含有〈产业〉标签的文章(151)

[译文]山羊为自己赢得了就业机会

And There Shall be an Über for Everything … Including Goats
无处不Uber,山羊亦如是

作者:Michelle Martin @ 2015-8-26
译者:Drunkplane (@Drunkplane-zny)
校对:张三(@老子毫无动静地坐着像一段呆木头),小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子)
来源:花花公子,http://www.playboy.com/articles/uber-goats-rental

Tammy Dunakin sits in a lawn chair in the shade of her R-pod camper trailer watching her brush-removal team at work. Her crew of 60 is spaced haphazardly across a weedy hillside that rises to meet Highway 99 in downtown Seattle.

在露营车旁边的阴凉地里放一把草坪躺椅,Tammy Dunakin悠闲地坐在上面,看着她正在工作的灌木清除队。她的60位伙计地散布在一片杂草丛生的山坡上。山坡向上延伸,同西雅图市中心的99号公路相接。

At least half of the workers are napping or resting in the shade. The others are wandering about or snacking. It’s typical for this crew. They’re goats.

然而,此时至少有一半的伙计在树荫下打瞌睡或休息,其他的不是在闲逛就是在吃零食。但这其实是这个团队的常态。因为——他们毕竟是山羊啊:)

People walking by are surprised and delighted. They ask questions and snap photos th(more...)

