National Medal of Science Awarded To Political Scientist Robert Axelrod 政治学家Robert Axelrod获颁国家科学奖章 作者：Eric Michael Johnson @ 2014-12-30 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：混乱阈值（@混乱阈值） 来源：The Evolution Institute，https://evolution-institute.org/article/20003131/ Why do we choose to cooperate and how can we promote greater cooperation in world affairs? These are the questions that Robert Axelrod has pursued for more than 40 years. His career has been an interdisciplinary exploration that has encompassed mathematics, political science, and evolutionary biology. Now, his signature achievements in the areas of game theory and complex systems have earned him the highest scientific honor that the United States can bestow: the National Medal of Science. 我们为何选择合作？我们如何在世界事务中推进更大程度的合作？这些都是Robert Axelrod追问了40多年的问题。他的整个职业生涯都致力于跨学科研究，涉及数学、政治科学与进化生物学。如今，他在博弈论和复杂系统领域的标志性成就使他获得了美国可授予的最高科学荣誉：国家科学奖章。 I first encountered Axelrod’s work during my graduate studies working with great apes. His suggestion that cooperation could evolve as an adaptive strategy was an inspiration for me in a field still dominated by the view that selfish interests were the primary driver of evolution. After several years of watching bonobos – one of our closest evolutionary relatives – as they peacefully shared their resources with groupmates and avoided violence at all costs, I was eager for an alternative explanation. 我第一次接触Axelrod的著作，还是在研究生阶段研究类人猿的时候。他提出，合作有可能发展为一种适应策略。当时我所在的领域仍被自利乃进化的基本驱动这一观点所主导，而他的观点对我深有启发。我那时已对人类的进化近亲之一倭黑猩猩进行了好几年观察，发现它们与群体成员和平共享资源，不惜代价避免暴力，所以我特别渴望看到一种替代解释。 Axelrod’s publications with the celebrated evolutionary biologist William Hamilton had put the study of cooperation on a new foundation. What’s more, his application of this work to political science offered the potential for an evolutionary framework that could help reduce violence and encourage mutual aid between nations and peoples. Axelrod和知名进化生物学家William Hamilton的共同作品已为研究合作奠定了新的基础。不仅如此，在将这一成果应用于政治科学之后，他还提出了一种进化论框架的潜在可能，该框架将有助于在国家与民族之间减少暴力、鼓励合作。 Axelrod first pursued a degree in mathematics before receiving his PhD in Political Science from Yale University in 1969. After brief stints working in the Office of the Secretary of Defense and on Senator Eugene McCarthy’s failed presidential campaign that pledged to end the Vietnam War, Axelrod taught at UC Berkeley before becoming a professor of Political Science and Public Policy at The University of Michigan. Axelrod先获得了数学学位，1969年又获得耶鲁大学政治学博士学位。他曾在国防部长办公室以及参议员尤金·麦卡锡誓将结束越战的失败的总统竞选中短暂工作。此后，Axelrod任教于加州大学伯克利分校，后来成为密歇根大学的政治科学与公共政策教授。 It was Axelrod’s work with computer simulations involving the Prisoner’s Dilemma game that launched his scientific career. In the game, two people who committed a crime are arrested and each is placed in solitary confinement for interrogation. If one betrays the other, the first goes free while the second is sentenced to three years in prison. If they both betray one another, they each receive two years. But if they both keep silent, they receive the minimum penalty of one year each. Under this scenario, the best individual strategy would be to betray the other. However, in actual trials, people were much more likely to cooperate than would be expected under the assumption of rational self-interest. Cooperation and altruism seem to be innate characteristics of the human species. Axelrod对“囚徒困境”博弈的计算机模拟工作开启了他的科学事业。在此类博弈中，两个被捕的罪犯被分别单独拘禁，接受审问。如果其中一个出卖另一个，那么前者就能得到自由，而后者将被处以3年牢狱。如果两人都出卖彼此，那么将各获2年牢狱。但是，如果两人都保持沉默，他们得到的就都是最轻惩罚，即1年牢狱。在这种情形中，最佳的个人策略是背叛同伙。但是，在现实审判中，较之依据理性自私假设得出的预期，人们合作的可能性要大得多。合作和利他似乎是人类的一种天性。 Axelrod has been able to extend his model of cooperation from animals in nature, down to cancer cells, and up to conflicts involving rival superpowers. His books include The Evolution of Cooperation, The Complexity of Cooperation, and Harnessing Complexity. He has been published in Science, Nature, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, World Politics, and the Journal of Peace Research. During his extensive career, his work on cooperation has been cited more than 9,000 times by researchers across academic disciplines. Axelrod已将其合作模型大为拓展，从自然界的动物向下延伸至癌细胞，向上延伸至对立强权之间的冲突。其著作包括《合作的进化》、《合作的复杂性》和《驾驭复杂性》，并曾在《科学》、《自然》、《美国国家科学院院刊》、《世界政治》与《和平研究杂志》等期刊上发表论文。在漫长的学术生涯中，他关于合作的研究已被各个学科的研究者引用过9000多次。 It was my distinct honor to talk with Professor Axelrod last week from his current position in the U.S. State Department. In our discussion, he reflected on his work with evolutionary biologist William Hamilton, how cooperation can be promoted within groups, and what this ultimately means for a planet caught in the thrall of competing national powers. 上周，我无比荣幸地与目前在美国国务院就职的Axelrod教授进行了交谈。在谈话中，他回顾了他与进化生物学家William Hamilton的著作，并思考了团体内部如何促进合作以及这对一个深受国际竞争困扰的星球最终意味着什么。

【“复杂系统研究中心” 的创始成员，摄于1980年代。 从左至右：Michael D. Cohen, Robert Axelrod, William Hamilton, Arthur Burks, John Holland, Rick Riolo, Michael Savageau, and Carl Simon. 图片蒙密歇根大学福特公共政策学院惠赐。】

