【2016-07-19】 @隐藏的火星人:我就想问辉总，兼顾后果和公平的最好的策略是什么，对待绿化 @whigzhou: 宪法容许范围内可做的很多，比如停止穆斯林移民，犯罪移民驱逐出境（像瑞士），取缔国内赞助恐怖主义的组织，禁止国内政治组织接受伊斯兰主义组织或政权（比如沙特政府）的捐款，在公职人员中展开忠诚调查（即麦卡锡行动） @whigzhou: 从佛罗里达Boca Raton伊斯兰中心 ([[ICBR]])的例子可看出有多少早该做事情没做，ICBR与恐怖组织的关系确凿无疑，毫不掩饰，十几年来屡屡被联邦政府抓包和定罪，却始终活得好好的，不久前还被棕榈滩县选为投票点，直到本次惨案发生遭大量抗议后才换地方 http://t.cn/RtzHREz @whigzhou: 类似例子比比皆是，几乎是常态 【2016-08-24】 @whigzhou: 终于有动作了  

【2016-08-22】 @海德沙龙: 《被遗忘的马塔贝莱兰大屠杀》 1979年底，由中国支持的毛主义政党津民盟（ZANU）和由苏联阵营支持的津人联（ZAPU）联手打败罗德西亚政权，和所有成功掌权的革命政党一样，津民盟上台之后随即将矛头指向津人联，展开了一场大屠杀，并于1987年将津人联吞并，30年后，屠夫们仍安然在位。  ​​​​ @whigzhou: 穆加贝到现在还没想明白，我做的这么干净利落——权也夺了，同志也洗了，土地都分了，白人全赶跑了，甚至连万恶的金钱也消灭干净了——为什么得奖的不是我？  

【2016-08-20】 @whigzhou: 对比两组数据挺有意思，左图是美国黑人比例最高的前10个城市（city），从84%到56%不等，右图是黑人比例最高的前10个都市区（metropolis），从48%到31%，左图蓝色数字是对应都市区的黑人比例，很明显，在这些城市，白人中产者基本上放弃了内城，这个趋势估计还会延续下去，最终产生一批黑人城市。 @whigzhou: 这些城市的共同特点是犯罪率极高，1/3-1/2的成年黑人男性被关在牢里，民主党长期垄断权力，福利计划一个接一个，政府开支和税率不断上涨，公立学校一团糟，大片街区沦为废墟，官僚机构腐败透顶…… @whigzhou: 这是内城/郊区的分化，类似的分化也发生在城市之间，未来也会发生在州与州之间。 @whigzhou: 有些城市通过土地管制、建筑管制和分区规划把房价抬的极高，也起到了挤出贫穷黑人的效果，过去二十年湾区的黑人比例就在下降 @whigzhou: 相对于现代文明生活，黑人确实有些弱点，但要是没有民主党过去半个世纪不遗余力地残害，也不至于落得这个地步 @whigzhou: 残害政策从两个方向同时下手：压制他们人性中所有积极向善的倾向，纵容娇惯他们所有坏的那些方面：用最低工资法剥夺工作机会，用福利救济削弱工作激励和家庭责任，用禁毒法施饵下套，用平权法强化种族身份，总统和司法部长赤膊上阵煽动种族对立……所有你能想到的把他们往坏里带的办法，全用上了 @路人萨维:辉总的意思是太傻了政策形同残害，还是故意的？ @whigzhou: 一开始应该不是故意的，毕竟谁都没有这样的远见，只是民主党惯于玩族裔政治而已，但那么多年过去，效果这么明显，再变本加利的坚持玩，就有点故意了 @whigzhou: 动员少数群体，强化族裔身份，玩族裔政治和裙带政治，是民主党的看家本领，看看坦慕尼协会的历史就很清楚 @whigzhou: 有人可能对60年代民主党180度大转身感到困惑，其实一点不奇怪，他们的族裔/身份政治把戏是一贯的，改变的只是选择哪些族裔/身份群体建立票仓 @whigzhou: 所以无论站在哪一边，他们决不能让黑人这个身份标签消失 @whigzhou: 对黑人来说，不幸的是，他们被挑中时，正是福利主义大跃进之际，结果就被坑惨了 @whigzhou: 当然黑人自身的弱点也起了作用，自律性、延迟满足、责任心方面，比起有着数千年文明历史的民族都差一些，因而福利主义和娇惯政策负面激励效果也更显著 @沉思之后：黑人自身的问题才是主因吧。即便没有民主党的政策，全世界哪个黑人主导的国家或地区繁荣了呢？反之，北欧以及荷兰福利主义和娇惯政策也不少，但是黑人少，也还在持续繁荣中 @whigzhou: 可是平权运动之前美国黑人的状况要好很多啊，非洲人自己未能建立好国家，不等于他们不能作为少数群体在已经建立的好国家中获得良好发展 @SenatusPopulusqueRomanus: 日耳曼人没有数千年文明史，埃及、巴比伦文明史最长。 @whigzhou: 日耳曼人的文明化进程少说也有一千五百年了吧 @whigzhou: 文明化不是全部（在何种文明中被文明化也很重要），但很关键，所有中东来源的移民群体中，波斯裔表现最好，不是没缘由的  

New documents allege Mugabe’s complicity in 1980s massacres 新文档指证穆加贝参与了80年代的一系列屠杀 作者：STUART DORAN @ 2015-05-18 译者：Tankman 校对：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 来源：Dailymaverick,http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2015-05-18-new-documents-allege-mugabes-complicity-in-1980s-massacres/#.V0ShIfkrKwU Thousands of historical documents are becoming available in a raft of foreign archival collections. The documents are wide-ranging and allege what survivors and scholars have always suspected but never been able to validate: Robert Mugabe, then Prime Minister, was the prime architect of Matabeleland's mass killings that were well-planned and systematically executed. 导言：海外的文档收集工作使得数千份历史文档正在浮出水面。这些文档涉及多个领域，并指证了幸存者和学者一直以来无法确认的怀疑：罗伯特·穆加贝，当时的总理，可能是精心策划并得以系统性实施的马塔贝莱兰大屠杀的主要策划者。

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From January 1983, a campaign of terror was waged against the Ndebele people of western Zimbabwe, an outbreak of obscene violence that remains the darkest period in the country’s post-independence history, notwithstanding the bloody notoriety of the last decade-and-a-half. 自1983年一月，一场针对津巴布韦西部恩德贝勒人的恐怖运动被发起，这是一场不堪入目的暴行的开端，至今仍是这个国家独立后历史中最黑暗的时期。尽管该国近十五年来的历史之血腥也已臭名昭著。【译注：2000年该国政府启动了强制土改政策。】 But now, the new light is being shed on these days of horror. 但是现在，这些恐怖的岁月正被重新审视。 Thousands of historical documents that appear to expose the perpetrators are now becoming available in a raft of foreign archival collections. The documents are wide-ranging and include, among others, diplomatic correspondence, intelligence assessments and raw intelligence garnered by spies recruited from within the Zimbabwean government. 海外的文档收集工作使得数千份历史文档正在浮出水面。这些文件似乎揭示了屠杀的真凶。这些文件涉及多个领域，包括但不限于：外交文书，情报评估和津巴布韦政府内部线人收集的原始情报。 These papers—augmented by the testimony of Zimbabwean witnesses finding courage in old age—appear to substantiate what survivors and scholars have always suspected but never been able to validate: Mugabe, then Prime Minister, was the prime architect of mass killings that were well-planned and systematically executed. 一些津巴布韦目击者在晚年鼓起勇气做出的证言进一步增加了这些文档的分量。目前看来，这些文件证实了幸存者和学者一直以来无法确认的怀疑：罗伯特·穆加贝，当时的总理，可能是精心策划并被系统实施的大屠杀的主要策划者。 The documents appear to show that the massacres were closely associated with an effort by Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party to eliminate opposition groups in the aftermath of Zimbabwe’s independence. Zapu, a party led by nationalist rival, Joshua Nkomo, represented the main obstacle to that objective. Given that Zapu enjoyed overwhelming support among Ndebele, the Ndebele as a whole came to be seen as an impediment. In the words of Mugabe, the people of Matabeleland needed to be “re-educated”. 这些文件似乎表明，大屠杀和穆加贝的政党——津巴布韦非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线（简称津民盟）——在国家独立后试图消灭反对派的努力紧密相连。津巴布韦非洲人民联盟（简称津人联）是由对手、民族主义者加西亚·恩科莫领导的政党，是津民盟达到该目标的主要障碍。津人联在恩德贝勒人中拥有压倒性优势，故而恩德贝勒人整体被视作一种障碍。按照穆加贝自己的话说，马塔贝莱兰当地人需要被“再教育”。 The little that Mugabe has said since the 1980s on this taboo subject has been a mixture of obfuscation and denial. The closest he has come to admitting any form of official responsibility was at the death of Nkomo (1999), when he remarked that the early 1980s was a “moment of madness”—an ambivalent statement that perhaps reflected a fear of Ngozi (avenging spirits) more than anything else and one he has not repeated. More recently, he blamed the killings on armed bandits who were allegedly coordinated by Zapu (the original smokescreen) along with occasional indiscipline among soldiers of the army’s North Korean-trained 5 Brigade. 自1980年代以来，穆加贝甚少谈及这个禁忌话题。他对此事的稀少评论，其实是混淆和否认的混合物。他最接近于承认官方对屠杀负有任何责任的一次，是在恩科莫1999年过世时。当时他评论说，八十年代早期是个“疯狂时刻”——这个暧昧的表述也许反映了他对怨灵复仇的恐惧甚于其他任何事，而且此后他也再未提过。后来，他将杀戮的责任归咎于据称由津人联负责协调的武装土匪（这是最早释放的迷雾），以及军队第五旅士兵偶发的违纪行为，该旅是朝鲜训练出来的。 In the documents, his alleged co-conspirators tell a different story. In doing so, they controvert theories that Mugabe was poorly informed about the activities of errant subordinates. By March 1983, when news of the atrocities had leaked, prompting Western ambassadors and others to ask awkward questions, government ministers who were overseeing the operation quickly pointed to Mugabe, documents allege. 在文档中，穆加贝所称的阴谋分子讲述了一个不同的故事。他们否定了有关穆加贝对下属违纪行为知之甚少的说法。文档称，到1983年3月，暴行的消息已经走漏，促使西方大使们和其他人问起令人尴尬的问题，监督行动的政府部长们很快指向穆加贝。 Sydney Sekeramayi, the minister in Mugabe’s office with responsibility for Defence, was one. In a conversation with Cephas Msipa, one of the few remaining Zapu ministers of what had been a government of national unity, Sekeramayi, said that “not only was Mugabe fully aware of what was going on—what the 5th Brigade was doing was under Mugabe’s explicit orders.” Msipa later relayed this discussion to the Australian High Commission, which in turn reported it to headquarters in Canberra. 悉尼·塞克拉马伊，穆加贝内阁负责防务的部长，是其中之一。矶法·姆西帕是早先的联合政府中仍在位的少数几个津人联部长之一，在一次与他的对话中，塞克拉马伊说穆加贝“不仅完全知道事件的状况——而且第五旅的所为乃是基于穆加贝的明确命令。”之后姆西帕把这次讨论发送给澳大利亚高级专员公署，后者随即向堪培拉总部做了报告。 Msipa appears to be a credible witness in view of his amicable relationship with Mugabe. He had, for instance, shared a room with Mugabe for two years during their earlier career as teachers. Msipa had also welcomed Mugabe into his home when the latter returned from Ghana in 1960 and joined the struggle against white rule. 从和穆加贝的友好关系来看，姆西帕似乎应是可信的证人。例如，在两人早年一起当教师时，他和穆加贝做过两年室友。1960年，穆加贝从加纳回国加入反对白人统治的斗争时，姆西帕也欢迎他住在自己家。 