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And There Shall be an Über for Everything … Including Goats 无处不Uber,山羊亦如是 作者:Michelle Martin @ 2015-8-26 译者:Drunkplane (@Drunkplane-zny) 校对:张三(@老子毫无动静地坐着像一段呆木头),小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子) 来源:花花公子,http://www.playboy.com/articles/uber-goats-rental Tammy Dunakin sits in a lawn chair in the shade of her R-pod camper trailer watching her brush-removal team at work. Her crew of 60 is spaced haphazardly across a weedy hillside that rises to meet Highway 99 in downtown Seattle. 在露营车旁边的阴凉地里放一把草坪躺椅,Tammy Dunakin悠闲地坐在上面,看着她正在工作的灌木清除队。她的60位伙计地散布在一片杂草丛生的山坡上。山坡向上延伸,同西雅图市中心的99号公路相接。 At least half of the workers are napping or resting in the shade. The others are wandering about or snacking. It’s typical for this crew. They’re goats. 然而,此时至少有一半的伙计在树荫下打瞌睡或休息,其他的不是在闲逛就是在吃零食。但这其实是这个团队的常态。因为——他们毕竟是山羊啊:) People walking by are surprised and delighted. They ask questions and snap photos through the fence. They stop. They look. They linger. 路过的人们都露出了惊讶和兴奋的表情。隔着栅栏,他们问这问那,又忙着拍照。他们停下来,围观,久久不愿离去。 “Seriously? This is pretty awesome,” one man says to Dunakin before continuing on his way. “不是逗我吧?这可真酷毙了。”一个路人停下脚步对Dunakin说。 “Goats out of context,” says Dunakin, the owner of Rent-a-Ruminant, which is based on nearby Vashon Island. “It grabs people’s attention. People absolutely love goats. Everyone—and I mean every single person who sees them—leaves with a smile on their face. It makes them happy. It makes my day.” “想不到是山羊吧,呵呵。”Dunakin说道,她是“租个反刍动物回家”公司的老板,公司位于附近的瓦雄岛(Vashon Island)。“这成功地抓住了人们的眼球,人们超爱山羊的。所有人——我是说每一个看到这些山羊的人——离开时都会面带笑容。这带给他们快乐,也让我非常开心。” When Dunakin started her clients were private landowners. Eleven years later, goats are in high demand and getting more popular all the time. Now she also has requests from planned communities, transportation departments and even police departments for clearing shrubbery in high-crime areas. Dunakin刚开始这门营生时,顾客都是私有土地主。11年过去了,山羊越来越受欢迎,需求旺盛。现在Dunakin也会收到来自规划型社区、交通部门的订单,甚至警察局也会请她去清理罪案多发地区的灌木丛。 In March, Amazon Home Services launched with goats as a top offering. “My email exploded,” says Dunakin. “I got hundreds of requests. No one was expecting that kind of response.” 三月份,亚马逊推出“家庭服务”主页的时候高榜热推了“山羊”服务。“我的邮箱都被挤爆了!” Dunakin说,“我收到数以百计的订单,真没想到市场反应竟然这么热烈。” This is Uber, but with goats, and more proof that thanks to technology meeting ingenuity meeting demand, there will soon be an “Uber” for everything. 这其实就是山羊除草服务的Uber模式。越来越多的事例表明,有赖科技,创意和需求的结合,用不了多久,什么东西都可以来“Uber”一把。 Dunakin’s herd has grown to 115 working goats, and she now has more than enough work to keep them all busy from April to October. Livestock-loving entrepreneurs are stepping up to fill the growing demand. Dunakin has trained and licensed 10 others through her affiliate license program, and she plans to franchise in 2016. More than 50 grazing providers across the United States and Canada can be found here. Dunakin的羊群已经增加到了115头,而且已经有足够的活儿让它们从四月一直忙到十月。网站“Livestock-loving”上的企业家们正纷纷加入进来,去满足不断增长的需求。通过其“成员认证计划”,Dunakin已经培训了十家公司并给它们颁发了证书,而且她打算在2016年开始进行特许经营。美国和加拿大已有50多家提供吃草服务的商家。 Goats are browsers as opposed to grazers. Unlike cows, which mostly stick to munching grass, goats prefer a variety of plants. They’ll eat thorny Himalayan blackberries, stinging nettles, ivy – it’s a long list. Goats are the high school boys of the animal kingdom. 山羊是食草动物里的“扫货客”。同基本只吃草的牛不同,山羊喜欢的植物多种多样。它们能吃带刺的喜马拉雅黑莓、叶子上长满刺人蜇毛的荨麻、常青藤——这份菜单长着呢。山羊是动物王国里的高中男生。 They like to climb. They traverse steep slopes with ease. Their digestion destroys some weed seeds such as blackberry seeds, and they fertilize the soil as they go. They also help to keep fire danger low. 它们还喜欢攀爬,陡峭的山坡也能轻松越过。它们的消化系统能破坏掉诸如黑莓等植物的种子,而且它们会沿路给土地“施肥”。它们还能降低火灾的风险。 If they are deployed at the right time of year and contained—not always an easy task—using livestock such as goats is arguably one of the best, greenest ways to remove pesky weeds and unwanted vegetation. And best of all, you don’t have to own a goat to reap the benefits—you can rent. 在一年中的适当时候将畜群“分派”出去,而且让它们安分守己,有时并不是件容易的事。但如果做到了,那用像山羊这样的牲畜来清除讨厌的杂草和不想要的植被,可以说是最好、最绿色环保的方式了。而且最棒的是,眼下你不用实际拥有一头山羊就能享有这些好处——你可以租了。 It’s not a solution for everyone. I received an estimate through Amazon Home Services for a tenth-of-an-acre parcel. At $650 it seemed a bit steep for a mow. I get it, though. The goats have to be transported to the property, the wrangler stays with them the entire time, and she has to set up electric fencing to keep the goats out of the garden beds and any plants that are toxic to them. 这一解决方案也并不是能适用于每个人。之前我通过亚马逊家庭服务网站收到了一份为十分之一英亩土地提供除草服务的估价,是650美刀,作为割草服务,这个要价似乎贵了点。但我也可以理解,毕竟山羊们得先被运到这里,然后牧羊人得同它们一直呆在一起,她还必须拉起一个电栅栏以便把山羊同花坛和对它们有毒的植物分开。 I’ll stick with a push mower, but goats make a lot of sense for people with some combination of steep slopes, gnarly weeds, significant acreage, restoration goals or a desire to do good for the planet. 我还是会选择手推式剪草机。不过对于那些拥有大片土地,土地上有陡峭山坡和粗硬扭结杂草,希望恢复土地的肥力,或者想保护环境的人来说,山羊还是很不错的选择。 Mark Stranahan has all but the steep slopes. He hired Dunakin’s goats in June to come out to his land on Vashon Island for the second year in a row. 除了没有陡坡,Mark Stranahan 在瓦雄岛的土地符合以上所有条件。他六月时请Dunakin的羊来给他的土地除草,而这已是连续第二年了。 “What goats eat, it’s incredible. I had a huge nasty thicket of blackberry bramble with branches an inch thick, and they ate it all. It’s amazing what they can accomplish in terms of clearing,” says Stranahan, who is an architect and consultant who has been living in Ann Arbor, Mich., for part of the year. “山羊这吃货可真是让人难以置信。我有一大片讨厌的茂密黑莓林,枝丫都有一英寸粗,可山羊把它们都吃光了!说到清理,它们的能力简直令人惊异。”Stranahan说道。Stranahan是一位建筑师和顾问,每年都有部分时间生活在密西根州的安娜堡(Ann Arbor, Mich.)。 Last year the goats worked his four acres of meadows and alder forests for nine days, and this year they cleared the weeds in a week. How did they shave three days off? More experience? Better pay? Cloud-based solutions? Actually, the land starts to recover, and it becomes easier to maintain. 去年,山羊群在他四英亩的牧场和桤树林里足足干了九天,而今年在一周之内就搞定了。它们是怎么省下三天时间的呢?更有经验了?薪水更多了?还是用了云计算?事实上,只是土地开始恢复了而已,这让保养工作变得容易了。 “It’s nice to wander out with a hot cup of coffee and see the goats,” Stranahan says. “端着一杯热咖啡到地里散步,看看羊,真是一种享受。”Stranahan 说。 Not so entertaining is when the goats get out. Set free, they will eat gardens and ornamental plants (and get sick goat bellies or worse), and they will clamber up onto anything they can, including the roof of your car or home. This is why hiring is the best way to go. 可当山羊跑出去时,可就没有这么惬意了。要是放任不管,山羊们会吃掉花园和装饰植物(这会让他们拉肚子,甚至更糟),它们能爬就爬,包括你的车顶和房顶。所以租用(而不是自己养)是最好的方式。 “I lived with a couple of goats in a previous era on a previous hippie farm,” Stranahan said. “They are damned difficult roommates. The clickety-clack of little goat hooves on your Alfa Romeo will piss you right off.” “早年在一个嬉皮士农场,我曾同几只羊一起生活过,” Stranahan 说,“它们真是超级难处的室友。小羊蹄子在你的阿尔法·罗密欧牌爱车上的踢踏声,能把你当场气疯。” Stranahan likes a good goat-based solution because, well, it’s cool. Stranahan喜欢一个不错的“羊方案”,嗯,因为这很酷。 “Local vegan food is cool, roller-derby is cool, and goats are cool,” he said. “当地的纯素食很酷,轮滑阻拦赛(roller derby)很酷,还有山羊也很酷。”他说。 Having them quickly graze off weed populations every few seasons is an excellent way to encourage re-vegetation and restoration of natural plant succession. And it’s more fun. People don’t come visiting with a picnic if you’re spraying pesticides. 让山羊们每隔几个季节就来啃食田间杂草,是促进植被恢复和自然植物更替的好办法,而且也更有乐趣。要是你喷洒除草剂的话,人们是不会来野餐的。 Russ Ayers might agree. He’s the landscape manager of the 2,200-acre Issaquah Highlands, a master-planned community in the foothills of the Cascade Mountain Range. He has hired goats to come eat weeds on about 18 acres of the steepest, toughest terrain—land where the community tried using human crews before discovering it was just too rough and risky. Goats have been coming for five years. They are born to take on steep hillsides where weed-eaters wear out and where men grow weary and get injured. Russ Ayers大概也会同意的。他管理着2200英亩的伊瑟阔高地(Issaquah Highlands),这是卡斯克德山脉(Cascade Mountain Range)脚下一片精心规划的社区。Russ Ayers已经雇山羊来为其中最陡峭、最艰难的18英亩土地清除杂草。之前社区是用人力来完成这项工作的,但发现那样太艰难,风险太高了。山羊们已经连续过来五年了。它们天生就是爬陡坡的好手——那些地方会让除草机报废,让人累坏,而且容易受伤。 “They do a great job,” Ayers says. “它们干得很棒。”Ayers 说。 When they’re done, the fire fuel load is virtually zero. They chomp it down and fertilize the fields and by early fall the grass is green and about six inches tall. The goats cost a quarter of what a human crew costs. 山羊们清理完后,土地上的可燃物基本就没有了。它们嚼完那些可燃物,还给土地施肥。等到了早秋时节,绿草就有6英寸高了。雇佣山羊的费用只有雇佣工人的四分之一。 To accomplish the same tasks, a human crew would need to cut, bag, haul, dump and fertilize—each step with a cost and carbon footprint that the goats obliterate in the game of who’s greener. 要完成同样的工作,一个工人需要先修剪,再打包拖走,然后倒掉,最后再施肥——每一步都有成本并产生碳排放。山羊可不会产生碳排放,在绿化环保的比拼里稳操胜券。 if you’re in the market for a goat rental, Dunakin has a few tips. Find an outfit that stays with the goats, unless you want to end up on the news. If the animals escape, a speedy response is essential. Check the company’s rating with the Better Business Bureau as well as reviews from previous clients and on sites such as Angie’s List. Make sure they are insured and that they provide water and shelter for the animals. 如果你正打算从市场上挑选山羊租赁服务,Dunakin有几条建议给你。为山羊配齐整套控制装备【译注:大概是指前面提到的控制山羊活动范围的电网之类设施】,除非你想上新闻。如果动物们逃跑了,快速反应是必须的。从非盈利点评组织Better Business Bureau那里查看该公司的评级,同时从以前的客户那里或类似Angie’s List这样的网站上了解该公司的服务水平。确保他们是买了保险的,并会为动物们提供饮水和栖身之所。 If restoration of native vegetation is your goal, An Peischel, a small ruminant extension specialist at Tennessee State University, suggests making sure the herd you hire has experience with your particular types of vegetation. There is a lot of science around what goats can do, naturally, and factors such as time of year, elevation and even sex of the goats can make a difference in what the goats will eat when. With the right timing, goats can eradicate certain weeds and promote native plants. 田纳西州立大学的小型反刍动物推广专家An Peischel建议,如果你的目标是想恢复当地植被,那你要搞清楚你所雇佣的畜群是否对你想处理的特定植物有经验。关于山羊天生可以做什么有许多科学研究,诸如季节、海拔甚至性别等因素,都会对山羊什么时候吃些什么产生影响。选对了时间,山羊就可以清除特定的杂草,促进当地植被的生长。 Dunakin’s adorable employees have perennial appeal. She and her goats have been highlighted in The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek and “The Colbert Report,” among other places, but Dunakin says she has at least one more goal. “I know that when I get on ‘Ellen,’ I have arrived.” Sigh. We hope Playboy will do for now. Dunakin可爱的伙计们一年到头都那么受欢迎。她和她的山羊们已经在包括《华尔街日报》、《新闻周刊》和“科尔伯特报告”节目在内的许多媒体中被重点报道过了。但Dunakin说她至少还有一个目标:“要是有朝一日能上艾伦秀,那就圆满了。”哎,其实此刻上《花花公子》也不赖啊,我希望。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