Eric Michael Johnson: To begin with, I would like to talk with you about your work with the evolutionary biologist William Hamilton. In my opinion, this was a model of interdisciplinary collaboration that enriched both fields. How did you end up working with him? Eric Michael Johnson（以下简称J）：首先，我想和你谈谈你与进化生物学家William Hamilton合著的著作。我认为，这是本跨学科合作的典范，对两个领域均很有促进。你是如何同他建立合作的？ Robert Axelrod: I approached him because I thought that my work on the Prisoner’s Dilemma would have applications to biology. First I got in touch with Richard Dawkins and it was he who suggested Bill Hamilton who, at the time, was visiting The University of Michigan where I was. I didn’t even know he was there. Robert Axelrod（以下简称A）：我去找他，是因为我觉得我对囚徒困境的研究可能在生物学上得以应用。首先我是跟Richard Dawkins接触，是他推荐的Bill Hamilton。Hamilton当时正访问我所在的密歇根大学。那时候我甚至都不知道他就在那儿。 When I looked him up and told him about my basic idea, he thought it was quite interesting. As you know, before he died of course, he was a world-class evolutionary biologist most noted for showing that animals often cooperate when they are closely related to each other. But my suggestion was a different idea: that cooperation could also be based on reciprocity. 当我找到他，把我的基本想法跟他一说，他觉得特别有意思。你当然知道，他生前曾是世界级的进化生物学家，特别是以指出亲缘关系密切的动物之间经常进行合作这一点而出名。不过我提出的是个不同的想法：合作也可能基于互惠。 To my delight, Bill immediately saw the value of this approach and he thought we could develop some useful applications for biology. He had already used game theory in some of his work, although he didn’t regard himself as a game theorist. We decided to write an article for Science, which is probably the world’s leading scientific journal. 令我高兴的是，Bill立马看出这一方法的价值，并且认为我们可以在生物学上提出一些有益的应用。他此前已在自己的一些研究中用过博弈论，尽管他并不自视为一个博弈理论家。我们决定给《自然》写篇文章，那大概是世界上最好的科学杂志。 Bill was able to bring the relevance to biology and speak directly to evolutionary biologists in a way that I could not and I brought the original theory. Then we worked out some of the elaborations together. We were really fortunate in that, not only was the article accepted, it was chosen as the best article of the year in Science magazine. It certainly gave my later work a mark of scientific credibility. Bill把生物学引入进来，并且以一种我做不到的方式直接与进化生物学家对话，而我提供的则是原创理论。然后我们共同把某些细节阐述部分解决了。我们运气很好，文章不仅被采用了，还被选为《科学》杂志的年度最佳论文。这当然给我以后的工作提供了科学可信性。 Johnson: What is one of your fondest memories of working with Hamilton? Can you paint a scene of how one of your collaboration sessions played out? J：关于你和Hamilton的合作，你最愉快的记忆是什么？你能描绘一下你们进行合作的场景吗？ Axelrod: One of the characteristics I remember about him is that when we were talking about an idea he might suddenly stop and think very deeply about it. I learned to keep quiet and let him ponder. Many times he would come up with a really interesting next step. Of course, sometimes he would come up with something completely different because he had given up pondering the topic at hand and his mind had gone off in some other direction. I could never tell which it would be. It was a lot of fun. A：我记得他有个特点，就是当我们在讨论一个想法时，他可能会突然停下来，陷入深思。我后来学会在这时候保持安静，让他沉思。好多时候，他会想出一个特别有意思的下一步措施。当然，有时候他也会想出一个完全不同的东西，因为他已没在思考我们手头的事，思想早已离题到别的方向去了。我永远没法预知到底会如何。这很有意思。 Johnson: You were both so generous with one another in how you described your work together. For example, Hamilton wrote in his autobiography that your collaboration added to his own biological insights. Would you say that it also added to your own perspective on political science? J：在描述你们之间的合作时，你们俩对彼此都非常慷慨大度。比如，Hamilton在他的自传中就说，你们的合作增加了他自己对生物学的理解。你觉得这一合作也拓宽了你自己对政治科学的视角吗？ Axelrod: It certainly gave me a deeper sense of the fundamentals that we were studying. It wasn’t something specific like trench warfare, which was one of my examples. I saw that this model could be applied in many different places. For example, as you may know, I later developed another application related to this work as it had to do with cooperation among cancer cells. The same thing happened for him and, several years later, he came up with another idea that he wanted to try out on me related to parasites. A：这当然让我对我们当时正研究的基本原理有了更深的理解。它不是堑壕战这么具体的东西，堑壕战是我那时使用的案例之一。我领会到，这个模型能应用于许多不同的地方。比如，如你所知的，我后来论述了与该项研究有关的另外一个应用，涉及癌细胞之间的合作。对他而言，事情也是如此。数年之后，他提出了另外一个与寄生物有关的想法，想要征求我的看法。 Johnson: This would have been your joint paper on the origin of sex. J：这应该就是你们关于性别起源的合作论文了。 Axelrod: Yes, his idea was quite amazing. You see, at the time we did not have a good explanation for the fact that almost all large animals and plants reproduce sexually. This was a serious puzzle because it meant that only half of adults – the females – could reproduce. This is a huge cost in evolutionary terms, so there must be something very valuable about it. The fact that sex is so universal means it must be something that large animals and plants have in common. A：对，他的想法确实神奇。你知道，对于几乎所有大型动植物都采用有性繁殖一事，我们当时并没有一个好的解释。这是个很重要的谜题，因为它意味着只有半数的成年个体，即雌性，能进行繁殖。从进化的角度来看，这是个巨大的代价，所以必定对应特别大的价值。而由于性别的存在是那么普遍，这种价值必定是大型动植物所共有的。 Bill’s idea for what they have in common was the need to resist parasites. Parasites evolved to mimic our cells so that our immune system wouldn’t attack them. As a result, they can evolve around thirty times faster than we can since their generation time is so short. If you were to reproduce asexually it would mean you’d have an offspring that was almost identical to you, so the parasites that are adapted to you would also be adapted to your offspring. However, by reproducing sexually our offspring are quite different from us. Therefore, the parasites have to start all over. Bill’s idea was that sexual reproduction is an adaptation to resist parasites. It is just a brilliant idea. Bill认为这是为了抵抗寄生物。寄生物进化得能够模拟我们的细胞，使自己不受免疫系统的攻击。结果是，它们的进化速度比我们快30倍，因为它们的世代时长特别短。如果你进行无性繁殖，那就意味着你的后代将跟你几乎一模一样，那么适应了你的寄生物将同样适应你的后代。而有性繁殖使后代与我们大为不同。因此，寄生物得从头开始进化适应。Bill的看法就是，有性繁殖是为抵抗寄生物而产生的一种适应。这真是个绝妙的想法。 Johnson: How did you end up coauthoring the paper with him? J：你是如何跟他合写这篇论文的？ Axelrod: He said to me that he didn’t have a way of modeling this concept because it inherently involved many genes and, in the formal model, you could only add two or three different genes before the whole thing got too complicated with all of the interaction effects. I used a technique that John Holland at University of Michigan had developed called the genetic algorithm. This was a computer simulation of the genetics and allowed us to handle dozens of genes in one simulation. A：他告诉我他找不到方法为这个概念建模，因为它本身涉及许多基因。而在正式的模型中你只能加入两到三个不同的基因，再多就会由于交互作用变得过于复杂。我使用了一种叫做遗传算法的技术，是由密歇根大学的John Holland开发的。这是对基因的一种计算机模拟，一次模拟能处理好几十个基因。 This was just what we needed and we developed a simulation to demonstrate that this idea, at least in principle, was viable. It was a lot of fun to first have one idea of mine that I took to Bill only to have him come back with an idea of his own that I helped do simulations on. 我们就需要这个。我们建模展示了这一想法至少在理论上是可行的。这事确实很有意思，之前是我拿着一个想法去找Bill，结果促使他提出了一个他自己的想法，然后他又来找我帮忙对这个想法进行模拟。 Johnson: So it was a meeting of complementary minds. You would build on one another’s ideas and inspiration. J：这就是头脑的互补。你们互相发展对方的观点和灵感。 Axelrod: Right. I remember he said in his memoirs that we were both quite serious about aesthetics. We like simple theories and want to get to the fundamentals of things. We both had a background in mathematical modeling and game theory so, even though we came from different disciplines, we had some important things in common. A：对。我记得他在回忆录里说我们俩都非常看重美感。我们都喜欢简单的理论，渴望获得事物的基本原理。我们都曾接受过数学建模和博弈论的训练，所以尽管我们属于不同的学科，但在许多重要方面有共同点。 