Between 1980 and 1982, when tensions were rising between Zapu and Zanu, Msipa had served as a regular go-between and had spoken to Mugabe often. He continued to do so during the killings. Within Zapu, Msipa, a Shona-speaker, had consistently advocated amalgamation with Zanu, a line that had attracted the ire of Ndebele-speaking colleagues. 在1980年到1982年间，当津人联和津民盟关系紧张时，姆西帕常常作为一位中间人，频繁的和穆加贝对话。他在屠杀期间也继续这么做。在津人联中，姆西帕作为说绍纳语的一位，一贯支持和津民盟的合并，这一立场曾引起了很多说恩德贝勒语的同事的愤怒。 He was, therefore, considerably more sympathetic to Zanu and its leader than most in Zapu. And yet, after speaking to Sekeramayi and others in Zanu, he was convinced (as he told the Australians) that “the Prime Minister was right behind what had been happening in Matabeleland.” He added that he had never before had such a “crisis of my conscience” about remaining in government. 所以相比于大多数津人联成员，他明显更加同情津民盟及其领导人。然而，在和塞克拉马伊和一些津民盟成员对话之后，他确信（正如他告诉澳大利亚方面的那样）“站在马塔贝莱兰事件后面的正是总理。”他补充道：对于留在政府内任职，他以前从未有过现在这样严重的“良心挣扎”。 Sekeramayi was more circumspect in direct discussions with Western representatives, but nevertheless made clear that the massacres were no accident. The “army had had to act ‘hard’”, he told the British defence attaché, “but … the situation was now under control”. Later, Sekeramayi admitted to the British High Commissioner that “there had been atrocities”. 塞克拉马伊在直接和西方社会代表讨论此事时说话更为谨慎，但他还是很清楚地表明，大屠杀不是意外事件。“军队不得不采取‘酷烈’行动”，他告诉英国武官，“但是……现在形势已经得到了控制”。后来，塞克拉马伊向英国高级专员公署承认“曾有暴行发生”。 The documents also record that Msipa talked to other members of Zanu who revealed that the killings were not simply the whim of a small coterie, but the result of a formal and broad-based decision by the leadership of Zanu-PF. Eddison Zvobgo, a member of Zanu’s 20-member policy-making body, spoke of a “decision of the Central Committee that there had to be a ‘massacre’ of Ndebeles”. That statement squared precisely with 5 Brigade’s ethnocentric modus operandi. 文档也记录了姆西帕和其他津民联成员的谈话，那些成员揭露出屠杀绝不是一个小团伙的心血来潮，而是出自津民联领导层正式且广泛认同的决定。艾迪森·祖沃布戈，津民盟的二十人决策层之一，提到了一份“中央委员会的决定：必须要有一场针对恩德贝勒人的‘屠杀’”。这一说法和第五旅种族中心主义的作案手法完全吻合。 Mugabe’s heir apparent, the current First Vice President, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was a member of the Central Committee. But so, too, were others who have subsequently developed a reputation for moderation, not least because of their latter-day rivalry with Mnangagwa. Former Vice President Joice Mujuru heads that list. 穆加贝的指定继承人，现任第一副总统的埃默森·姆南加古瓦曾是中央委员会的一员。当然，后来展现出温和形象的许多其他人当时也在中央委员会中，他们之所以变温和，相当程度是因为他们此后需要与姆南加古瓦竞争。前副总统乔伊斯·穆朱鲁在这份名单上居首位。 The army commanders who directed the killings, many of whom still retain key positions in a security sector that underwrites the regime, are also shown in the documents to have been eager accomplices. Zvobgo commented that the first commander of 5 Brigade, Perence Shiri, had said the “politicians should leave it to us” with regard to “settling things in Matabeleland”. 文件也曝光了指导屠杀的部队司令官是积极的从犯，其中不少人仍然在强力部门身居高位，维持着这个政权的统治。祖沃布戈提到第五旅的司令官佩伦斯·希里曾说过，对于“搞定在马塔贝莱兰的事情”，“政治家们应该交给我们去做”。 Shiri is now the head of Zimbabwe’s air force. 希里目前是津巴布韦的空军司令。 Testimony from witnesses provides evidence that Shiri worked closely with many former members of Mugabe’s guerilla army, Zanla, notwithstanding a myth that 5 Brigade operated separately from the rest of the army. Those who assisted Shiri allegedly included the now chief of Zimbabwe’s defence forces, Constantine Chiwenga, who was this month awarded a doctorate in ethics by the University of KwaZulu–Natal. 证人证言提供证据说明：希里曾和许多穆加贝游击部队——津巴布韦民族解放军——的前成员密切共事，尽管仍有传言说第五旅是脱离全军单独行动的。那些据称曾协助希里的人包括现任津巴布韦国防部长康斯坦丁·奇温加。他在这个月被夸祖鲁－纳塔尔大学授予了伦理学博士学位。 During the killings, Shiri frequently consulted with Chiwenga, who was then using the nom de guerre Dominic Chinenge and was head of 1 Brigade based in Bulawayo. Chiwenga’s unit also provided a range of practical assistance, including logistical support for 5 Brigade and a base from which Shiri’s men operated when they made punitive raids on Bulawayo’s townships. 在屠杀期间，希里经常向奇温加请教，后者那时化名多米尼克·奇内格，是驻扎在布拉瓦约的第一旅的旅长。奇温加的部队也提供了各种实际支持，包括对第五旅的后勤支持，以及在希里士兵向布拉瓦约的城镇发动惩戒性打击时，为其提供基地。 The first six weeks of 5 Brigade’s attacks were massive in their intensity, but the documentary record shows that an order was given to curtail this phase after news of the massacres began to leak to the outside world. However, the killing did not end, but was instead scaled back and conducted in a more covert manner. 在第五旅袭击的头六周，攻击的烈度极大。但文档记录显示，当大屠杀的消息开始往外界泄露时，上面有命令要求进行收缩。然而，屠杀并没有终止，只是缩小了规模，采取了更秘密的形式。 Estimates of the death toll are frequently put at 20,000, a figure first mooted by Nkomo when the campaign was still underway. But on-the-ground surveys have been piecemeal and vast areas of Matabeleland remain under-researched. Fear and the death of many witnesses provide further challenges. 通常的估计认为死者有约两万人，这个数字最早是恩科莫提出来的，当时屠杀还在进行中。然而现场调查一直是零星散乱的，而且马塔贝莱兰很大部分区域仍未被调查。人们的恐惧，加之很多目击者死亡，也增加了调查难度。 A forensically-accurate number will never be possible, yet it seems possible that the standard estimate is too conservative. Oral testimony from Zimbabweans who were in key government positions during the 1980s disinters a host of killings that were previously unknown. Cumulatively, this testimony suggests that the breadth of the violence and the extent of official involvement could have been significantly underestimated. 一个法医学标准的精确数字也许永远不可能得到，然而通常的估计可能太过保守。1980年代在津巴布韦政府重要岗位任职的一批人的口头证言揭示了许多以前不为人知的杀戮事件。总的来说，这证言暗示暴力的程度和官方牵涉的程度可能被显著低估了。 Observers have always wondered how much of this was known to Western governments—and what they did about it. It is clear from the documents that they knew a great deal, even if some of the detail remained obscure. It is also clear that the polite questions asked by diplomats were—along with courageous representations by churchmen and their allies in Zimbabwe—pivotal to the government’s decision to reduce the violence. 观察家一直好奇于对此事西方社会的政府已经知晓多少？他们对此又做了什么？文档显示，他们无疑知道很多，即使细节仍不清楚。文档也很清楚的表明，外交官有礼节的质询，和教会人士及其津巴布韦盟友们的勇敢发声，这些是政府决定收敛暴行的关键。 Up to that point, there was no indication that the brutal force of the massacres would be curtailed. Nevertheless, Western governments did little once the massacres were brought down to a lower, but still savage, intensity. Perhaps as a sign that Western censure had its limits, the campaign in Matabeleland North continued during the remainder of 1983; 5 Brigade was redeployed further south in 1984. 到那时为止，没有迹象表明当时大屠杀的野蛮暴力会终止。但是一旦大屠杀的烈度变低，即使其仍然残酷，西方社会的政府却没什么作为了。在1983年剩下的时间，北马塔贝莱兰省的战争一直在持续，这仿佛代表了西方抗议的局限性；第五旅在1984年被重新部署到更南部。 It is a fact that the Western response to violence toward black countrymen in the 1980s was a pale shadow of the reaction to his attack on white farmers in 2000. Many Ndebele remain bitter about this inconsistency. While historians debate the dimensions of Zanu’s violence, for Western policy-makers and the domestic constituencies that are meant to hold them to account there's a need to reflect again on the price of inconsistency in the developing world. Aside from the human cost, Western advocacy of democracy and international justice will continue to be viewed with skepticism while such glaring contradictions remain. 事实上，西方对2000年时穆加贝袭击白人农场主做出了强烈反应，与之相比，他们在1980年代针对黑人村民所遭受暴行的反应要小得多。许多恩德贝勒人仍对这种前后不一心怀怨愤。当历史学家争辩津民盟暴力的程度时，西方的政策制定者和想让他们承担责任的国内选民则需要再次反思这种在发展中国家采取双重标准的代价。如果这么显眼的自相矛盾继续存在，除了生命成本外，西方对民主和国际正义的支持也会继续被人怀疑。 At the same time, an inordinate focus on the international dimensions of the Matabeleland massacres is to miss the point. Mugabe has instinctively sought to racialise and internationalise internal controversies of which he is the principal author or to invoke the spectre of neo-colonialism in the hope of support from fellow African leaders. 同时，对马塔贝莱兰大屠杀的关注过多聚焦于国际视角，这没有切中要害。出于本能，穆加贝常把主要由他引起的国内争端国际化和种族化，或者试图召唤新殖民主义的幽灵，希望借此获得非洲领袖们的支持。 