经销商地位

【2015-10-27】

@海德沙龙 【产业故事】《汽车推销员之死》汽车销售是个很特别的业态,不仅商业模式独特,经销商的政治势力也很强大,以至能让美国各州通过成文法将这一商业模式固化了下来,不然,这种模式原本很可能只适合于汽车业发展的特定阶段,那么,在如今产业变迁大潮中,它是否会幸存下来?

@whigzhou: 1)汽车巨头年产量几百上千万,面向数亿消费者,厂商-消费者社会关系距离十分遥远(基于邓巴限制,这一距离至少四层),2)汽车购买是重大决策。——在传统零(more...)

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【2015-10-27】 @海德沙龙 【产业故事】《汽车推销员之死》汽车销售是个很特别的业态,不仅商业模式独特,经销商的政治势力也很强大,以至能让美国各州通过成文法将这一商业模式固化了下来,不然,这种模式原本很可能只适合于汽车业发展的特定阶段,那么,在如今产业变迁大潮中,它是否会幸存下来? @whigzhou: 1)汽车巨头年产量几百上千万,面向数亿消费者,厂商-消费者社会关系距离十分遥远(基于邓巴限制,这一距离至少四层),2)汽车购买是重大决策。——在传统零售模式下,同时满足这两个条件的产业,经销商的地位就会较强,我猜。 @闲中隐:房地产为什么这么需要中介呢 @whigzhou: 中介和经销商不同,二级房地产是供需两端皆为海量参与者的市场,此类市场若商品为无差异类型,会倾向于形成集中式交易中心,若为高差异类型,则形成中介模式 @whigzhou: 修正:同为高差异商品,若购买行为非重大决策,则形成超市/商场模式,若为重大决策,则形成中介模式  
[译文]汽车推销员之死

Death of a car salesman
汽车推销员之死

日期:2015-8-22
译者:迈爸(@麦田的字留地)
校对:Ghost(@Ghostmarine)
来源:The Economist,http://www.economist.com/news/business/21661656-no-one-much-likes-car-dealers-changing-system-will-be-hard-death-car-salesman

No one much likes car dealers. But changing the system will be hard
没人喜欢汽车经销商,但改变销售体系很难。

THE internet was supposed to do away with all sorts of middlemen. Yet house sales are mostly conducted by estate agents, and car sales are still finalised in cavernous showrooms that smell of tyres. Technology is diminishing the role of car dealers, however.

互联网会让各种中间商消失。然而,房屋销售大多是通过房地产中介进行的,汽车销售仍然在弥漫着轮胎味的空旷展厅完成。但是,技术正在削弱汽车经销商的作用。

Customers are using the internet for much of the process of choosing a new car, and are increasingly getting loans and insurance online rather than buying them from the dealer who se(more...)