In addition, I had been fascinated with evolution ever since high school and had taken it quite seriously. I thought a lot about evolutionary biology although I certainly was not a professional. But it meant that he and I could communicate well together because I knew many of the basics in a way that political scientists wouldn’t normally be expected to. 除此之外，自高中时起我就一直对进化很是着迷，也很重视。我经常思考进化生物学的问题，当然我肯定不是这方面的专家。但这意味着我和他之间能够很好地交流，因为我知道很多政治科学家通常不会知道的基础知识。 Another thing that he mentioned in his memoirs is that neither one of us had any need to one up the other or establish who had made the biggest contribution. There was never any need to be overly modest just out of the sake of politeness, which I think is common in Britain and something Bill was used to from his time at Oxford. He was simply a delight to work with. 他在回忆录中还提到另外一件事，就是我们都没想要压过对方或者要论谁的功劳大。我们也从未觉得有必要出于礼貌的考虑而表现的过分谦虚，这一点我想在英国很普遍，而Bill自其牛津时代起就已习惯如此。与他合作真的非常愉快。 Johnson: You have also taken on other evolutionary questions over the years. One of the debates I have always been interested in is that you have been critical of some evolutionary psychologists, such as Joseph Henrich at University of British Columbia where I am based, who argue that there are specific genes for prosocial traits. Instead you advocate for more general-purpose capabilities such as language and foresight. Do you think there is an overreliance among some evolutionary researchers on genetic mechanisms for understanding the nature of cooperation and altruism? J：多年以来，你也曾研究过其它进化问题。我历来很感兴趣的争论之一是，你一直对一些进化心理学家，比如我所在的英属哥伦比亚大学的Joseph Henrich，持批评态度。Henrich认为存在能够导致亲社会特性的特定基因。而你则主张（亲社会特性来自于）用途更为一般化的能力，如语言和预见能力。你是否认为某些进化学研究者在试图对合作和利他的本质进行理解时过分依赖基因机制？ Axelrod: I think that genetics certainly plays a role. But I am kind of agnostic about just how big the role of genetics is in human behavior. For example, there is no doubt that an important genetic basis exists in both human and nonhuman animals for cooperation with kin. What I was addressing was how specific those genetic components have to be. A：我认为基因确实发挥了作用。但是对于基因在塑造人类行为中的作用有多大这一问题，我有点倾向于不可知论。比方说，人类以及动物的亲缘间合作，毫无疑问存在非常重要的基因基础。我那时候要搞清楚的是，这些基因成分要具体独特到何种程度。 Henrich was moving towards the side where they are highly specific and identifiable. My collaborator and I were saying that it could be explained by much more general capacities that were evoked for this purpose. It wasn’t a major difference. Genes are important but I’m not a purist who believes they drive everything. Obviously culture is important too. Henrich倾向于认为它们十分特定且可识别。我和我的合作者则认为亲缘间合作可以由更一般化的能力来解释，这些能力就是为此目的而产生的。这并不是大分歧。基因很重要，但我不是个纯粹主义者。我不认为一切都由基因推动。显然文化也很重要。 Johnson: When Darwin was trying to understand the origin of morality in The Descent of Man he adopted a group selection model where those individuals that displayed selfish tendencies would be punished whereas those that displayed traits benefitting the group would be rewarded. Christopher Boehm followed up on this idea in his book Moral Origins that came out a few years ago. Do you find that the evolution of cooperation has come full circle back to where Darwin originally was? J：当达尔文在《人类的由来》一书中试图理解道德的起源时，他使用了一种群体选择模型。在这个模型中，表现出自私倾向的个体会被惩罚，而表现出有益于群体的特征的个体会得到奖励。Christopher Boehm在几年前出版的著作《道德起源》中进一步发展了这种观点。你是否认为合作的进化论兜了一整个大圈子，回到了达尔文所在的起点？ Axelrod: I think that Darwin’s speculation is quite plausible. At the time he couldn’t really establish it by studying large numbers of societies and identifying those that thrived and those that didn’t. A：我认为达尔文的猜想似乎相当合理。那时候他不可能研究大量的社会，并确认哪些兴盛，哪些没有，然后真正证实他的猜想。 The idea of group selection, until recently, has had a pretty bad reputation in biology because some non-scientists wildly misused it, saying that if the British were so successful it must be because they were genetically better. But in the last ten years or so biologists have come to agree that, under certain conditions, one can get group selection. 在生物学中，群体选择这一观点直至最近名声都很差，因为它曾被一些非科学家滥用，他们宣称英国人如此成功必然是由于他们在基因上更为优秀。但在过去约十年间，生物学家们已经达成共识，认为在特定条件下确实存在群体选择。 If one small band of humans are better at cooperating than some other band whom they are competing with, the first may well be able to outperform the second either through getting more food or maybe even by fighting and killing them. I think it is a common principle that cooperation is invoked in the service of competition. Cooperation with insiders serves competition with outsiders. 如果一伙人比正与他们竞争的另外一伙人更善于合作，那么第一伙人或许能够远胜第二伙人，这或者是由于他们能获取更多食物，或者由于他们可能干脆将第二伙人打败并消灭。合作之产生是为了竞争，我认为这是一条一般性原则。与内部人合作是为了与外人竞争。 Johnson: You modeled this very process in the journal Nature with what you refer to as tags. You show that cooperation could increase even without reciprocity or high levels of relatedness. If enough individuals with the same tag were in a group they might cooperate simply because they shared these tags. Could you expand on that? J：你在《自然》杂志上为你刚说的这一过程建立了模型，用的是你所谓的“标记”。你指出，即使没有互惠性或程度很高的亲缘关系，合作也可能增进。如果一个群体中具有相同“标记”的个体足够多，他们也可能纯粹因为共享同一种“标记”就相互合作。你能对此加以阐释吗？ Axelrod: The idea of tags was actually developed by John Holland. Tags are completely arbitrary pieces of information that other people can observe, such as your accent or your skin color or the color shirt you wear. These are signals as to what group a person is a member of and this can lead to ethnocentrism or cooperating with others that are similar to you. A：“标记”这个想法实际上是由John Holland提出的。“标记”就是别人能够观察到的任意信息，比如你的口音或肤色或你所穿的有色衬衫。这是一种信号，表明某人所属的群体，而它会引发本族中心主义或相似的人们之间的合作。 Even if those things are completely arbitrary initially, they can come to take on meaning. They become correlated with traits that include reciprocity. Of course, the question gets tricky and interesting in that somebody else can have this trait or be part of the in-group but then abuse that and not cooperate. 即使这些标记最初是完全任意的，它们也能逐渐承载意义。它们开始与某些特质相关，其中包括互惠性。当然，某人也可能具有某种特质或是这个内部团体的一份子而滥用了这一点，不与他人合作。这时候问题就变得更棘手也更有趣。 I remember Groucho Marx once said that, “The secret of success is honesty and fair dealing. If you can fake those, you’ve got it made.” One of the purposes of our simulation is to study the conditions under which defectors are not able to take over a population even though, in the short run, they can do well. 我记得Groucho Marx曾经说过，“成功的秘诀就是诚实和公平交易。如果能假装如此，你已然成功。”我们所做模拟的一个目的就是要研究在什么条件下背叛者即使能短期得利也无法骗过整个群体。 Johnson: Do these models suggest that there is room for cultural and institutional change in order to promote cooperation in world affairs? For example, you wrote an article for The New York Times along with Scott Atran about how we should talk to terrorists. J：这些模型是否表明，世界事务中存在通过文化和制度变革来推动合作的空间？比方说，你曾和Scott Atran一道为《纽约时报》写过一篇文章，讨论我们应该如何跟恐怖分子对话。 Axelrod: That’s right. As an interesting side note, you may know that this year I am working in the State Department on a fellowship. I was a little worried that I might not get a security clearance because I actually have talked to terrorists. But I have been up front about this so it turned out not to be a problem. I was still able to get my clearance. A：对。顺便说个有趣的事。你可能也知道我今年正在国务院做研究员。我起先还有点担心通不过安全审查，因为我真地跟恐怖分子交谈过。不过我对此一直都很坦率，所以最后也没什么事。我还是通过了审查。 Johnson: So is this the kind of thing that could be utilized? By employing various tags and emphasizing shared cultural traits we might enter into closer dialogue that would promote cooperation. J：那么我们能对标记加以利用对吗？通过调用多种多样的标记，通过强调共享的文化特征，我们有可能更为深入地对话，从而可能推动合作。 Axelrod: That is the aspiration. But there are some groups, and perhaps ISIL is one of them, where there is not a lot to talk to them about. A：这是我们的期望。但是对于某些群体，可能跟他们就没多少可谈的，ISIL可能是这种情况吧。 Johnson: You noted in one of your autobiographical papers that your father was a painter and that he represented what was important on a given day by what he left out. In your early work you emphasized the Prisoner’s Dilemma because, at the time, the world was in a conflict between rival superpowers. How has the changing world situation altered what you find important and how has that influenced what you include, or don’t include, in your models? J：在你的一篇自传文章中，你曾提到你的父亲是个画家，他会通过留白来表现某个特定日子里的重要事物。