，对行为较灵活的哺乳动物，部分代码会随个体经历而有所改变，而对人类，整套代码被分成了两部分：一部分仍刷在遗传物质里，另一部分则在成长过程中从文化系统中下载。 如此一来，（用信息业界的时髦术语）文化系统就像一项云服务，任何新生个体（就像新出厂的电脑裸机）只要插在上面，就会自动为自己下载一份操作系统和一组应用程序，并给自己装上；我们知道，电脑裸机是做不了多少事情的，同样，没安装任何文化的个人，算不上一个健全的人，表现不出人所应有的特性和行为，也无法在社会正常生活。 这项云服务是双向交互的，个人不仅从中获取特性与功能，也为其贡献内容，而且这一互动在个人整个生活史中始终持续着，个人之人格是否健全，禀赋是否优秀，生活是否成功，香火是否兴旺，皆有赖于其所安装的文化软件之功效；和电脑软件不同，文化软件的安装不是简单拷贝，更像是个体在一个特定序列的刺激之下自行编码的过程，其质量随天赋（即预装的那一半代码）和际遇而不同。 对于个人，这便是文化之意义所在；不过我们还可以从道金斯所提供的另一个角度看待文化：它是一种以人类头脑（或书面介质）为载体，通过口耳相传（或其他复制机制）而扩散的模因（meme）系统；模因就是寄生于人类头脑、参与行为调控过程的观念，就像基因参与生理过程一样。 头脑容纳某些模因，可能是因为它引出了有利行为，因而获得神经奖励而得以保存；但模因并非总是对容纳它的个体有利（请允许我暂且将个体利益等同于个体基因组的利益），因为基因组设计的神经奖励机制并非无懈可击，相反有许多可能被滥用的漏洞，正如有些药物可以让大脑错误的以为个体做成了某件好事（比如获得异性的亲睐），有些模因也可能让其宿主错误的以为自己获得了某种成就，赢得了赞许、社会支持，提升了社会地位和安全感。 所以，尽管文化对个人如此重要，让我们获得生命代码的另一半而成为完整健全的人，但并不能确保这一半代码的组成元素全部或总是忠实服务于个体利益；因为这些代码并不与基因组分享同一条复制通道，而平等共享复制通道乃复制因子之间团结一体精诚合作的前提，基因组正是在找到了确保这一点的适当细胞分裂机制之后，才实现了最终创造出我们的紧密合作。 可以想象，模因之间或许也可能达成某种合作并创造出类似于有机体的东西；假如一个孤立群体的文化元素之间密切配合而结成一体，跨越个体生死和世代更替而保持同质性（正如个体在细胞不断更替的同时保持同一），随群体分支裂变而增殖变异，或吞并其他群体而在文化上加以同化（就像动物个体吞食并消化其他个体），假如这样的文化有机体（即所谓第三世界）能够帮助其所寄生的群体增殖或征服其他群体，从而让自己（及其所包含的模因组）被更多的复制，那么它确实就有了一些有机体的特征，如此看待它或许可以让我们更好的理解文化。 像蚂蚁蜜蜂这样的真社会性动物，其巢群可以团结的像单一个体，便是因为除后虫之外都（至少暂时）失去了生育能力，因而整个巢群的基因复制通道只剩下一条；人类个体仍保有生育能力，基因复制通道仍在个体间分立，被集体化的，是模因复制通道，因而人类之社会性体现在文化层面上；于是个人有了双重角色：既是独立个体，又是社会细胞。 当然，模因和基因有着全然不同的复制、变异、交换和组织机制，因而上述有机体隐喻尽管能带来些启发，但也有其危险，在对模因的特性有更多了解之前，还不能走得太远。 ----------------------------------------- [1]延伸表现型（extended phenotype）是进化生物学家理查德·道金斯（Richard Dawkins）在1982年的《延伸表现型》（The Extended Phenotype）一书中提出的概念，指遗传编码不仅表达为个体性状和行为模式，也表达在个体之创造物和对环境之改造上，甚至表达在其他生物个体的性状和行为模式上；作为有机体生存繁衍策略的组成部分，后两种表达（即延伸表现型）与前一种有着同等地位，同样由遗传编码所操纵。 [2]哲学家卡尔·波普（Karl Popper）将现实物理世界称为第一世界，将个人头脑中的观念世界称为第二世界，将编码在语言和其他符号系统中、独立于个体头脑的知识系统称为第三世界。

【2016-05-08】 @whigzhou: 现代邮政兴起之前，收信方付费是西欧私人通信中的普遍做法，有趣的是，这一惯例也是上流社会在他们和其他人之间建立无形屏障的一种手段，如果你不够有钱，就不敢混进他们的社交圈，因为连收信都收不起，在19世纪初的荷兰，一封信的收件费大约7stuivers（1[[stuiver]]=1/20盾），差不多是中下阶层一顿饭钱。 @whigzhou: 所以，若发信人预付了邮费，等于是在告诉收信人：我知道你没钱，所以替你把邮费付了。而假如收信人自认为是圈内peer，便会将此视为严重羞辱，所以当荷兰国家邮政最初推行邮票制度时，遭到很多人抵制。