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Death of a car salesman 汽车推销员之死 日期:2015-8-22 译者:迈爸(@麦田的字留地) 校对:Ghost(@Ghostmarine) 来源:The Economist,http://www.economist.com/news/business/21661656-no-one-much-likes-car-dealers-changing-system-will-be-hard-death-car-salesman No one much likes car dealers. But changing the system will be hard 没人喜欢汽车经销商,但改变销售体系很难。 THE internet was supposed to do away with all sorts of middlemen. Yet house sales are mostly conducted by estate agents, and car sales are still finalised in cavernous showrooms that smell of tyres. Technology is diminishing the role of car dealers, however. 互联网会让各种中间商消失。然而,房屋销售大多是通过房地产中介进行的,汽车销售仍然在弥漫着轮胎味的空旷展厅完成。但是,技术正在削弱汽车经销商的作用。 Customers are using the internet for much of the process of choosing a new car, and are increasingly getting loans and insurance online rather than buying them from the dealer who sells them their car. Some carmakers are seeking ways to bypass dealers too. 顾客们开始在互联网上完成新车挑选过程的很大部分,并且越来越多地通过网络获得贷款、购买保险,而不在销售汽车的经销商那里掏腰包。一些汽车制造商也正在寻求绕过经销商的途径。 In the motor industry’s early days, a century ago, manufacturers tried selling their vehicles at the factory gate, in shops they owned themselves, by mail order and through travelling salesmen. But eventually they settled on a system of franchising, in which independent dealers mostly sell just one maker’s models. 在一个世纪以前,汽车工业的早期,生产商试图在工厂门口、在自己拥有的商店里、通过邮件订购,或者通过旅行推销员来销售汽车。但最终,生产商选择了特许经销体系,在这一体系中,独立的经销商大多只卖一家制造商的车型。 Now, almost all of the 90m motor vehicles sold worldwide each year cross dealers’ forecourts. In America, the second-largest car market, their total revenues reached $806 billion in 2014. China’s car market, the largest, has rapidly come to resemble the West’s, with all its faults . 今天,全世界每年卖出的9000万辆车中,绝大部分都要经过经销商之手。2014年美国,这个世界第二大汽车市场,汽车经销商的总收入达到了8060亿美元。最大的汽车市场,中国,已经迅速效仿了这一西方模式,连同它的全部毛病。 Surveys show that car buyers find the experience of visiting a dealer boring, confrontational and bureaucratic, notes Nick Gill of Capgemini, a consulting firm. No wonder they try to avoid them. Ten years ago Americans visited five dealers before making a purchase, according to McKinsey, another consulting outfit, but now they visit 1.6 on average. The trend is similar elsewhere in the world. Nick Gill of Capgemini咨询公司的调查显示,购车者发现造访经销商的经历无趣,富有对抗性,还充满官僚习气。难怪顾客总是试图避开经销商。而另一个咨询机构麦肯锡的调查表明,十年前美国人在购车前要转五个经销商,但现在他们平均访问1.6个。世界其他地方的趋势是相似的。 In many cases car buyers turn up having already decided which model and which options they require; and, having checked price-comparison websites, how much they will pay. Almost all cars these days have decent performance and handling, so test drives are less important than ever. 很多情况下,购车者已经决定了他们所需要的型号和选配,并且,通过价格对比网站,他们也知道需要支付多少钱。今天几乎所有的汽车,都有着不错的操控和性能,所以试驾相比以往显得不是那么重要了。 Styling and branding—things that can be assessed without visiting a dealer—figure more prominently in buyers’ minds. The role of traditional car salesmen, geared for the hard sell, is waning. 客户越来越看重风格和品牌,而这些信息不需要访问经销商即可获得。需要一张铁嘴的传统销售岗位,正在逐渐消逝。 What motorists do want, though, is someone to talk them through all the features that cars come with these days—entertainment systems, navigation services, automated parking and so on. Carmakers are beginning to respond. 然而,驾驶者真正想要的是,有人来告诉他们现在车上的所有功能,比如娱乐系统、导航服务、自动泊车等等。汽车制造商正开始做出反应。 Since 2013 BMW, taking Apple Stores as its model, has been installing “product geniuses” in some larger showrooms, to talk potential buyers through its cars’ features without pressing them to close a sale. Daimler Benz, another German premium carmaker, and even Kia, a mass-market South Korean firm, have begun similar initiatives. 自2013以来,宝马向苹果商店学习,在一些较大的展厅设置了“产品天才”,与潜在买家讨论其汽车的特性,而不是催着顾客买辆车。另一家德国高级汽车制造商戴姆勒奔驰,甚至还有面向大众市场的韩国起亚,也开始了类似的举措。 Apple’s softer sell, which stresses its products’ design and whizzy features, helps to persuade customers to pay premium prices. Its selling methods have also succeeded in training customers to accept that the list price is the final price. 苹果的软推销,强调其产品的设计和新奇特性,有助于说服客户支付溢价。这种销售方法还成功地使客户接受标价即是最终售价。 In contrast, the motor industry has spent more than a century training buyers to expect haggling, followed by discounts. Yet customers say having to argue about the price is one of the things that puts them off dealers. 