你在早期著作中强调的是囚徒困境，因为当时世界正处于超级大国的对立冲突之中。世界情势的变化是如何改变你对何者重要这一问题的认识的？这又如何对你的模型包括或不包括哪些东西产生影响呢？ Axelrod: Obviously we’re not in a strict bipolar situation today like the United States and the Soviet Union were in the dominant confrontation during the Cold War. Now there are a number of power centers and, you might say, a two-sided game is only part of the issue. A：很显然，我们现在面临的并非严格的两极态势，这跟冷战的时候已经不一样了，那时美国和苏联的对抗主导了局面。现在有很多权力中心，你可以说，双边游戏只是整个问题的一部分。 However, there are still lots of bilateral issues such as between Russia and its neighbor Ukraine. The United States and China also have a complex relationship that has elements of both cooperation and competition. In terms of the U.S.-Chinese relationship, a particularly important feature is that it represents an established power relating to a rising power. 不过，现在也仍然存在大量的双边问题，比如俄罗斯与其邻国乌克兰之间。中美之间的关系也很复杂，既有合作，也有竞争。就中美关系而言，一个特别重要的特征在于，它代表的是一个既存大国与一个崛起大国之间的关系。 Those situations have often led to war in the past. That has been a difficult relationship to manage. I think it is important that we recognize and promote the cooperative aspects and possibilities, just as President Obama did with the President of China on their agreement over climate change. We should build a cooperative relationship where we both have a common interest in the outcome. 历史上这种情形通常会导致战争。这一直是一种难以处理的关系。我认为，认识到并推进利于合作的各种方面和可能性，就像奥巴马总统和中国主席在气候变化问题上达成一致那样，是很重要的。在共同利益所在之处，我们应该建立合作关系。 Johnson: So this would still fall into the Prisoner’s Dilemma model. But it seems that there would be a high potential for noise, something that you wrote you wish you had considered more in your earlier work. J：那么这仍然会陷入囚徒困境。不过似乎出现噪音的可能性会很高，关于这个事，你曾写道，你颇为遗憾没能在早期著作中加以更多考虑。 Axelrod: That’s right. For our purposes, instead of using the term noise it’s misunderstanding. One side may think it is perfectly reasonable and the other side might think it is breaking the norms that they should be following. An example of this is cyberspace where the United States gets quite angry that the Chinese are stealing industrial secrets and the Chinese don’t regard that as necessarily any different from normal espionage which everybody accepts that other countries do. A：对。就我们的目的而言，使用“噪音”这个词汇，不如使用“误解”。一方认为极为合理的，另一方则认为破坏了彼此应当遵守的规则。这方面的一个例子是中国人在互联网上偷窃产业机密，美国对此非常恼怒，而中国人并不觉得这一定跟被普遍接受的别国所进行的常规间谍活动有什么区别。 Johnson: This would tie in with Elinor Ostrom’s work as it relates to the digital commons and how to manage that. J：这就跟Elinor Ostrom关于数字公地及如何对之进行管理的文章有关了。 Axelrod: Right. You have clearly done a thorough job of looking at my vitae. (Laughs) A：对。你显然认真细致地检查过我的履历表。（笑） Johnson: I’ve been reading your work for quite a while. J：我读你的作品可有一段时间了。 Axelrod: But you’re right. I think it is important that we sustain the tremendous value of the Internet as a common resource that helps all economies to thrive and helps individuals, businesses, and countries. It is under challenge now because some countries, for example Germany, are promoting the idea that the data generated in their country should stay in their country. This sounds reasonable but it also risks the Balkanization of the Internet and undermining the collective good. A：你是对的。因特网有助于所有经济体的繁荣，有助于所有的个体、企业和国家。我认为，维持它作为这种公共资源的巨大价值非常重要。这一点现在正受到挑战，因为有些国家，比如德国，正在宣扬一种观点，认为本国产生的数据就应该留在国内。这种说法听起来合理，但同时也有将网络割据化、破坏集体利益的危险。 Johnson: You are the first political scientist to be awarded the National Science Medal in United States history. While this award may represent the pinnacle of your career, it certainly is not the end. Where do you plan to go next? J：你是美国历史上首位获得国家科学奖章的政治科学家。尽管这一奖励可能代表着你的学术生涯的顶峰，但它显然不会是终点。你下一步打算朝哪走？ Axelrod: (Laughs) Two things, I have a serious interest in cyber conflict and what we can do to avoid or manage conflict in cyberspace. This could get very serious if one country causes blackouts in another or interferes with the financial system as a way to pressure the other instead of bombing them. A：（笑）两件事，一是，对于网络冲突以及我们避免及处理网络空间冲突的可能措施，我十分感兴趣。这个问题可能变得非常严重，比如一个国家在另外一个国家制造出信号中断，或者干扰他国的金融系统，以这种方式，而不是轰炸，来向他国施压。 Because we don’t have established norms of what counts as armed conflict there could be a good deal of misunderstanding. One side could think they didn’t escalate very much and the other side could take action that is very serious. We understand the escalation ladder for conventional warfare, for example, but we really don’t have a common understanding for the various types of cyber conflict. I think it has a serious potential for misunderstanding so I’m interested in those issues and have an article in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences about the timing of cyber conflict. 因为对于什么算作武装冲突，我们并没有确定的规范，因此就可能存在大量的误解。一方可能认为其措施并没有剧烈升级，而另一方则可能采取非常严肃的行动。对于常规战争之类的危机升级阶梯，我们是熟悉的，但对于各种各样的网络冲突，我们确实没有什么共识。我认为这里存在引发误解的极为严重的可能性，所以我对这些问题很感兴趣。我在《美国科学院院刊》上发过一篇文章，就是关于网络冲突的时机掌握。 The other thing I have been interested in is learning about the State Department, about how organizations make decisions, and how policies develop using this opportunity to see policy formation from the inside. 我一直感兴趣的另一件事，是想了解国务院，想通过这次机会从内部观察政策形成的过程，了解组织如何做决策以及政策是如何形成的。 Johnson: Looking inside the sausage factory. J：深入肉肠工厂里面去看个究竟。 Axelrod: Right. A：对的。 Johnson: One final question I have for you is that, despite all of the crises in the world today and a seemingly gridlocked political system at home, what continues to give you hope? J：我想提的最后一个问题是，如今世界上有如此多的冲突，而国内政治体系则似乎陷入僵局，面对这种情况，是什么让你继续存有希望？ Axelrod: One important fact is that we have not had great power wars for a long time. I suppose the last time would have been the United States and China fighting in the Korean War from 1950-53. That was sixty years ago. We have not had a great power confrontation in all that time and even the Korean War was quite limited. A：一个重要的事实是，我们已经很久没见过大国之间的战争了。我觉得最后一次可能是1950-53年中美之间的朝鲜战争。那都是60年前的事了。这么长的时间没有发生过大国冲突，而且即便是朝鲜战争，那也是相当有限的。 I think it is possible, and it’s certainly hopeful, that major powers can find non-violent ways of dealing with each other and making their interests known to the other side. But it is not guaranteed. The proliferation of nuclear weapons is a serious danger and major differences exist between the United States and Russia in this area. And, of course, jihadism is a serious threat to the world. 大国之间能够找到非暴力的方式来打交道，以让对方知晓自己的利益，我认为这是可能的，而且必定很有希望。但这一点没有保证。核武器的扩散是个严重的危险，而美俄两国在这个领域存在重大分歧。此外，圣战运动当然也是对世界的严重威胁。 But none of these are as serious as World War I or World War II or as dangerous as the Cold War. We could have had hundreds of millions of people dead in a single day if the Cuban Missile Crisis didn’t go well, for example, or if some of the Berlin confrontations had escalated. So I am hopeful that the world is not as dangerous as it was then and that great powers can continue to deal with each other without periodic wars that seemed to be so common in the past. 不过，所有这些都不如一站或二战那么严重，也不如冷战那么危险。比如，如果古巴导弹危机没处理好，或者如果某次柏林对峙得以升级，我们一天就可能死掉几亿人。所以，世界不再像从前那样危险，大国之间能够继续与彼此打交道而不走向在过去似乎极为常见的周期性战争，对于这一点，我是抱有希望的。 Johnson: Thank you for taking this time to talk with me. I personally have gained a lot from reading your work over the years and I can’t tell you how thrilled I am that you have received this honor. J：谢谢你花时间与我交谈。过去多年间，我本人从阅读你的作品中收获良多。你获得这一荣誉，我的激动无以言表。 Axelrod: Well, thank you very much. I appreciate that. I enjoyed talking with you as well. A：啊，特别感谢你。我很感激。与你交谈我也很享受。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