Zimbabwe’s Second Vice President Phelekezela Mphoko recently made the claim that the Matabeleland massacres were “conspiracy of the West” and that Mugabe had nothing to do with them. Yet the new documentary material appears to underline once more that post-independence Zimbabwe’s greatest crimes and deepest wounds lie squarely at the feet of Mugabe and Zanu-PF. 津巴布韦的第二副总统费列克佐拉·姆波科最近声明：马塔贝莱兰大屠杀是“西方的阴谋”，穆加贝和此事没有任何干系。然而新的文档材料似乎再次昭示穆加贝和津民盟－爱国阵线应该为津巴布韦独立后最大的罪行和最深的创伤负责。 The documents appear to show that the killings were an internal affair, neither provoked nor sustained by outsiders, and that the atrocities were driven from the top by Zanu-PF in pursuit of specific political objectives. 现在看来，文档揭示了屠杀是个内政事件，并非由外部力量发起或支持，而且是津民盟－爱国阵线的领袖为了达到特定政治目的而发动。 Viewed across a period of several years and hundreds of files, the documents appear to provide evidence that—far from being a “moment of madness” in which supporters of rival parties went at each other— the massacres were but one component of a sustained and strategic effort to remove all political opposition within five years of independence, as Zanu leaders were determined to secure a “victory” against non-existent opposition in elections scheduled for 1985, after which there would be a “mandate” from the people to impose a one-party state. 经几年时间把数百份文件放在一起审阅，文档似乎证明了大屠杀绝对不是所谓的对立政党支持者相互攻击的“疯狂时刻”。津民盟领袖决意要压制尚未出现的反对，确保在计划于1985年举行的大选中“取得胜利”，以便之后顺应“人民的选择”施行一党专制，因此，大屠杀只是独立后五年内消灭一切政治反对派的持续行为和战略努力中的一环。 Dr Stuart Doran is an independent historian and author of a forthcoming book based on the new documentary material—Kingdom, power, glory: Mugabe, Zanu and the quest for supremacy, 1960–87. 【作者】斯图加特·道朗博士是一位独立历史学家，基于新的文档材料，他所著的《国度，权柄，荣耀：穆加贝，津民盟和对权力巅峰的追求，1960-87》一书即将问世。 Photo: A file picture dated 25 March 2005 shows Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe gesturing during a ZANU-PF rally near the town of Mbaira south of Harare, Zimbabwe. EPA/STR 【图注】一份摄于2005年3月25日的档案照片显示，在哈拉雷以南的玛巴拉镇，津巴布韦总统罗伯特·穆加贝在津巴布韦非洲民族联盟－爱国阵线（ZANU-PF）的集会上振臂高呼。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2016-07-27】 @whigzhou: Yes,Minister里描绘的那种官僚机构捕获权力，事务官戏弄选举官员的情况，在美国不太严重，原因可能是大量非官方智库和游说机构的存在，将政治纲领转变成可操作的具体法案，是桩繁重的技术活，许多智库和游说机构就是帮政客干这活的，如果这些活都被拿政府经费的研究机构包揽了，情况就完全不同。 @whigzhou: 所以尽管游说活动有种种不好，那也比用官办研究机构取代它们好，这是反对由政府资助研究活动的最重要理由，哪怕资助的是貌似与政治无涉的自然科学研究，最终也会变成权力捕获者，比如暖球党。 @whigzhou: 由此想到的一个问题是，川普上台后会找谁来干这活呢？那些多年来大力主张自由市场的保守派智库，难道真能厚着脸皮去帮川普草拟法案如何将关税提高到40%，如何惩罚拒绝将工厂搬回来的公司？如何解除美国对盟国的安全责任？依我看，他只能去左派那里找了。

【2016-07-21】 @海德沙龙: 《牛仔：备受排挤的濒危物种》 2014年的内华达『邦迪对峙』和今年初的俄勒冈占领行动，让牛仔这个久已被遗忘的群体又进入了公众视野，本文是一位俄勒冈牧场主写给《华盛顿邮报》的一封信，讲述了近年来联邦政府的土地与环境政策如何影响着他们的生计。 @海德沙龙: 牧场主处境恶化只是这场对抗的背景之一，更大的背景是日益膨胀的国家主义与美国传统价值观的对立，『邦迪对峙』得到了众多民兵组织的支持，这些民兵组织代表了自由、独立、自治的古老美国传统，通过支持牧场主的行动，他们展示了不惜以武力对抗联邦政府权力扩张的决心。 @whigzhou: 牧区与深红区高度重合 @whigzhou: 牛仔最多的落基山东麓各州（爱达荷、蒙大拿、怀俄明、犹他）既是保守派势力最稳固的州，也是共和党初选中川普输的最惨的州，这不是巧合 @whigzhou: 90年代以来，美国学术界急剧左倾，但这一倾向并非均匀分布，左倾最严重的是新英格兰地区的大学，而落基山东麓各州的大学是唯一的例外，保守派比例不降反升，不想放弃学术的保守派都跑那儿去了 @whigzhou: 从下图可见，美国学术界近二十年的左倾化主要是新英格兰大学贡献的 http://t.cn/RtAxkDi Figure 2. Regional Ideological Variations of Americas Professors: 1989 – 2014 @whigzhou: 美国校园的革命小将再这么闹下去，说不定到最后就是这些对学术最没兴趣的落基州保存了美国的学术和思想自由，这不由让人想起瑞士，很难说瑞士山民对金融业有什么兴趣，但正是瑞士山民的彪悍、独立和对自由的执着，在动荡年代为欧洲金融业保存了一个避难所。  

【2016-07-18】 @whigzhou: 凯末尔主义终结之后，土耳其的一些可能发展：离开北约（主动或被动），占领叙利亚的部分地区，攻击伊拉克库尔德地区，在高加索和中亚扶植马仔因而与俄国发生冲突，为争夺中东霸权而与伊朗和/或沙特发生冲突…… @whigzhou: 七年前的诺贝尔和平奖不愧为史上最具预见性和最具激励效果的诺贝尔奖～ @龙与羊驼: 凯末尔主义是和纳赛尔一样的工业党，为什么不能被终结？经济只有自由化才能最终推动政治自由化，不自由的经济根本不可能推进政治社会风气的开放。 @whigzhou: 绿化是『一颗要命丸』，都不用第二颗，跟这个抉择相比，其他都不重要了 @whigzhou: 宪政基础是根，经济表现是果，经济政策、自由化、私有化，都只是小枝桠而已，都是很容易逆转的事情，花枝插在花瓶里不也能绚烂几天嘛，鸟用 @blue-tomato: 像土尔其这么大的一个国家，而且是一个有着一定经济能力的宪政民主国家，还需要依靠军队的协助才能摆脱宗教（绿化）的入侵，这是否说明绿化的强大与及宪政民主的无能呢？ @whigzhou: 说明宪政存续条件之苛刻 @blue-tomato: 非常有意思。如果是这样，谁人可以在规则既定的条件下，推翻规则，扮演最后的救世主，而且有充足的理由得到人们的信任？貌似魔兽里的守护者最终却是引进兽人的作恶者 @whigzhou: 以前是英帝，后来是美帝，现在，恐怕已经没了 @whigzhou: 多年来我已反复强调宪政基础相对于中短期变革与增长的重要性，复习一下：《从摊贩胜诉看印度法治》 《不必对南非期望太高》 《下一块金砖在哪里？》 @安德鲁杰克逊蓝卫兵:但是弗里德曼说只要经济自由，社会必定开放，政治必定自由，这个怎么讲？ @whigzhou: http://headsalon.org/archives/7107.html  

【2016-07-15】 @whigzhou: 神速，脱欧大臣David Davis公布了离欧经济战略 http://t.cn/R5FEuRb Trade deals. Tax cuts. And taking time before triggering Article 50. A Brexit economic strategy for Britain @_bear_:新上任的女首相怎么样？从就任演讲看似乎并不怎么靠谱呢 @whigzhou: 立场跟卡梅隆差不多，你觉得不靠谱的地方（我猜）其实是延续了卡梅隆的纲领，即在社会议题上彻底放弃保守立场（效果是消灭了这些议题），福利问题上从撒切尔立场后撤，走所谓『一族』路线 @whigzhou: 除了这几点，在自由贸易、财政开支、税收、管制等议题上，都算得上亲市场，比川普好多了 @whigzhou: 我的理想人选是最撒切尔主义的Michael Gove，可惜党内支持不足，Gove是那种会向医疗和教育这两个福利主义坚固堡垒发动攻击的人，这对于卡梅隆和梅姨都是不可想象的，目前政治气候下可能也得不到支持，而目前这个大转变最需要的是党内团结，所以我觉得在可能结果里，梅姨还是相当理想的。 @whigzhou: 最可喜的是，梅姨在脱欧问题上完全没有拖泥带水，这一点从原帖所转声明中可以看得很清楚，几个日程期限设定都比之前大家预期的要早 【2016-07-17】 @whigzhou: 梅姨废掉了暖球部，表态支持低价能源开发，赞 http://t.cn/Rthcb1C @whigzhou: 梅姨组建的脱欧三驾马车非常给力，脱欧注定会占据这届政府的大部分注意力，她在社会议题上的倾向就没那么重要了，形势所迫，在经济方面恢复信心将是优先考虑，只要她显示出对这点的领悟，便值得看好  

【2016-07-16】 @whigzhou: 昨天跟熊也聊天时我说，川普只要不支持贸易保护和15美元最低工资，还是可以赢得我支持的，福利主义是慢性病，可以慢慢治，贸易保护和高额最低工资则是速效自杀丸，后者尤烈，而且川普粉一直没想明白一件事：贸易保护是吸引低技能移民的大功率吸尘器，你把劳动密集型工厂都弄回来，拉美移民必定暴增。 @whigzhou: 北美自由贸易协定的一个后果就是大幅降低了墨西哥移民，近两年甚至已转为净流出，一旦实施贸易保护，这一趋势立刻逆转。  

【2016-07-14】 @海德沙龙 《以色列的共产主义土壤》 以色列人在生活中就像资本主义的终极典范，他们是个人主义者，极其善于创建和经营企业，对开发和推销创新也很在行。以色列拥有比整个欧洲更多的创业公司。然而，这些在自由市场中如鱼得水的以色列人，却极其讨厌市场，资本主义在多数以色列人眼里是个脏字。 @whigzhou: 以色列的经历带来几点启示：1）在远离日常尺度因而难以建立直觉的系统级问题上，非常聪明的一群人也可能犯浑，以色列意识形态的转向发生在大批俄裔移民的涌入之后，后者对共产主义有着直觉感受，2）即便意识形态背景很恶劣，但只要面临急迫的现实生存问题，而且人不太笨，就不会在错误道路上走太远 @whigzhou: 立国以来，如何打赢战争生存下去，始终是以色列的头号问题，这迫使他们必须走务实道路，在战后两大阵营里，投靠哪一边更可能生存并保持独立，是不难看清的，除非傻瓜  

When Bigots Become Reformers  当顽固派变成改革者 作者：Damon Root @ 2006-05 译者：沈沉（@你在何地-sxy） 校对：Whig Zhou（@whigzhou） 来源：Reason，https://reason.com/archives/2006/05/01/when-bigots-become-reformers/ The Progressive Era’s shameful record on race. 进步时代在种族问题上的黑记录 The Progressive Era and Race: Reform and Reaction, 1900-1977, by David W. Southern, Wheeling, W.V.: Harlan Davidson, 240 pages, $15.95 《进步时代与种族问题：改革与反动，1900-1977》，作者 David W. Southern THE PROGRESSIVE movement swept America from roughly the early 1890s through the early 1920s, producing a broad popular consensus that government should be the primary agent of social change. 大概从1890年代早期开始，直到1920年代早期，进步主义运动席卷美国，催生了一个广泛的民众共识，即政府应当是推动社会变化的首要主体。 To that end, legions of idealistic young crusaders, operating at the local, state, and federal levels, seized and wielded sweeping new powers and enacted a mountain of new legislation, including minimum wage and maximum hour laws, antitrust statutes, restrictions on the sale and consumption of alcohol, appropriations for hundreds of miles of roads and highways, assistance to new immigrants and the poor, women's suffrage, and electoral reform, among much else. 为实现那一目的，一大批年轻的理想主义斗士活跃在地方、各州直至联邦政府层面，掌握并运用手中势不可挡的权力，制定了成堆的新法律，涉及最低工资和最长工时法、反托拉斯法、酒精出售与消费限制、对数百英里道路与高速路的征用、对新移民及穷人的补助、妇女投票权和选举改革，等等。 Today many on the liberal left would like to revive that movement and its aura of social justice. Journalist Bill Moyers, speaking at a conference sponsored by the left-wing Campaign for America's Future, described Progressivism as "one of the country's great traditions." Progressives, he told the crowd, "exalted and extended the original American Revolution. They spelled out new terms of partnership between the people and their rulers. And they kindled a flame that lit some of the most prosperous decades in modern history." 今天，许多自由左派人士希望复兴这一运动以及它带来的社会正义氛围。在一场由左翼团体“美国的未来运动”举办的会议上，记者Bill Moyers称进步主义是“美国的伟大传统之一”。他向与会者说，进步派“提升并拓展了原本的美国革命。他们阐明了人民与统治者之间合作关系的新条件。