相比之下,汽车工业已经花了一个多世纪使客户希望讨价还价,目的就是为了折扣。然而,顾客们说,不得不讨价还价是他们避开经销商的原因之一。 Some firms are offering them ways to avoid it. Costco, a discount retailer, sold 400,000 new and used cars in America last year, using its buying power to get good deals, doing the haggling on behalf of motorists. Lexus, Toyota’s premium brand, is experimenting with haggle-free pricing in a handful of its American dealerships. 一些公司正提供避免这一困扰的办法。折扣零售商Costco,去年在美国销售四十万辆新车和二手车,利用其购买力代客户讨价还价,取得了不错的业绩。丰田的高端品牌雷克萨斯,正在一些美国经销商那里尝试免议价策略。 Some dealers are experimenting with selling cars online, or opening temporary “pop-up” showrooms in shopping centres. Others are offering to bring cars to a potential buyer’s home or workplace for a test drive. 一些经销商开始尝试在网上卖车,或在购物中心开临时“弹出”展厅。还有的给潜在购买者提供在家里或工作地试驾的机会。 But the most controversial experiment is the one that Tesla, a maker of expensive electric cars, is trying: cutting out the dealers altogether and selling directly to motorists. Two decades ago Ford and General Motors tried to revive this idea from the industry’s early days, but they were deterred by resistant dealers and restrictive laws in some American states. 但最具争议性的尝试是特斯拉,这样一个高价电动汽车制造商,正在努力完全踢开经销商,直接向驾车者销售。二十年前,福特和通用汽车试图重现这个汽车工业早期的想法,但由于美国一些州的法律限制和经销商的阻挠而被迫放弃。 The legislation, enacted in the 1950s to protect dealers from onerous terms that carmakers were trying to impose on them, is now being used to put the brakes on Tesla. It has battled to open stores in several states where direct sales are banned or restricted. 这项立法,于20世纪50年代颁布,以防止汽车制造商强加给经销商繁重的条款,现在却被用来阻止特斯拉。在禁止或限制直销的几个州,特斯拉的开店之战已经开始。 And it is winning most of its fights. New Jersey and Maryland recently overturned bans, though the struggle continues in Arizona, Michigan, Texas, and West Virginia. 特斯拉赢得了大部分的战斗。新泽西和马里兰州最近推翻了禁令,但在亚利桑那,密歇根,德克萨斯,西弗吉尼亚的抗争还在继续。 In other countries, although carmakers face no legal hurdle to selling directly, they certainly would face resistance from their dealer networks. Nonetheless, Hyundai, Daimler Benz, BMW and Volvo have set up small experiments in Europe to sell cars through their company websites. 在其他国家,尽管汽车制造商们的直销模式没有面临法律障碍,但肯定会面临来自经销商网络的阻力。尽管如此,现代、戴姆勒奔驰、宝马和沃尔沃已经开始尝试在欧洲通过其公司网站销售汽车。 Customers can use the sites to configure their new cars and pay a deposit. Volvo sold all 1,900 of a special version of a sports-utility vehicle it offered online last year, and it now wants to get its entire line-up for sale online by 2016. 客户可以使用网站配置他们的新汽车,并支付定金。去年,沃尔沃的某款定制版SUV,1900辆全部在网上出售,现在公司希望到2016年时,能够在网上销售全系列产品。 Daimler is mulling an expansion of pilot schemes in Hamburg and Warsaw. GM’s premium Cadillac brand plans to open several test-drive centres and virtual dealerships across Europe. 戴姆勒正在考虑对华沙和汉堡的试点方案扩展。通用汽车公司的高端品牌凯迪拉克,计划在欧洲增设几个试驾中心和虚拟商店。 In all these cases except that of Tesla, the final stage of the transaction is handled offline, by a dealer. Even so, such selling methods strengthen customers’ relationships with carmakers, so they may steadily weaken the case for having dealers. 除了特斯拉,在其他这些案例中,交易的最后阶段还是由经销商处理的。即便如此,这样的销售方法也加强了客户与汽车制造商之间的关系,因此可能会持续削弱经销商的地位。 This trend is set to be reinforced anyway, since most new cars will soon come with built-in mobile-internet connections that, among other things, will stream data directly to the manufacturer. 无论如何,这一趋势将得到加强,比如,大多数新汽车将很快内建移动互联网连接,数据将直接流向制造商。 By offering motorists such things as remote diagnostics and automatic updates to the software installed in their cars, the makers will have a ready-made excuse to stay in touch. 通过向驾驶者提供远程诊断,自动更新安装在他们汽车上的软件,制造商将有一个现成的借口与消费者保持联系。 If carmakers did eventually cut out the middlemen, it could mean higher profits for them, lower prices for buyers, or both. Daron Gifford of Plante Moran, a consulting firm, notes that the potential savings could run from a few hundred to a few thousand dollars per car. Since mass-market carmakers’ margins are so slim, it could have a striking effect on their profitability. 如果汽车制造商最终绕过了中间商,则可能意味着给制造商更高的利润,给购买者更低的价格,或两者兼具。咨询机构Daron Gifford of Plante Moran指出,每辆车能节约几百到几千美元。由于大众消费市场汽车制造商的利润很薄,这可能对他们的盈利能力产生显著的影响。 