Stanford researchers uncover patterns in how scientists lie about their data 斯坦福大学研究者揭示了科学家数据造假的模式 作者：Bjorn Carey @ 2015-11-06 译者：混乱阈值 （@混乱阈值） 校对：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 来源：Stanford University，http://news.stanford.edu/news/2015/november/fraud-science-papers-111615.html When scientists falsify data, they try to cover it up by writing differently in their published works. A pair of Stanford researchers have devised a way of identifying these written clues. 当科学家伪造数据时，他们就会试图在发表作品中写得不同，以达到掩盖的目的。两位斯坦福大学研究者设计了一种能识别这些写作线索的方法。 Even the best poker players have "tells" that give away when they're bluffing with a weak hand. Scientists who commit fraud have similar, but even more subtle, tells, and a pair of Stanford researchers have cracked the writing patterns of scientists who attempt to pass along falsified data. 当手握烂牌而虚张声势时，即使是最好的扑克玩家也会有一些使自己“露馅”的表现。学术造假的科学家也有类似的表现，尽管更不易察觉。而两位斯坦福大学的研究者破解了企图传播虚假数据的科学家们的写作模式。 The work, published in the Journal of Language and Social Psychology, could eventually help scientists identify falsified research before it is published. 发表在《语言与社会心理学期刊》的这项工作将来可以帮助科学家们在数据作伪的论文被发表前就把它们识别出来。 There is a fair amount of research dedicated to understanding the ways liars lie. Studies have shown that liars generally tend to express more negative emotion terms and use fewer first-person pronouns. Fraudulent financial reports typically display higher levels of linguistic obfuscation – phrasing that is meant to distract from or conceal the fake data – than accurate reports. 已经有相当数量的研究致力于理解说谎者说谎话的方式。研究表明，说谎者通常倾向于使用更多的负面情绪词汇，且更少使用第一人称代词。相比精确的报告，作假的财务报告的语言混淆——用来转移注意力和掩盖虚假数据的措辞——程度通常更为严重。 To see if similar patterns exist in scientific academia, Jeff Hancock, a professor of communication at Stanford, and graduate student David Markowitz searched the archives of PubMed, a database of life sciences journals, from 1973 to 2013 for retracted papers. They identified 253, primarily from biomedical journals, that were retracted for documented fraud and compared the writing in these to unretracted papers from the same journals and publication years, and covering the same topics. 为检查科学界是否存在相似的模式，斯坦福大学通讯学教授Jeff Hancock和研究生David Markowitz检索了生命科学期刊数据库PubMed从1973年到2013年间的被撤回论文。两位研究者找出了253份主要出自生物医学期刊的因造假被撤回的论文，并将它们与那些来自相同期刊相同发表年份、关于相同主题的未撤回论文进行了写作风格的比较 。 They then rated the level of fraud of each paper using a customized "obfuscation index," which rated the degree to which the authors attempted to mask their false results. This was achieved through a summary score of causal terms, abstract language, jargon, positive emotion terms and a standardized ease of reading score. 然后，对每篇论文，他们都用他们制定的“混淆指数”进行造假程度评分。“混淆指数”对作者试图掩盖伪造结果的程度进行评分，它由一些小项的得分求和得到。这些小项包括：因果词汇，抽象语言，专业术语，积极情绪词汇以及一个校准后的易读程度得分。 "We believe the underlying idea behind obfuscation is to muddle the truth," said Markowitz, the lead author on the paper. "Scientists faking data know that they are committing a misconduct and do not want to get caught. Therefore, one strategy to evade this may be to obscure parts of the paper. We suggest that language can be one of many variables to differentiate between fraudulent and genuine science." “我们认为混淆的真正目的是把真相搞混，”论文第一作者Markowitz说道，“伪造数据的科学家知道自己行为不当，且不想被抓。一个逃避被抓的策略就是让论文某些部分晦涩难懂。我们认为语言是可以用来分辨学术作伪与学术真实的变量之一。” The results showed that fraudulent retracted papers scored significantly higher on the obfuscation index than papers retracted for other reasons. For example, fraudulent papers contained approximately 1.5 percent more jargon than unretracted papers. 结果表明，因造假而被撤回的论文在混淆指数上得分远高于因其他原因被撤回的论文。比如，较之未撤回的论文，造假论文所用专业术语要多约1.5个百分点。 "Fradulent papers had about 60 more jargon-like words per paper compared to unretracted papers," Markowitz said. "This is a non-trivial amount." “比之未撤回的论文，每篇造假的论文要多出大约60个行话切口般的专业术语，”Markowitz说，“这是一个不可忽视的量。” The researchers say that scientists might commit data fraud for a variety of reasons. Previous research points to a "publish or perish" mentality that may motivate researchers to manipulate their findings or fake studies altogether. But the change the researchers found in the writing, however, is directly related to the author's goals of covering up lies through the manipulation of language. For instance, a fraudulent author may use fewer positive emotion terms to curb praise for the data, for fear of triggering inquiry. 两位研究者说，科学家们可能因为各种各样的原因伪造数据。之前的研究指出，“要么发表要么走人”的心态可能会驱使研究人员操纵研究发现，甚至伪造整个研究。然而上述研究发现的写作上的变化，其形成的直接原因是造假的作者希望通过操纵语言来掩盖谎言。例如，为了避免引人追究，造假的作者可能会使用较少的积极情绪词汇，抑制对数据的称赞。 In the future, a computerized system based on this work might be able to flag a submitted paper so that editors could give it a more critical review before publication, depending on the journal's threshold for obfuscated language. But the authors warn that this approach isn't currently feasible given the false-positive rate. 未来，基于这项成果的一个计算机化的系统也许可以根据某杂志设定的混淆语言阈值给提交的论文进行标识，而编辑则可以在发表前对那些被标识的论文做更严格的评审。但两位研究者也提醒，因为存在错报问题，该方法现阶段尚不可行。 "Science fraud is of increasing concern in academia, and automatic tools for identifying fraud might be useful," Hancock said. "But much more research is needed before considering this kind of approach. Obviously, there is a very high error rate that would need to be improved, but also science is based on trust, and introducing a 'fraud detection' tool into the publication process might undermine that trust." “科学造假越来越让学术界担忧，而自动识别造假的工具或许非常有用。”Hancock说，“但在考虑应用这种方法前，人们尚需进行更多研究。显然，目前很高的识别出错率需要改进。同时，科学基于信任，将‘造假检测’工具引入学术发表过程可能会损害这种信任。” （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2012-10-20】 @春夏秋冬er @whigzhou 辉总对不同学科之间有时会互相鄙视的现象怎么看？你有瞧不太上的学科，或者说是对某学科有偏见吗？ @whigzhou: 我用“专业价值观”来解释这种现象，专业价值观是工具价值终极化的一种，它既让从业者降低对其专业工作的货币报酬的要求，也在不同专业之间建立了价值隔阂，表现为相互鄙视 @whigzhou: 这方面我自己好像也未能免俗，不过我对学科一般没什么歧视，只对某些学科的从业者有所歧视。 @whigzhou: 比如历史专业者通常对阅读量、记忆力、语言文字能力、材料把握的全面精准等等赋予特殊价值地位，因而对戴蒙德之类跨界进入其领域的异类分子会特别鄙视，而实际上跨界者往往带来一些史学界几辈子也摸不着的洞见。  