他们所点燃的火焰，照亮了现代历史上最为繁荣昌盛的年代之一。” Yet the Progressive Era was also a time of vicious, state-sponsored racism. In fact, from the standpoint of African-American history, the Progressive Era qualifies as arguably the single worst period since Emancipation. The wholesale disfranchisement of Southern black voters occurred during these years, as did the rise and triumph of Jim Crow. 然而，进步时代也是一个种族主义得到国家支持、极为严重的时代。事实上，从非裔美国人历史的角度来看，进步时代可以说是自黑奴解放以来最为黑暗的一段时间。南方黑人选民的公民权遭到大规模剥夺，就发生于这段时间，Jim Crow法【译注：指南方各州通过的在公共设施使用上实行种族隔离的法律】也是在此期间出现并流行。 Furthermore, as the Westminster College historian David W. Southern notes in his recent book, The Progressive Era and Race: Reform and Reaction, 1900-1917, the very worst of it-disfranchisement, segregation, race baiting, lynching-"went hand-in-hand with the most advanced forms of southern progressivism." Racism was the norm, not the exception, among the very crusaders romanticized by today's activist left. 另外，正如威斯敏斯特学院的历史学家Daivd W. Southern在其新书《进步时代与种族问题：改革与反动，1900-1917》中所提到的那样，其中最糟糕的情形——剥夺选举权、种族隔离、种族羞辱和对黑人实施私刑——“与南方进步运动的最先进活动是携手并进的。”正是在那些被今天的左派活动家浪漫化的斗士中，种族主义是种常态，而非例外。 At the heart of Southern's flawed but useful study is a deceptively simple question: How did reformers infused with lofty ideals embrace such abominable bigotry? His answer begins with the race-based pseudoscience that dominated educated opinion at the turn of the 20th century. Southern的研究不无瑕疵，但非常有用，其核心是一个看似简单的问题：那些心中充满崇高理念的改革者们怎么会有这样恶劣的偏执言行？他的回答始于一种以种族为基础的伪科学，这种伪科学在19和20世纪之交时曾在知识人的观念中占据主导地位。 "At college," Southern notes, "budding progressives not only read exposés of capitalistic barons and attacks on laissez-faire economics by muckraking journalists, they also read racist tracts that drew on the latest anthropology, biology, psychology, sociology, eugenics, and medical science." “学院里头，”Southern提到，“崭露头角的进步派不仅阅读调查记者所写的揭批资本主义大亨、攻击自由放任经济学的东西，他们也阅读那些征引最新的人类学、生物学、心理学、社会学、优生学和医学研究的种族主义小册子。” Popular titles included Charles Carroll's The Negro a Beast (1900) and R.W. Shufeldt's The Negro, a Menace to American Civilization (1907). One bestseller, Madison Grant's The Passing of the Great Race (1916), discussed the concept of "race suicide," the theory that inferior races were outbreeding their betters. 当时流行的作品包括Charles Carroll的《黑人是野兽》（1900）和R. W. Shufeldt的《黑人对美国文明的威胁》（1907）。Madison Grant所写的畅销书，《伟大种族的消逝》，讨论了“种族自杀”这一概念，该理论认为卑贱种族已然比优等种族繁殖得更快。 President Theodore Roosevelt was one of many Progressives captivated by this notion: He opposed voting rights for African-American men, which were guaranteed by the 15th amendment, on the grounds that the black race was still in its adolescence. 西奥多·罗斯福总统就是诸多被这一概念俘获的进步人士之一。他反对非裔美国男性获得由宪法第15修正案保障的投票权，理由就是黑人种族尚未成年。 Such thinking, which emphasized "expert" opinion and advocated sweeping governmental power, fit perfectly within the Progressive worldview, which favored a large, active government that engaged in technocratic, paternalistic planning. As for reconciling white supremacy with egalitarian democracy, keep in mind that when a racist Progressive championed "the working man," "the common man," or "the people," he typically prefixed the silent adjective white. 这类理论强调“专家”观点，主张扩大政府权力，与进步主义的世界观严丝合缝，后者就欣赏大而有为、实施专家治理和家长式计划的政府。至于在白人至上与民主平等之间如何调和，你只要记住，当一个种族主义的进步派拥护“劳动群体”、“普通人”或“人民”时，他总是会加上一个不说出声的形容词前缀，“白人”。 For a good illustration, consider Carter Glass of Virginia. Glass was a Progressive state and U.S. senator and, as chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, one of the major architects of the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. He was also an enthusiastic supporter of his state's massive effort to disfranchise black voters. 这里有个很好的例证，就是弗吉尼亚州的Carter Glass。Glass是个进步派，既是州参议员也是国会参议员，他曾任国会银行与货币委员会主席，是1913年《联邦储备法》的主要缔造者之一。他也是弗吉尼亚州大规模剥夺黑人选民公民权行动的热情支持者。 "Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose," he declared to one journalist. "To remove every negro voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate." “歧视！为什么这恰恰就是我们所提倡的，”他对某记者宣称，“为了合法地移除每一个可以甩掉的黑人投票人，避免极大地削弱白人选民的数量优势。” Then there was political scientist John R. Commons, an adviser to the Progressive Wisconsin governor and senator Robert M. LaFollette and a member of Theodore Roosevelt's Immigration Commission. Commons, the author of Races and Immigrants in America (1907), criticized immigration on both protectionist grounds (he believed immigrants depressed wages and weakened labor unions) and racist ones (he wrote that the so-called tropical races were "indolent and fickle"). 然后还有政治科学家John R. Commons，他曾是威斯康辛州进步派州长和参议员Robert M. LaFollette的顾问，还曾是西奥多·罗斯福的“移民委员会”成员。Commons著有《美国的种族与移民》（1907），同时从贸易保护主义立场（他相信移民压低了工资、削弱了工会）和种族主义立场（他写道，所谓的热带种族都“懒惰而善变”）出发批评外来移民。 Woodrow Wilson, whose Progressive presidential legacy includes the Federal Reserve System, a federal loan program for farmers, and an eight-hour workday for railroad employees, segregated the federal bureaucracy in Washington, D.C. "I have recently spent several days in Washington," the black leader Booker T. Washington wrote during Wilson's first term, "and I have never seen the colored people so discouraged and bitter as they are at the present time." 伍德罗·威尔逊，这位进步派总统的遗产包括联邦储备体系、一项针对农民的联邦贷款计划和铁路工人八小时工作日制度，对华盛顿的联邦机构实施了种族隔离。“最近我在华盛顿呆了几天”，黑人领袖Booker T. Washington在威尔逊的第一个任期写道，“我从没见过有色人种像今天这样气馁心酸。” Perhaps the most notorious figure of the era was Benjamin "Pitchfork" Tillman, a leading Southern Progressive and inveterate white supremacist. As senator from South Carolina from 1895 to 1918, Tillman stumped for "Free Silver," the economic panacea of the agrarian populist (and future secretary of state) William Jennings Bryan, whom Tillman repeatedly supported for president. 或许这一时代最为臭名昭著的人物应数“干草叉”Benjamin Tillman，南方进步派领袖，同时也是冥顽不灵的白人至上主义者。Tillman从1895年至1918年一直是南卡罗来纳州的参议员，一直为William Jennings Bryan这位土地民粹主义者（后曾出任国务卿）的经济万灵药——“自由银币”——而奔走鼓呼，并反复支持后者出任总统。 "Pitchfork" Tillman favored such Progressive staples as antitrust laws, railroad regulations, and public education, but felt the latter was fit only for whites. "When you educate a negro," he brayed, "you educate a candidate for the penitentiary or spoil a good field hand." “干草叉”Tillman对反托拉斯法、铁路管制、公共教育等进步主义产品均表支持，但他觉得公共教育这种东西只适用于白人。“你要是教育黑人”，他干嚎道，“那就相当于为监狱教育出一个后备分子，或说是糟蹋了一个农活好手。” Nor did African Americans always fare better among those radicals situated entirely to the left of the Progressives. Socialist Party leader Eugene V. Debs, though personally sympathetic to blacks, declared during his 1912 campaign for the presidency, "We have nothing special to offer the Negro." 在完全处于进步派最左端的激进分子面前，非裔美国人也并不总是能讨得了好。美国社会党领袖Eugene V. Debs尽管私底下同情黑人，但在1912年总统竞选活动中仍宣称：“我们不能向黑人提供什么特殊对待”。 Other leading radicals offered even less. Writing in the Socialist Democratic Herald, Victor Berger, the leader of the party's right wing, declared that "there can be no doubt that the negroes and mulattoes constitute a lower race-that the Caucasian and even the Mongolian have the start on them in civilization by many years." 其他激进分子领袖愿意付出的甚至比这还少。社会党右翼领袖Victor Berger在为社会主义刊物《民主先驱报》所写文章中宣称，“毫无疑问，黑人和黑白混血是一个低等种族，白人甚至蒙古人都在文明程度上领先他们许多年。” The celebrated left-wing novelist Jack London, covering the 1908 heavyweight title bout between black challenger Jack Johnson and white boxing champ Tommy Burns, filled his New York Herald story with lurid ethnic caricatures and incessant race baiting. "Though he was a committed socialist," observed Jack Johnson biographer Geoffrey C. Ward, London's "solidarity with the working class did not extend to black people." 著名左翼小说家杰克·伦敦曾报道过黑人挑战者Jack Johnson和白人拳击冠军Tommy Burns于1908年进行的重量级拳王争霸赛，在为《纽约先驱报》采编的故事中，他用尽了各种夸张的族裔讽刺和层出不穷的种族羞辱。