Aside from the prospect of capturing the retail margin, and building direct links with buyers, carmakers’ shareholders have another reason to support the idea of eliminating dealers. That is because many manufacturers have got into the bad habit of overproducing, and of using dealers’ forecourts as dumping-grounds for their excess stock. 除了获得零售利润,与买家建立直接联系,汽车制造商的股东有另一个理由来支持消除经销商的想法。因为许多制造商已经养成了过度生产的坏习惯,并利用经销商来消化多余库存。 In the trade it is called “channel-stuffing”: manufacturers twist dealers’ arms to take on their surplus cars, with a combination of juicy discounts and the threat of holding back more sought-after models. If cars were sold directly by the maker, and production were constantly tailored to match sales, the industry’s fortunes could be transformed. 在贸易中,这种做法被称为“渠道充塞”:制造商诱以利润丰厚的折扣,结合限制畅销车型供应的威胁,迫使经销商接收他们过剩的汽车。如果汽车是由制造商直接销售,生产不断适应销售,行业际遇则有望改变。 Dealers, predictably, are desperate to remain the source of new cars even though they often make little or no money flogging them. In Britain, typically two-thirds of revenues but less than a quarter of profits come from that part of the business. 可以预见的是,经销商渴望保持新车的供应,即使他们从新车销售中很少或根本没有赚到钱。在英国,新车业务通常在销售收入中占三分之二,却只带来不到四分之一的利润。 However, selling new cars is the engine that drives the rest of their business—finance, insurance, warranties and other aftermarket products. Buyers often bring their cars back for repairs and servicing. 然而,新车销售却能够带动其他业务,金融、保险、担保,以及其他售后产品。买家通常还会回来进行维修和保养。 Trade-ins provide dealers with a stock of used cars, another important source of income. In America, such ancillaries helped dealers survive in the six years to 2011, when they were selling new cars at a loss. 而以旧抵新能够为经销商带来大量二手车,这是另一个重要的收入来源。在美国,从2006到2011年这六年中,当经销商亏本销售新车时,二手车帮助他们度过了难关。 Online firms are replicating these services and chipping away at dealers’ local monopolies. Websites such as Edmunds and TrueCar in America, Carwow in Britain and Mobile.de in Germany let buyers quickly gather quotes from multiple dealers. 在线企业同样提供这些服务,并正在打破经销商的地方垄断。如美国的Edmunds,TrueCar,英国的Carwow和德国的Mobile.de,能让买家快速收集来自多个经销商的报价。 Likewise, cheap insurance, finance and warranties are easy to find online. Motorists may get a better price for their old cars from a site like webuyanycar.com in Britain than by doing a trade-in with a dealer. 同样,便宜的保险,金融和担保服务,很容易从网上找到。英国的车主可以从一个叫webuyanycar.com网站为旧车找到更好的价格,远比去经销商那里以旧抵新划算。 But just as some tourists still like to buy package holidays, there may always be some motorists who prefer a one-stop-shop that provides everything, and some who prefer to buy face-to-face rather than over the internet. 但正如一些游客仍然喜欢让旅行社包办一切,总有人还是喜欢提供一切的一站式商店,还有人更喜欢面对面购物,而不是通过互联网。 America’s National Automobile Dealers’ Association puts forward two other reasons why motorists are better off with things the way they are. First, it argues, the competition among dealers to sell any given model helps to keep the retail profit margin low—and if carmakers captured the retail margin for themselves, there is no guarantee that any of it would be passed on to customers. 就为什么驾车者应该通过经销商购车,美国的全国汽车经销商协会提出了两条理由。首先,他们认为,经销商之间的竞争,使得销售任何车型的利润率都很低,如果汽车制造商自己获得这部分零售利润,将无法保证其中部分利润返还给客户。 Second, when a model has to be recalled because of a safety problem, dealers have an incentive to contact owners of that model promptly, since they usually get paid by the carmaker to correct the fault. 其次,当某个车型因为安全问题被召回时,由于制造商经常会向经销商支付维修纠偏的费用,经销商也更有动力及时联系该车型的拥有者。 In America especially, car dealers are a forceful lobby, and unlikely to remain silent if carmakers try cutting them out of the picture. But their grip on the industry is loosening. The all-purpose dealership, encompassing sales of new and used cars, finance, insurance, servicing and parts, once made sense. 尤其在美国,汽车经销商是一个强有力的游说团体,如果汽车制造商试图脱离他们,经销商们不可能保持沉默。但他们对行业的控制正在松动。囊括新车和二手车销售,集金融,保险,维修和配件于一身的全能经销商,已经大势不再。 Now this business model is being squeezed. If car buyers take to online buying in large numbers, it may not be long before a mass-market carmaker follows Tesla’s lead and tries to muscle aside the dealers. If customers are happy to buy direct from the manufacturer, lawmakers certainly should not stand in their way. 现在,这个商业模式正在被挤压。如果购买汽车的人大量在线购买,不消太久,在大众市场方面,制造商就会追随特斯拉的步伐,尝试边缘化经销商。如果顾客很乐意直接从制造商那里购买,立法者当然不应该妨碍他们。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]市场正在让教育挣脱枷锁