（按：原发于《长江日报·读·周刊》，发表时有删节。因为是本老书，内容大家都熟悉了，所以我选择拉远镜头，谈了谈整个新达尔文主义运动与社科、知识界和大众的互动，顺便扯了扯对待popular science的恰当方式） 裸猿已不再害羞 辉格 2012年3月10日 45年前《裸猿》的首次出版是一个重大历史事件，它是新达尔文主义（[[neo-Darwinism]]）运动走出生物学界而迈向社会科学领域时所扔出的第一枚炸弹，此后，理查德·道金斯（[[Richard Dawkins]]）和爱德华·威尔逊（[[E. O. Wilson]]）又分别于1975和1976年出版了引起巨大反响的《社会生物学：新的综合》和《自私的基因》，并非巧合的是，其间，莫里斯（[[Desmond Morris]]）与道金斯的共同老师尼古拉·廷伯根（[[Niko Tinbergen]]）与另外两位动物行为学家分享了1973年的诺贝尔生理与医学奖。 新达尔文主义的迅猛入侵在当时的社会科学界激起了轩然大波，一方面，这些著作让读者大开眼界、深受启发，因而也非常畅销，而同时，在知识界和社会精英那里，上述作者们却四处遭遇言辞激烈的反对、指责、嘲讽、抗议、甚至谩骂和鸡蛋攻击。 所有这些反应，无非是因为他们试图将在生物学界已趋成熟的基因和进化理论，运用到对人与社会的观察、分析和解释之中，用生物学家和动物行为学家的眼光来考察人类的特征与习性，将昆虫和蜜蜂研究中获得的启示运用到对人类群体和社会的观察之中，这些做法，被许多人视为对人类神圣地位的挑战。 换句话说，那时的裸猿还很害羞，尤其是其中的知识精英，不愿暂时脱下（即便只是在想象中）文明的外衣，接受动物学眼光的审视，也不愿接受自己与其他动物一样受生物学规律的支配这一事实，当然，在事关肉体的生理问题上，他们早已承认这一点，可是当生物学审视指向他们的行为、心理乃至思想时，便断然不能容忍了。 今天的读者或许很难体会当时的激烈场面和新达尔文主义的艰难处境，它面临着保守和进步派的两面夹击：在保守派看来，这是进化论对传统宗教和伦理体系的又一次进攻，在上一轮进攻中，达尔文主义已将神圣的人“拉低”为拥有共同祖先的动物界的一员，而这次，他们又要将其所珍视的人性、传统和道德还原为无关乎神性或灵性的遗传编码和“策略”。 而在进步派那边，当时主导思想界的行为主义和文化相对主义认为，通过理性的思辨与探索，借助科学知识和技术手段，人类能够按其意志任意的或朝向公认良好的方向改造人性、行为模式、价值体系和社会制度，可现在有人却用大量证据揭示了：人类的价值偏好、行为模式、行为背后的心理机制，都有着深厚的生物学基础和古老的进化渊源，其中许多被基因编码在遗传物质中，虽然这些基因在不同环境条件下会有不同表达，但它们是不能被任意改造的。 让当时的思想界更难以接受的是，基因基础的重要性意味着，由基因差异所导致的个体间、种族间、性别间差异，将不会被教育和文化熏陶等环境条件完全消除，这一点被认为是给种族和性别歧视提供了借口，甚至在有些人看来，提及这些差异本身就是不可容忍的歧视行为，这让他们想起不久前造成了巨大灾难的种族主义。 作为对上述困境的反应，几位有勇气面对挑战的科学家，选择了走出学术象牙塔，用通俗易懂的语言直接与大众和非专业读者交流，以期扭转当时被左右两侧的反对者所主导的社会思想潮流，于是，继《裸猿》之后，诞生了一大批介绍和阐述现代进化理论的通俗作品，一些作者为此不惜放弃了大量学术工作，道金斯甚至干脆完全转变成了面向公众的新达尔文主义布道者。 这些努力可谓成效卓著，在1994年的《裸猿》再版序言中，莫里斯还在痛陈其所遭遇的指责与攻击，但假如今天再让他作序的话，我们将会读到更多的欢快；该书面世后的二三十年中，知识界和大众对现代进化理论的认识与接受程度已经历了巨大飞跃，不仅该理论本身得到广泛认可，它所发展出的基因、[[meme]]、选择与传播机制、策略均衡、进化博弈模型、分子钟技术等等概念、理论模型和分析工具，已被心理学、政治学、经济学、社会学等等学科广泛采纳和借用，为这些学科带来了革命性变化，特别是基于进化理论而创立的进化心理学，近年来已俨然成为一门显学。 由于这一领域的知识进步异常迅猛，今天的读者或许会发现，《裸猿》（还有之后的类似作品）的一些内容，要么已经过时了，要么不太靠谱，对此我的建议是，最好不要将其视为“科普”作品；“科普”是国内特有的概念，它暗示了所谈论的理论和观点在学术界已成定论，因而可以当作常识向大众普及，而在西方，[[popular science]]的意思则宽泛的多，并不暗示学术共识，倒是初等教科书或百科全书通常会保证这一点。 相反，西方的通俗科学著作中，经常会讨论一些非常前沿的、高度探索性的话题，这些处于探索阶段的想法难以满足学术标准，因而无法在专业期刊上发表，或者，有些新奇理论难以在学术同行中获得支持，转而向专业外寻找对话和认同者，这么做有时会收到奇效，因为跨学科的对话和思想碰撞经常会擦出些火花，而专业内的同行反而会因其特有的学术包袱而对新思想形成抵触。 基于前面所提到的困境，新达尔文主义借以进入人与社会领域的通俗作品，或多或少带有些布道者的使命感，因而其所介绍的理论与知识的成熟度难免会低一些，比如莫里斯认为直立人诸特征（甚至包括语言能力）是同时出现的，婚姻从一开始便是单偶制的，直立人已经拥有固定巢穴等观点，有些与古人类学和分子人类学的考察结果大相径庭，有些则缺乏证据而流于想象，他对许多体征和习性的解释都基于两性合作抚养后代的需要，但这种合作需求如何导致那些结果，则缺少一个严格的博弈模型来加以演示。 不过，尽管有这些弱点，对于尚未或刚刚开始涉猎这一领域的读者，《裸猿》仍是个很好的起点，它写的非常生动有趣，内容也很丰富，用一个动物学家的眼光考察了人的方方面面，最重要的是它能开阔眼界和思路：呀，原来我们还可以这么看待自己，原来这些我们早已熟视无睹的东西背后是有原因的！  