“尽管伦敦是个坚定的社会主义者，”Jack Johnson的传记作家Geoffrey C. Ward说道，但他“并没有将其与劳动阶级的团结延伸到黑人身上。” As Southern thoroughly documents, these examples just begin to scratch the surface. Progressivism was infested with the most repugnant strains of racism. But was there something more, something inherent in Progressivism itself that facilitated the era's harsh treatment of blacks? 正如Southern的详尽描绘所示，以上例证只是浮光掠影。种种令人心生厌恶的种族主义性质在进步主义之中泛滥成灾。但是，这一时代对于黑人的残酷态度，是否出于进步主义本身所具有的某种内在特质？ According to Southern, who repeatedly maintains that racism derailed "the great promise" of Progressivism, the answer is no. "The ideas of race and color were powerful, controlling elements in progressive social and political thinking," he argues. "And this fixation on race explains how democratic reform and racism went hand-in-hand." Southern的回答是“并非如此”。他反复强调，种族主义偏离了进步主义的“伟大愿景”。“种族观念和肤色观念强大无比，控制了进步主义的社会与政治思想元素，”他论证道，“而这种对于种族的关注，解释了为何民主改革会与种族主义并驾齐驱。” That is surely correct, but is it the whole story? As the legal scholar Richard Epstein has noted, "the sad but simple truth is that the Jim Crow resegregation of America depended on a conception of constitutional law that gave property rights short shrift, and showed broad deference to state action under the police power." 这当然是对的，但这就是事情的全部面目吗？正如法学家Richard Epstein所说，“真相虽然可悲，但很简单：美国的Jim Crow种族隔离法案奠基于一种宪法理念，这种理念漠视财产权，并对国家依据治安权实施的行动表现出最大程度的顺从。” Progressivism itself, in other words, granted the state vast new authority to manage all walks of American life while at the same time weakening traditional checks on government power, including property rights and liberty of contract. Such a mixture was ripe for the racist abuse that occurred. 换句话说，进步主义本身就把广泛的新权限赋予国家，使之能够管理美国人生活的方方面面，同时又削弱了传统上对于政府权力的各种制衡，包括财产权和契约自由。这种组合对于所发生的种族主义虐待而言，正是水到渠成。 Take the Supreme Court's notorious decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), a case that has rightly come to symbolize the South's Jim Crow regime. In Plessy, the Court considered a Louisiana statute forbidding railroads from selling first-class tickets to blacks, a clear violation of economic liberty. 以最高法院在“普莱西诉弗格森案”（1896）中臭名昭著的判决为例，这个案子自此已经恰如其分地成为南方种族隔离体制的象征。在普莱西案中，最高法细致考察了路易斯安那州一条禁止铁路公司将头等票卖给黑人的法令——这是一条明显违反经济自由的法令。 In its 7-1 ruling, the Court upheld segregation in public accommodations so long as "separate but equal" facilities were provided for each race, setting off an orgy of legislation throughout the old Confederacy. South Carolina, for example, segregated trains two years after Plessy.Streetcars followed in 1905, train depots and restaurants in 1906, textile plants in 1915-16, circuses in 1917, pool halls in 1924, and beaches in 1934. 在其7-1的判决中，最高法院认可在公共设施中实施种族隔离，只需每个种族都获得“隔离但平等”的设施。这一判决在整个过去的南部邦联地区引爆了一轮立法高潮。比如，普莱西案两年后，南卡罗来纳州就在火车上实行了种族隔离。1905年是有轨电车，1906年是火车站和餐厅，1915-1916是纺织厂，1917年是马戏团，1924年是台球厅，1934年则是海滩。 No doubt many of those businesses would have excluded or mistreated black customers whatever the law. But in a market free from Jim Crow regulations, other businesses would have welcomed blacks, or at least black dollars, forcing racist enterprises to bear the full cost of excluding or mistreating all those potential paying customers. (This was one of the chief reasons the segregationists pushed for those laws in the first place.) 毫无疑问，不管法律如何规定，许多上述企业还是会排斥或歧视黑人顾客。但是，如果某个市场没有受到种族隔离法规的限制，其他企业就可能欢迎黑人，或至少是黑人身上的美金，那些排斥或歧视此类潜在付费顾客的种族主义企业就会被迫承受由此产生的全部成本。（这就是隔离主义者一开始推动此类立法的最主要原因之一。） The state, in the eloquent words of the historian C. Vann Woodward, granted "free rein and the majesty of the law to mass aggressions that might otherwise have been curbed, blunted, or deflected." 用历史学家C. Vann Woodward文辞华美的话来说，各州把“完全的自由和法律的庄严认可”赋予了“大规模的侵害行为，而这本来是可以有所限制、有所缓和或有所修正的。” Furthermore, this tangled web of regulations, ordinances, codes, and controls was spun during the heyday of Progressivism, precisely when such official actions were least likely to receive any meaningful scrutiny. Southern, despite his otherwise close attention to the many permutations of race and racism, fails to recognize this major defect in the Progressive worldview. 另外，这一团由各种规章、条例、法令和控制组成的乱麻是在进步主义的鼎盛时期编织出来的，而当时恰恰就是这种官方行为最不可能受到任何有意义的细致审查的时候。尽管Southern在其他地方考察种族和种族主义的各种不同组合时细致绵密，在这里却没有注意到进步主义世界观的这一巨大缺陷。 A similar failure handicaps his treatment of one of the era's rare victories for African Americans. In Buchanan v. Warley(1917), the Supreme Court unanimously overturned a Louisville ordinance segregating residential housing blocks by race. The case involved a voluntary contract between a white seller and a black buyer for a housing lot located in a majority-white neighborhood. Under the law, the new black owner could not live on the property he had just purchased. Southern还有一个不足之处，导致他未能很好地处理非裔美国人在这一时期所取得的罕见胜利之一。在“布坎南诉沃利案”（1917）中，最高法院一致判决推翻路易斯维尔市依据种族来隔离居民住宅街区的法令。在该案中，黑人买方和白人卖方自由订立合同，购买一套位于以白人居民为主的街区的住宅。按照上述法律，这位黑人新房主不能在他刚刚购买的房产内居住。 Writing for the Court, Justice William Rufus Day held that "this attempt to prevent the alienation of the property in question to a person of color...is in direct violation of the fundamental law enacted in the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution preventing state interference with property rights except by due process of law." 大法官William Rufus Day代表最高法院写道，“企图阻止涉案房产转让给有色人……这是对于宪法第十四修正案关于各州不经正当法律程序不得干涉财产权的基本法则的直接违反。” Yet Southern dismisses this rare and important victory as "hollow" and incorrectly asserts that it "was decided not on the grounds of human rights, but on those of white property rights." In fact, the judicial recognition of black rights stood at the very center of the decision. Justice Day's opinion clearly states that the Fourteenth Amendment "operate[s] to qualify and entitle a colored man to acquire property without state legislation discriminating against him solely because of color." 然而，Southern却称这一罕见且重要的胜利“意义不大”，并且错误地断言其“并非基于人权所作出的判决，而是基于白人的财产权。”事实上，法院对黑人权利的承认正处于上述判决的核心。大法官Day在其意见中清晰阐明，第十四修正案“的作用是，准予并授权有色人获得财产，不受各州仅仅因为其肤色而针对他的立法歧视。” Nor should Southern's characterization of this victory as "hollow" pass unchallenged. As the legal scholars David Bernstein and Ilya Somin have argued, the Buchanan ruling played a major though sadly underappreciated role in the burgeoning fight for civil rights. Southern对这一胜利“意义不大”的描述也不应该轻轻揭过。正如法学家David Bernstein和Ilya Somin论证到的，布坎南案判决在风生水起的公民权斗争中发挥了重要作用，很遗憾没有获得应得的承认。 "Buchanan could not force whites to live in the same neighborhood as blacks," Bernstein and Somin write, "but it did prevent cities from stifling black migration by creating de jure and inflexible boundaries for black neighborhoods, and may have prevented even more damaging legislation." It is well worth noting, they continue, that the South did not adopt South African-style apartheid at this time, despite widespread white support for such measures. “布坎南案无法强迫白人和黑人住到同一个街区去，”Bernstein和Somin写道，“但它对各市通过为黑人街区制造法定且固定的边界以限制黑人迁徙的做法发挥了阻止效果，并且可能阻止了其他伤害性更大的立法。”他们接着说，特别值得注意的是，美国南方当时并没有采取一种南非式的种族隔离，尽管当时白人普遍支持此类举措。 In addition, Buchanan was the first major Supreme Court victory for the four-year-old National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a huge boon for the organization that would go on to win the landmark Brown v. Board of Education (1954), overturning Plessy. W.E.B Du Bois, an NAACP founder and longtime editor of its newsletter, The Crisis, gave Buchanan credit for "the breaking of the backbone of segregation." 此外，布坎南案是当时成立仅4年的“全国有色人种协进会”在最高法院所取得的第一次重要胜利，这为该组织带来了极大的好处，此后它将赢得里程碑式的“布朗诉教育委员会案”（1954），从而推翻普莱西案。该组织的创始人之一、长期为会刊《危机》担任编辑的W. E. B. Du Bois赞扬布坎南案“打断了种族隔离制度的脊柱”。 Despite these significant shortcomings, The Progressive Era and Race deserves careful attention. The Progressive movement unleashed, aided, and abetted some of the most destructive forces in 20th-century America. The better we understand this history, the less likely we are to repeat it. 尽管存在这些重大缺陷，《进步时代与种族问题》仍值得细心阅读。进步运动解放、助推和煽动了在20世纪美国历史上最具破坏性的一些力量。我们对这段历史了解越多，重复犯错的可能性就越小。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