大学改革不能指望南科大一家 辉格 2011年1月19日 近日，南方科技大学校长在接受记者采访时透露，南科大的创建工作终于取得了重大进展，主管当局去年末正式发文批准该校筹建；而几乎同时，南科大实验班的招生也已开始，有望于今年三月开始授课；作为高教改革的试点，多年来的艰辛坎坷总算有了收获，尽管还面临着许多障碍和不确定性，仍是值得欣喜的。 南科大最亮眼也最多被谈论的地方，是他明确提出的教授治校理念，确实，对于抵御行政系统和社会环境对学术的干预，最终实现学术独立，教授治校是必要的制度安排；但是，要实现学术独立，这并非充分条件，财政自足恐怕也是不可或缺的；如果学校经费由地方政府按某种审批程序逐年批拨，而不是由立法规定无条件提供，或自行募集，那么学校的办学方式、研究方向、课程设置，乃至人事安排，就很难避免来自行政的影响。 从南科大的首批招生计划中，似乎已经能看出这种影响的苗头了；按宣称的办学理念，南科大的目标是“小规模高质量研究型大学”，类似于加州理工和洛克菲勒大学，这样的话，恰当的发展路径似乎应该是：从研究所开始，有了若干稳定的研究团队后，先招收少量博士后和研究生，最后才考虑本科教育，而研究领域也应以少而精为原则；洛克菲勒的发展轨迹便是如此，它至今也没有本科教育，加州理工虽有本科生，但人数不到一千，比研究生少。 可是，南科大的招生却反过来，从本科生开始，甚至是少年班和高三学生，这与它的办学理念显得极不协调，而恰恰是这一点，也为它的创办进程制造了严重障碍，假如从单纯的研究所开始，可能会顺利的多；看起来合理的解释是，这是在顺应主办城市的需要；在“办一所好大学”这个目标上，市政府和朱校长显然是一致的，但好学校有很多种，作为教育家，朱校长考虑的可能是哪种大学对改善国内的学术环境最有意义，而市政府则会更关心，哪种类型才是适合本地的好大学。 比如，若政府目标是提高城市的文化品位和人文环境，需要的就是哈佛那样的综合性名校，若要为本地大批培养人才，就最好学印度理工学院，若要为本地产业提供创新和研发动力源，那斯坦福才是榜样；现在看来，双方对南科大未来的期待并不完全重合，而妥协甚至屈就从刚刚起步便已经开始，这一隐患恐怕会在未来制造越来越多的矛盾和障碍。 对于迅速成长为繁荣大都市的深圳，缺少一所好大学已是多年的隐痛，而一所没有大校园、不招本科生的大学，看起来实在不像大学；然而，对于建设高质量研究型大学，急于求大，“一步到位”，却不是个好想法；其实，深圳目前的处境颇像120年前的芝加哥，当时芝加哥在40年里从四千多人的小镇暴发为人口过百万的大城市，也急需一所大学，于是洛克菲勒创办了综合性的芝加哥大学，而十年后他在纽约创建的，则是一所研究型大学。 乐观的看，市政府或许愿意克制干预冲动而放手校长办学，但即便如此，在国内从头建立一个学术中心的努力仍面临一个关键的困难；学术团体是一个拥有独特价值体系的亚文化群体，他们所谈论和思考的问题通常是普通人所不感兴趣甚至不知所云的，所以，激励他们持续思考和研究的，只有同行的倾听、理解、赞许和尊敬，并由此而间接获得社会地位。 国内几乎找不到这样的群体，尽管目前教授的收入和地位都不低，问题是收入和地位的来源并非学术成就和由此带来的同行间声誉，而往往来自职位与头衔本身、接触各种项目的机会，和对媒体发表公共意见时的表现；这样，在学术圈能否取胜，便取决于处理组织关系、拉项目和迎合乃至操弄公共意见的能力，结果，学术界充斥着越来越多实际上的关系专家、项目经理、推销员、商业培训讲师、演说家、公共知识分子和意见领袖，当然，所有这些专才都是有价值的，但他们不可能建立学术。 在这样的大环境下建立学术中心不容易，把几十位从国外学术中心高薪聘来的教授凑在一起，未必就能把那里的价值氛围一同带过来，教授可以在这边讲课、做研究，但让他体会到价值和荣誉的，或许仍是那边同行们的评价，而在这边，他得到的只是钱，没人了解和关心他在干嘛；或许整个整个团队挖过来会好一点，但这很难做到。 大学所面临的问题有许多方面，组织的、教学的、学术的、资金来源、法律地位，每方面的解决或许都需要一条独特的路径，因此，我们不必指望南科大这次尝试能在所有方面取得突破，而更应期待全方位的开放和尝试；民营的独立研究所、高质量的小型学院、引进境外名校在境内开分校，都将是有益的尝试。

70年代，当进化生物学进入心理学和社会学领域（分别开创了进化心理学和社会生物学）时，遭遇了该领域学者的激烈抵抗，道金斯而威尔逊被视为人民公敌，从指责、辱骂、发展到身体攻击、开会起哄、高音喇叭干扰课堂，最后，一批学者在国际和平年来临之际，在西班牙集会签下了Seville Statement on Violence，其内容、形式和口吻，都像极了公元325年基督教尼西亚会议上的十二信条，更惊人的是，1989年，联合国教科文组织（UNESCO）正式采用了这些戒律。

当然，UNESCO可没把这当作丑闻，它至今还把它当作一项荣耀，以正式声明发布在其官方网站上（在这里），甚至还放在其所属的联合国大学（UNU）的首页上。

在今天的科学界，那些反对人碳暖球说法的科学家，他们的处境和遭遇，和当初的威尔逊，大概也差不多。

以下文字摘自Steven Pinker: How The Mind Works第一章PSYCHOLOGICAL CORRECTNESS一节：

The evolutionary psychology of this book is a departure from the dominant view of the human mind in our intellectual tradition, which Tooby and Cosmides have dubbed the Standard Social Science Model (SSSM). The SSSM proposes a fundamental division between biology and culture. Biology endows humans with the five senses, a few drives like hunger and fear, and a general capacity to learn. But biological evolution, according to the SSSM, has been superseded by cultural evolution. Culture is an autonomous entity that carries out a desire to perpetuate itself by setting up expectations and assigning roles, which can vary arbitrarily from society to society. Even the reformers of the SSSM have accepted its framing of the issues. Biology is "just as important as" culture, say the reformers; biology imposes "constraints" on behavior, and all behavior is a mixture of the two.

The SSSM not only has become an intellectual orthodoxy but has acquired a moral authority. When sociobiologists first began to challenge it, they met with a ferocity that is unusual even by the standards of academic invective. The biologist E. O. Wilson was doused with a pitcher of ice water at a scientific convention, and students yelled for his dismissal over bullhorns and put up posters urging people to bring noisemakers to his lectures. Angry manifestos and book-length denunciations were published by organizations with names like Science for the People and The Campaign Against Racism, IQ, and the Class Society. In Not in Our Genes, Richard Lewontin, Steven Rose, and Leon Kamin dropped innuendos about Donald Symons' sex life and doctored a defensible passage of Richard Dawkins' into an insane one. (Dawkins said of the genes, "They created us, body and mind"; the authors have quoted it repeatedly as "They control us, body and mind.") When Scientific American ran an article on behavior genetics (studies of twins, families, and adoptees), they entitled it "Eugenics Revisited," an allusion to the discredited movement to improve the human genetic stock. When the magazine covered evolutionary psychology, they called the article "The New Social Darwinists," an allusion to the nineteenth-century movement that justified social inequality as part of the wisdom of nature. Even one of sociobiology's distinguished practitioners, the primatologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, said, "I question whether sociobiology should be taught at the high school level, or even the undergraduate level. . . . The whole message of sociobiology is oriented toward the success of the individual. It's Machiavellian, and unless a student has a moral framework already in place, we could be producing social monsters by teaching this. It really fits in very nicely with the yuppie 'me first' ethos."

Entire scholarly societies joined in the fun, passing votes on empirical issues that one might have thought would be hashed out in the lab and the field. Margaret Mead's portrayal of an idyllic, egalitarian Samoa was one of the founding documents of the SSSM, and when the anthropologist Derek Freeman showed that she got the facts spectacularly wrong, the American Anthropological Association voted at its business meeting to denounce his finding as unscientific. In 1986, twenty social scientists at a "Brain and Aggression" meeting drafted the Seville Statement on Violence, subsequently adopted by UNESCO and endorsed by several scientific organizations. The statement claimed to "challenge a number of alleged biological findings that have been used, even by some in our disciplines, to justify violence and war":

It is scientifically incorrect to say that we have inherited a tendency to make war from our animal ancestors.
It is scientifically incorrect to say that war or any other violent behavior is genetically programmed into our human nature.
It is scientifically incorrect to say that in the course of human evolution there has been a selection for aggressive behavior more than for other kinds of behavior.
It is scientifically incorrect to say that humans have a "violent brain."
It is scientifically incorrect to say that war is caused by "instinct" or any single motivation...
...We conclude that biology does not condemn humanity to war, and that humanity can be freed from the bondage of biological pessimism and empowered with confidence to undertake the transformative tasks needed in the International Year of Peace and in the years to come.

What moral certainty could have incited these scholars to doctor quotations, censor ideas, attack the ideas' proponents ad hominem, smear them with unwarranted associations to repugnant political movements, and mobilize powerful institutions to legislate what is correct and incorrect?

参考：Wikipedia: "Seville Statement on Violence"词条