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Israeli Marxism 以色列的马克思主义 作者：Steven Plaut @ 2011-8-7 译者：Tankman 校对：hkustliqi 来源：FrontPage Mag，http://www.frontpagemag.com/fpm/100988/israeli-marxism-steven-plaut It is difficult to explain to people living outside of Israel, and especially to Americans, the extent to which Israelis truly believe in communism. 很难对生活于以色列之外的人，尤其是美国人，解释清楚以色列人信仰共产主义的程度之深。 Sometimes they call it socialism, but they basically mean communism. 有时他们称其为社会主义，但是基本上他们指的就是共产主义。 This is not to say that they behave as communists in their private lives. Quite the contrary, Israelis live as the ultimate ideal of capitalism. They are enormously individualist. They are exceptionally good at starting and managing businesses, and of development and marketing innovations. Israel as a country has more start-up businesses than all of Europe. It registers more patents than any European country. 这并非指他们在自己的私人生活中像共产主义者那么行动。恰恰相反，以色列人像资本主义的终极典范那样生活。他们很大程度上是个人主义者。他们极其善于创建和管理企业，并对开发和推销创新也很在行。作为一个国家，以色列拥有比整个欧洲更多的创业公司。它的专利注册数也比任何一个欧洲国家多。 Yet those very same Israelis, who demonstrate every day their skills in succeeding in markets, hate markets. The word "socialism" carries enormously romantic and positive implications for Israelis. Especially among educated (non-Russian-born) Israelis. The word capitalism is something of an obscenity for most Israelis. 然而，这些每天展示着在市场中如鱼得水技能的以色列人却讨厌市场。对以色列人来说，“社会主义”这个词带有极大的浪漫和正面意味，尤其是在受过教育的以色列人之中（在俄国出生的以色列人除外）。资本主义这个词则对大部分以色列人带有某些侮辱意味。 I suspect that someone arrested for assault could get himself off in court if he claimed the victim had called him a capitalist, it being a form of hate speech. The Israeli media invariably use the word "capitalism" in conjunction with the word piggish. (Ironically, the one exception is the business editor of Haaretz, who supports market capitalism, while the rest of the same newspaper yearns for communism.) 我怀疑因人身侵害被逮捕的人如果宣称受害人称其为资本主义者，他也许能让自己被当庭释放。称人为资本主义者算得上一种仇恨言论。以色列媒体一成不变的把“资本主义”这个词和贪婪一词搭配使用。（讽刺的是，有个例外是Haaretz的商业编辑，他支持市场资本主义，然而同一份报纸的其他同仁们则痴迷于共产主义。） The only conceivable form of market economy in the minds of the Israeli chattering class is "piggish capitalism." You would not believe the portion of Israeli professors and intellectuals who use that expression. The head of the Histadrut, Israel's largest organized crime family, uses it, being a loyal believer in piggish communism. 有话语权的以色列中产们头脑中能够想象的市场经济的唯一形式是“贪婪的资本主义”。你甚至难以相信以色列教授和知识分子中使用这个词的比例。以色列最大的有组织犯罪集团【译者注：一个工团组织】Histadrut的领袖，也用着这个词，充当着贪婪的社会主义的忠实信徒。 In normal countries, pointing out that someone is a card-carrying member of the communist party is usually more than enough to discredit that person. Not in Israel. Carriers of communist party membership cards do so with pride. Most of the members of the history department at Tel Aviv University are such communists. So are oodles of other academics. 在正常国家，指出某人是共产党的活跃成员常常意味着对此人的侮辱。但在以色列不是这样。共产党的活跃分子骄傲的公开身份。大多数特拉维夫大学历史系的成员是共产主义分子。其他学术机构也有大批类似现象。 On the one hand, the operation of markets is what makes Israel a successful viable country, one incidentally that experienced almost no implosion at all during the global financial collapse of the past 4 years. But on the other hand, markets are things Israelis claim they want suppressed. Literate Israelis insist in unison that markets are what is wrong with the world, and suppressing markets is the answer to Israel's problems. Markets are evil, rewarding selfishness. Benevolent governmental bureaucrats controlling the economy are what is needed. 一方面，市场运作使以色列成为一个成功的有活力的国家，而且在全球金融崩溃的过去四年中，它几乎没有受到一点影响。但另一方面，市场是以色列人宣称想要压制的那类事物。以色列的智识阶层一致坚持市场导致了世界的种种问题，而压制市场则是解决以色列各种问题的答案。市场是邪恶的，鼓励自私的。善意的政府官僚管制经济是必需的。 Not every Israeli, mind you. Russian-Israelis, who today are maybe a fifth of the population, have no patience for those preaching the wonders of communism. And they are notably absent in the current "social justice" rallies and marches, or what I have been calling the Woodstock along the Yarkon Festival. 并不是每个以色列人都这么。俄罗斯以色列人，如今也许占到人口的五分之一，对鼓吹共产主义奇迹的人没有耐心。他们明显地缺席当下各种“社会正义”的集会游行，或者被我称为雅孔河边的伍德斯托克狂欢的Yarkon 节会【编注：雅孔河是以色列主要河流，流经行政首府特拉维夫，河边常有集庆】。 Orthodox Jews rarely mouth the slogans of nostalgia for Bolshevik central planning of markets, although there are exceptions. (The commentator on the Torah portion in Maariv cannot get enough of communism and insists that suppressing piggish-capitalism is the highest form of Jewish ethics.) 正统派犹太教徒很少装腔作势的唠叨那些对布尔什维克中央计划经济心存怀旧之情的口号，虽然也有例外。（晚报Torah板块的评论员宣扬起共产主义总是没个够，并坚持认为压制贪婪资本主义是犹太伦理的最高形式。） Israeli academics are almost universally anti-capitalism. I am on the list of a chat list of Israeli social science faculty members, and for the past few weeks it has carried hundreds of postings yearning for socialist controls and denouncing capitalism. The posteurs universally fantasize about Israel adopting Scandinavian-style "socialism." 以色列学术界也几乎普遍地反资本主义。我本人被列在以色列社会科学教职人员的聊天通讯录上，过去几周，我从这个联系列表上收到了几百份向往社会主义管制和批评资本主义的传单。这些传单全是鼓吹把以色列改造成斯堪迪纳维亚式“社会主义”的狂想。 Putting aside some doubts as to how pleasant life really is in Scandinavia (witness Norway recently), Scandinavian "socialism" is actually not. It is essentially free markets mixed with very high tax rates and a gargantuan welfare state providing cradle-to-grave welfare services at state expense. 先不提一些疑问：斯堪迪纳维亚的生活是否真正那么快活（看看最近的挪威），斯堪迪纳维亚式“社会主义”其实并不美好。它其实是自由市场制度混合了极高的税率和从摇篮到坟墓的繁多福利，这些福利由政府提供和付费。 In other words, Scandinavia has always been far more capitalistic countries than Israel, certainly of Israel was before the 1980s. In addition, Israel has always provided Scandinavian-style welfare state services, but without the freeing of markets and liberalization of production that characterized Scandinavia. 换句话说，斯堪迪纳维亚国家其实一直比以色列更接近资本主义，特别是比80年代以前的以色列。而且，以色列已经提供了斯堪迪纳维亚式的政府福利，但却没有斯堪迪纳维亚特征的市场自由化和生产力解放。 Academic economists generally do not join the antlered herds in pining for bolshevism, but there are exceptions. Israeli economists are among the few who know what a market is, what a price is, what a wage is. The protesters never know these things. 学术界的经济学家们总的来说没有加入坚持布尔什维克主义的群落，但也有些例外。以色列经济学家位列少数知道什么市场，什么是价格，什么是工资的人当中。抗议者则从来不知道这些东西是什么。 But Israel has a long history of academic prostitution and one can always find a few academic economists willing to endorse the most idiotic "ideas" of those who understand nothing about economics, if it earns them a shekel or advances their careers. 但是以色列的学术婊源远流长，你总能发现几个经济学家愿意为那些根本不懂经济的人的愚蠢“理念”背书，只要这能够带给他们经济利益或改善其职业前途。 Hence the most passionate supporter of RAISING the minimum wage is "economist" Avishai Braverman, the guy who turned Ben Gurion University into Hamastan, and one can find similar cases of street-walking economists endorsing rent controls, nationalizations, and other fundamental axioms of economic Bolshevism. 所以提高最低工资的最热忱支持者是“经济学家”Avishai Braverman。该人让本·古里安大学变成了反以色列的先锋。你也可发现类似的例子，如一些站街经济学家支持租金管制、国有化、和一些基本的布尔什维克主义经济原则。 Most people are not aware of it but Israel began its existence as a country with a system of Bolshevik central control. In its first years Ben Gurion implemented a system of massive nationalization and near-universal price and wage controls. It differed little from the economic structure created by Lenin. 尽管大部分人没有意识到，但是以色列国从建国伊始，便拥有一个布尔什维克主义的中央计划系统。在立国的头十年，本·古里安实现了一个系统，来进行大规模国有化和几乎全面的价格及工资管制。 这几乎和列宁创建的经济系统没有区别。 Ben Gurion got away with it for a while because of the War of Independence and the national emergency. Like in that old joke about how communism in the Sahara would produce a shortage of sand, by the early 1950s everything in Israel was in shortage, buying anything and everything involved endless Soviet-style queues, and most products could only be obtained in the black markets. 由于立国战争和全国紧急状态，本·古里安曾一度逃脱了共产主义的诅咒。如那个撒哈拉的共产主义怎样能让沙子产生短缺的笑话一样【注：米尔顿·弗里德曼曾说：假如你把撒哈拉交给政府经营，我们很快会面临沙子短缺】，在50年代早期，以色列的一切物资都陷于短缺。购买任何一切东西都免不了无尽的苏联式排队，而且大部分产品只能够在黑市里弄到。 To Ben Gurion's credit, he realized by the early 1950s that the system of Bolshevik controls was unworkable. Curiously, Lenin had also understood this and took steps to dismantle the controls, except that he died and was replaced by Stalin before serious reform took place in the Soviet Union. Lenin called his plan for partial de-Bolshevikation of the economy the "New Economic Plan" or NEP, exactly the SAME name adopted by Ben Gurion for HIS reforms in the early 1950s. (No coincidence!) 本·古里安的功劳是，他在1950年代早期认识到布尔什维克计划经济行不通。令人奇怪的是，列宁也曾认识到这点，并采取了放松管制的措施，只是他去世了，而斯大林在任何深度改革实施之前就接管了权力。列宁把他的部分去布尔什维克经济计划称作“新经济计划”（New Economic Plan，NEP），和本·古里安在50年代早期实施的改革计划的名称一模一样。（这可不是巧合！） While most price controls were ended, other forms of economic Bolshevism were retained by Ben Gurion and his MAPAI party comrades. Huge portions of Israeli industry were nationalized, and much of what was left was semi-nationalized and grossly mismanaged by turning it over to the Histadrut trade union federation. 尽管大多数价格管制被终结了，其他布尔什维克主义的经济措施则仍被本·古里安和他的工党同志们保留了下来。当时以色列工业的很大比例被国有化，而剩下部分中很多被半国有化，而且把这些企业交给Histadrut工团照管造成了严重的经营不善。 Economic policy sought to suppress competition everywhere. It strived to maximize the number of monopolies and cartels in the economy. The government controlled enormous amounts of resources, which it handed out as political favors, often to cronies and party oligarchs. Tax rates were enormous and sometimes exceed 100%. Profits by enterprises were derived mainly from government subsidies and handouts. 经济政策曾试图在所有地方抑制竞争，它努力要最大程度的增加经济中垄断和卡特尔组织的数目。政府曾控制了巨量资源，并按政治偏好进行分配，这些资源常流向亲信和寡头。那时税率极高，有时甚至超过100%。企业利润曾主要依靠政府补贴和帮扶。 Government policy was protectionist and anti-competitive. The capital market was suppressed and nationalized. The government's working philosophy demanded that Israelis essentially turn all their income, savings, and wealth over to the government, and then the government bureaucracy would take care of the needs of the public and of citizens. 政府政策曾非常偏向保护主义和抑制竞争，资本市场则被抑制和国有化。政府的工作哲学要求以色列人实际上把他们所有的收入、储蓄和财富交给政府照管，然后政府官僚将会照顾公共和公民的所需。 The result was a Third World economy, albeit one dominated by a political system that actually involved elections and parliamentary processes. Israel was pauperized by the Bolshevism. It remained poor and underdeveloped. 结果就是，尽管被一个拥有选举和代议程序的政治体系所统治，经济上却仍是第三世界。以色列被共产主义弄的赤贫。而后也仍然贫困落后。 Things only began to change in a significant manner in the 1970s. Israel was being coerced into liberalizing its economy and removing some of the socialist controls because of Israel joining and signing various international trade agreements. The treaty partners refused to allow the Israeli government to continue its policies. The long period of zero growth following the Yom Kippur War also woke some people up to the necessity of having a functional economy. 70年代，事情才开始明显转变。以色列在那时被强制要求经济自由化，并除去一些社会主义管制，因为它需要加入和签署一些国际贸易协定。缔约国拒绝允许以色列政府继续其政策。在赎罪日战争后的长时期零增长，也让一些人意识到亟需一个能够有效运转的经济。 In the 1950s and 1960s it was not unusual for people to lump Israeli economic policies and conditions together with those in Egypt and other Third World backwaters. 在50和60年代，人们把以色列的经济政策和状况混同于埃及和其他死气沉沉的第三世界并不奇怪。 Things changed remarkably starting in the 1980s. Most of the nationalized industry was privatized, largely because state enterprises were losing so much money. Partly, this was due to the change in public willingness to tolerate the controls. Partly it was because of the growing number of people who had taken freshmen economics and understood the idiocy of Bolshevik controls. Partly, it was because of the growth of high tech, which the government could not control or understand. Partly, it was because of international trade treaty pressures. 直到80年代开始，情况才开始发生显著改变。大多数国有企业被私有化了，很大程度上因为国有企业的亏损如此之巨。部分地是因为容忍管制的公众意愿改变了。部分是因为越来越多的人受了基本经济学教育，并理解了布尔什维克管制的愚蠢。部分是因为高科技产业的发展，而政府并不能理解或者控制这些产业。部分是因为国际贸易压力。 There are still plenty of Bolshevik controls in place. Israel has a single-payer health system with four tightly regulated HMO-style providers. It works a lot better than you would expect, for some extraneous reasons (Israel has a young population that eats well and huge numbers of MDs). 目前仍有很多的布尔什维克管制。以色列拥有一个政府全包的医疗系统和四个被严密管制的医疗保险集团。因为一些外部因素，该系统运作的比你预期的好得多（以色列拥有年轻的人口结构，饮食健康，医生数量也很多。） There are still oodles of monopolies and cartels. Agriculture is still largely anti-competitive and inefficient, dominated by government-erected cartels. Taxes are too high. The government owns a large portion of the land in the country. Some sectors are still distorted by protectionism, especially food. 目前仍然存在很多垄断和卡特尔。农业仍然被政府设立的卡特尔控制，很大程度上是反竞争和低效的。税率太高。在国内，政府拥有很大比例的土地。一些部门仍被保护主义扭曲，尤其是食物。 The Woodstock on the Yarkon protesters are by and large leftist secularist Israelis demanding a return to the Bolshevik controls of the 1950s. They pine for the shortages and the rationing of that era because they figure that in a shortage THEY will be granted priority. 在Yarkon节日嘉年华上的抗议者完全就是要求回到50年代布尔什维克管制的左派世俗主义者。他们渴慕那时代的短缺和票证，因为他们觉得在那种短缺中，他们会被优先供给。 The central demand of the protesters is rent controls. This will end up destroying the Israeli housing stock and pauperizing elderly owners of rental property who purchased those units with the intention of earning rental income in their old age. Like in New York and other cities having rent controls, the controls will create shortages, where the true cost of obtaining rental housing actually goes UP, not down. 抗议者的核心诉求是租金管制。这最终会破坏以色列的房屋供给，并且让老迈的房东陷入赤贫。这些房东为了收租养老的缘故买了这些房子。如同纽约和其他有租金管制的城市那样，管制会产生短缺，而租到房子的真实成本实际上提高了，而不是降低了。 The protesters pine for the Soviet steppes. They demand other forms of price controls so that Israel can turn into a Brezhnev-era style of country, where people spend their days waiting in lines for commodities in perpetual and growing shortage. They want markets to be suppressed, where squads of social justice commandos can decide who gets to live in which apartment, who gets to consume those commodities in shortage, and who earns what. 抗议者们仍怀念着苏联的大平原。他们要求其他形式的价格管制，让以色列回到如勃涅日涅夫时代那样的国家。在那里有无尽的日益增长的短缺，人们为了购物整日排队。他们希望市场被抑制，而社会公正的斗士们有权决定谁搬进哪一个公寓，谁消费短缺中的那些商品，谁赚得什么。 They insist that wages be set based on what the protesters think people deserve to earn. Since there is not a single person in Israel who earns what he thinks he deserves to earn, this amounts to a demand for a Soviet-style wage board that fixes wages for all professions, starting with those who are on strike, like the MDs. 他们坚持说工资要基于抗议者认为人们理应挣多少而设定。因为在以色列没有任何人挣着自认为理应得到的数目，这就导致需要一个苏式工资系统，对所有职业设定固定工资，从罢工的人群开始，比如医生们。 In other words, wages in the opinion of the protesters do not have to clear markets and signal where shortages and surpluses are. Wages should be arbitrary measures of "fairness." Try to imagine just what happens when half the jobs in Israel attract no applicants because the fair wages there are insufficient to draw workers, while the other jobs have six applicants for each position because the fair wages there are much too high to clear the market. Try to imagine what life would be like if a Marxist sociologist or a caring social worker were appointed as economic dictator to decide all economic matters and decisions in Zion. 另一方面，抗议者认为工资没必要让市场均衡并发挥信号作用，以显示何处短缺，何处过剩。工资应该是“公平”的武断标准。试想以色列有一半职位都不能吸引到申请者，因为所谓的公平工资不能够吸引工人，而同时以色列的另外一半工作每个职位有六个申请人，因为所谓的公平工资远高于市场均衡水平，将会发生什么?试想一个马克思主义社会学家或一个慈善社工被任命为经济独裁者，来负责锡安的所有经济事务和决策，会发生什么？ Every society on earth and every society in human history has people living in hardship and in poverty. There are poor people in all countries, including Scandinavia. Mankind has not discovered an innovation that eliminates poverty and hardship. 地球上的每个社会，乃至人类历史上每个社会，都有生活在艰难困苦中的人们。所有的国家都有穷人，包括斯堪迪纳维亚。人类尚未能发现一种创新，能消灭贫穷和困苦。 Yet the caring dreamers about Bolshevism along Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv (note the irony of the name) demand an instant magic pill that will eliminate all hardship and inequality. And the failure of the government to provide one is proof that the evil "tycoons" are in charge and preventing the government from serving the people. 然而，和布尔什维克主义相关的爱心白日梦人士沿着特拉维夫的罗斯柴尔德大道（请注意这街名的讽刺性）要求一个立即奏效的神奇药方，来消除贫穷和困苦。而政府没能提供这个药方，则是邪恶的“权贵”在掌权并阻止政府服务人民的证据。 "People not profits" is the slogan of choice used by those who are too stupid to understand that the only way to make producers serve the people and produce things the people want is for them to make profits doing so. Outlaw profits and you create mass starvation. 让厂商服务人民和创造人民需要的产品的唯一途径是让他们借此获得利润，而太蠢不能理解这点的人们则打出了“为人民而不是为利润”的口号。取缔利润，那么你就创造了大饥荒。 The tycoon fetish continues to dominate the protests. I have suggested that Mikey Lerner even change the name of his idiotic magazine from Tikkun to Tycoon. Many Israeli tycoons, at least outside high-tech, were made tycoons because of sweetheart deals with the political establishment, particularly back in the days of MAPAI socialism. 权贵迷信继续主导着这些抗议。我已经建议Mikey Lerner把他白痴杂志的名字从改正（Tikkun ）改为权贵（Tycoon ）。很多以色列的权贵，至少在高科技产业之外，是被政治既得利益者的幕后交易创造出来的，尤其是回溯到工党社会主义时期。 The other irony is that the only "reform" the protesters have extracted from Netanyahu is the setting up of "Planning Speed-up Commissions." And the most ironic part of this irony is that the main effect of those commissions will be to fatten up the "tycoons." 更讽刺的是，抗议者从内塔尼亚胡那里得到的唯一“改革”就是设立一些“规划加速委员会”。并且这一讽刺的最尖锐的部分是：这些委员会的主要作用将是让“权贵”脑满肠肥。 Israel's municipal planning and regulation of construction is a fever swamp of corruption and inefficiency. It takes two years to get a license to put windows in your porch and you may have to bribe city officials to get it. The endless bureaucratic pencil pushing and bickering does indeed slow down construction, affecting housing prices and availability. 以色列的建筑业市政规划管理部门是腐败和低效的温床。给你的门廊加上窗户需要两年时间办理许可证，而你可能不得不贿赂市政官员来拿到它。无穷的官僚系统的文书案牍和磨嘴皮的确减慢了建筑业发展，影响了房屋的价格和供给。 At the same time, these planning dinosaurs DO allow a certain amount of public involvement and intervention, especially when it comes to combating corrupt sweetheart dirty deals between municipalities and construction contractor "tycoons." Corrupt municipal officials are constantly attempting to get approval for construction projects that will enrich contractor cronies, even when these are illegal, harmful to the public interest, ugly, and in some case built on public park lands and beaches. The officials attempt to bend zoning laws and regulations to "help their buddies." 同时，这些计划经济恐龙允许一定的公共介入和干涉，尤其是人们反对市政机构和有背景的建筑承包商之间的内幕交易的时候。腐败的市政官员一直试图为建筑项目拿到许可，这些项目可以让有关系的承包商致富，即使它们是非法可耻的，有害公共利益的，而且有时是在公园和公共海滩上建造。这些官员试图扭曲法律和规制，来“帮助他们的兄弟”。 As a sop to the demonstrators, Netanyahu has proposed and the Knesset just passed the creation of "Planning Speed-Up Commissions," to cut through the red tape and bureaucracy. The problem with the idea is simple: it will still take two years and possibly some bribes if you want to put a window pane on your porch. 作为对示威者的安抚，内塔尼亚胡提出了创建一些“规划加速委员会”，议会批准了这个动议，想要削减繁文缛节和官僚主义。这个主意的缺陷很明了：未来如果你想要在自己的门廊上开一扇窗，还是需要两年，也许还要一些贿赂。 But the oligarchs will be able to use the Speed Up mechanism to push aside public opposition and suppress sensible zoning and planning regulations. The oligarchs are also being offered by Netanyahu public lands at below-market prices, where Netanyahu insists this will lower housing prices. The reality, as any freshman econ student can tell you, is that it will not lower housing prices by a shekel, and instead will only inflate the profits of the cronies getting in on the deal. 但寡头们将能用加速机制来置公众抗议于不顾，压制合理的区域规划和管制。寡头也能够拿到内塔尼亚胡提供的低于市场价的公地，内塔尼亚胡坚称这能降低房价。就如任何经济系一年级学生能告诉你的那样，事实是这不会让房价降低一个子儿，反倒会增加参与项目的关系户公司的利润。 ABOUT STEVEN PLAUT 关于作者 Steven Plaut is a native Philadelphian who teaches business finance and economics at the University of Haifa in Israel.  He holds a PhD in economics from Princeton.  He is author of the David Horowitz Freedom Center booklets about the Hamas  and Jewish Enablers of the War against Israel. Steven Plaut是一位土生土长的费城人。他在以色列的海法大学教授商务金融和经济学。他拥有普林斯顿经济学博士学位。他是David Horowitz自由中心的作者，撰写了一些小册子，讲述哈马斯和一些犹太人积极促成针对以色列的战争。 （编辑：辉格@whigzhou） *注：本译文未经原作者授权，本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利，如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容，请私信联系，我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组，致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

【2016-06-21】 1）大众从来不是政治角斗场的主动力量， 2）有时他们确实会扮演重要角色，比如被一部分精英动员起来，用作棍子去打另一部分精英或大众， 3）充当棍子不会给他们带来好处，拿他们当棍子使的人当然也会把他们往死里操：看看烟草税、可乐税、最低工资法、禁毒禁娼、欧洲油价电价、医药管制、土地规划…… 4）所以围绕福利制度、累进税、普选权等等的制度之争根本不是什么阶级斗争，那从来都是不同精英团体之间的斗争，各自努力将社会竞争规则朝自己希望的方向改变， 5）在实行自由规则的社会，穷人/弱者/笨蛋往往也会失败，但那是有尊严的失败，而在福利制度下，穷人/弱者/笨蛋还是会失败，但那将是被骗走了尊严的、堕落的、污秽的失败，就像The Wire里那个拖着鼻涕的线人 @振华-Citywanderer:土地规划?何解 @whigzhou: 没有土地规划时，穷人可以住偏一点、差一点、挤一点的房子，甚至拖车，有了土地规划，穷人睡在公园椅子上 @whigzhou: 很多人说有了普选权就不可能收人头税了，蠢，换个名字而已，德国电价中的70%不是人头税是啥？  

【2016-06-13】 @海德沙龙 《美国铁路已经落伍了？》 新干线子弹头，欧洲之星，中国高铁……这些耀眼夺目的宏伟工程，在许多人眼里都是现代 工业文明的杰出代表，也是工业党和技术治国论者引为自豪（或艳羡自怜）的对象，即便在美国这个技术治国论素不吃香的地方， 也不乏有人高声质问：我们的高铁在哪里？ @whigzhou: 美国铁路业的活力一度被州际贸易委员会（ICC）的僵硬管制几近扼杀，不过从1970年代中期福特政府所发动的一 系列去管制化改革开始，铁路业又逐渐恢复了活力，此后表现一直不错，只是很少为世人所知。 @whigzhou: 福特是战后历史上被严重低估的一位总统，里根之后的一系列创新浪潮和经济繁荣的制度源头其实都可以追溯到福特 ，他所启动的去管制化改革有幸在卡特、里根和克林顿时期一直得以延续，没有这一系列改革，后来的运输、医疗和互联网发展都 会大打折扣，不过在主流公知叙事中，从来不会有这种人的位置。 @whigzhou: 制度变革与经济/社会表现之间的滞后关系也是现代选举政治所面临的一大困境，碰上那些特别愚蠢的选民时，这问 题就更严重，我敢打赌，今天跺脚痛骂马杜罗的委内瑞拉人里，不少还在怀念查韦斯呢 @PlusKing2022: 福特还是任期太短 没足够时间形成自己的政策 @whigzhou: 但他任内参与谋划经济政策的几员大将政治生命可不短：唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德、迪克·切尼、艾伦·格林斯潘 @whigzhou: 而且福特本人是国会老江湖，纸牌屋游戏高手，政策推动能力强  

【2016-06-13】 @赵昱鲲: 新反动派的名字好赞。顺便问一句：辉总打算就美国大选写点什么吗？ @whigzhou: 不想多写，我就随便说几句吧 @whigzhou: 这次大选，认同问题（即你们-我们之辨）占据了核心位置（至少对共和党），结果美国/西方特殊论（或曰文化主义）占了上风，其要点是：美国/西方的文明诞生自一个极为特殊的历史过程，根植于独特的民族/文化背景，尽管有着相当大的包容性，但即便在今天，离开某些民族/文化特质，它也无法自我维持下去。 @whigzhou: 这些民族/文化特质并非由普遍人性所自动保证，所以我们若要保存这一文明，就不能无差别的接纳任何人作为共同体成员，成为我们的公民伙伴，换句话说，一套制度的存续可能性，对其成员特性并非中性的。 @whigzhou: 这一结果原本是好事，表明美国人终于（再次）抛弃了普世主义，但悲剧在于，这个议题被一个坏蛋窃取了，本来最积极鼓吹特殊主义的是我们新反动派，但因为新反动派始终未能在共和党在成为主流，结果让川普这个民主党中左分子成功篡夺 @whigzhou: 川普的成功将会把特殊主义安放到一个强共同体的平台上，结果将是欧式右翼（文化保守+排外+贸易保护+福利主义），如此一来，特殊主义要么走向失败，要么成功的将美国乃至整个美利坚治世引向衰弱 @whigzhou: 小罗斯福以降，我从未见过如此恶劣的局面，所以目前我所指望的最好结果就是一届瘫痪的政府 @whigzhou: 早先我认为川普政府将会瘫痪，但眼看共和党大佬一个个放弃节操为川普站台，现在我觉得希拉里政府瘫痪的机会或许更大，最好的结果是：希拉里当选，然后国会很快开始重罪调查，半年一年内进入弹劾程序 @whigzhou: 川普带来的最糟结果将是：毁掉右派手中这种重要且极具号召力的牌，他将用一系列悲剧性后果吓住选民，让他们在很长时间内不敢再考虑特殊主义 @whigzhou: 川普初选胜出靠的就是认同议题，他那些欧式右翼政策（最低工资+福利主义+贸易保护）并没有多大吸引力，这一点可以从如下反差中看出：虽然川普初选得票率很高，但在州级和地方选举中胜出的共和党人大多数是反川普的，因为认同是全国性议题，在地方选举中没位置 @whigzhou: 这次选举另一个看点是Libertarian将成为真正有分量的第三党，我要是有票也会投给Johnson，Libertarian虽然也是孤立主义者，但比川普好多了，他们的孤立主义会让美国以外世界变坏，但至少美国本身变好了，以后再出来救世界不迟，但川普将是内外皆毁。 @whigzhou: 再说Libertarian近年来也在进步，像Ron Paul这种罗斯巴德墙上挂的蠢货不多了 @盐光水灵Isabel: 追寻川普的思路，要有赛车手的素质，随时调整；他是目的主义或实用主义者，他随时根据后来的斟酌修改看法，但核心概念离不开一个以目的为主的 @whigzhou: 你们总是替他辩解某某说辞只是竞选策略不是真实立场，那如何才能了解他真实立场呢？竞选之前的态度？对啊，那时候他不就是民主党嘛