Learning unleashed
挣脱枷锁的教育

来源:The Economist @ 2015-8-1
译者:sheperdmt(sheperdmt@gmail.com),易海(haydn20111629@gmail.com)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
网址:http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21660063-where-governments-are-failing-provide-youngsters-decent-education-private-sector

Where governments are failing to provide youngsters with a decent education, the private sector is stepping in

在政府不能为青少年提供像样教育的地方,私人力量正着手发挥作用。

cover

THE Ken Ade Private School is not much to look at. Its classrooms are corrugated tin shacks scattered through the stinking streets of Makoko, Lagos’s best-known slum, two grades to a room. The windows are glassless; the light sockets without bulbs. The ceiling fans are still.

Ken Ade私立学校并不起眼,他们的教室是波纹铁皮窝棚,分布在拉各斯最为知名的贫民窟Makoko的发臭街道上,一个教室里有两个年级。窗户上没有玻璃,灯座上没有灯泡,吊扇也不转动。

But by mid-morning deafening chants rise above the mess, as teachers lead gingham-clad pupils in educational games and dance. Chalk-boards spell out the A-B-Cs for the day. A smart, two-storey government school looms over its ramshackle private neighbour. Its children sit twiddling their thumbs. The teachers have not shown up.

但每到上午,这堆烂摊子里会传来震耳欲聋的声音,因为老师们会带着那些穿着方格花布衣服的学生进行有教育意义的游戏和舞蹈。教室的黑板上会写明当日的功课。一个整洁的两层公立学校就矗立在这家摇摇欲坠的私立学校旁边。公立学校的孩子在那坐着摆弄他们的手指,老师并没有出现。

Recent estimates put the number of low-cost private schools in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital, as high as 18,000. Hundreds more open each year. Fees average around 7,000 naira ($35) per term, and can be as low as 3,000 naira. By comparison, in 2010-11 the city had just 1,600 government schools. Some districts, including the “floating” half of Makoko, where wooden shacks stand on stilts above the water, contain not a single one.

最近的调查估计,尼日利亚商业之都拉各斯有将近1.8万所低成本的私立学校,而且每年会新增几百所。学费平均为每学期7000奈拉(约合35美元),有时甚至低至3000 奈拉。与此形成鲜明对比的是,在2010-11年,这个城市只有1600所公立学校。在有些地区,包括 Makoko 的“漂浮区”——搭在水中立柱之上的木棚子——一所公立学校也没有。

In the developed world private schools charge high fees and teach the elite. But Ken Ade is more typical of the sector, not just in Nigeria but worldwide. In 2010 there were an estimated 1m private schools in the developi(more...)

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Learning unleashed 挣脱枷锁的教育 来源:The Economist @ 2015-8-1 译者:sheperdmt(sheperdmt@gmail.com),易海(haydn20111629@gmail.com) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 网址:http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21660063-where-governments-are-failing-provide-youngsters-decent-education-private-sector Where governments are failing to provide youngsters with a decent education, the private sector is stepping in 在政府不能为青少年提供像样教育的地方,私人力量正着手发挥作用。 cover THE Ken Ade Private School is not much to look at. Its classrooms are corrugated tin shacks scattered through the stinking streets of Makoko, Lagos’s best-known slum, two grades to a room. The windows are glassless; the light sockets without bulbs. The ceiling fans are still. Ken Ade私立学校并不起眼,他们的教室是波纹铁皮窝棚,分布在拉各斯最为知名的贫民窟Makoko的发臭街道上,一个教室里有两个年级。窗户上没有玻璃,灯座上没有灯泡,吊扇也不转动。 But by mid-morning deafening chants rise above the mess, as teachers lead gingham-clad pupils in educational games and dance. Chalk-boards spell out the A-B-Cs for the day. A smart, two-storey government school looms over its ramshackle private neighbour. Its children sit twiddling their thumbs. The teachers have not shown up. 但每到上午,这堆烂摊子里会传来震耳欲聋的声音,因为老师们会带着那些穿着方格花布衣服的学生进行有教育意义的游戏和舞蹈。教室的黑板上会写明当日的功课。一个整洁的两层公立学校就矗立在这家摇摇欲坠的私立学校旁边。公立学校的孩子在那坐着摆弄他们的手指,老师并没有出现。 Recent estimates put the number of low-cost private schools in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital, as high as 18,000. Hundreds more open each year. Fees average around 7,000 naira ($35) per term, and can be as low as 3,000 naira. By comparison, in 2010-11 the city had just 1,600 government schools. Some districts, including the “floating” half of Makoko, where wooden shacks stand on stilts above the water, contain not a single one. 最近的调查估计,尼日利亚商业之都拉各斯有将近1.8万所低成本的私立学校,而且每年会新增几百所。学费平均为每学期7000奈拉(约合35美元),有时甚至低至3000 奈拉。与此形成鲜明对比的是,在2010-11年,这个城市只有1600所公立学校。在有些地区,包括 Makoko 的“漂浮区”——搭在水中立柱之上的木棚子——一所公立学校也没有。 In the developed world private schools charge high fees and teach the elite. But Ken Ade is more typical of the sector, not just in Nigeria but worldwide. In 2010 there were an estimated 1m private schools in the developing world. Some are run by charities and churches, or rely on state subsidies. But the fastest-growing group are small low-cost schools, run by entrepreneurs in poor areas, that cater to those living on less than $2 a day. 在发达国家,私立学校会收取高昂的学费,并且学生多为精英。但是Ken Ade在私立学校中更为典型,不仅在尼日利亚是这样,在全世界范围内都是如此。据估计,2010年发展中国家有大约一百万所私立学校,其中有些由慈善机构和教会运营,或者依靠国家补贴。但增长最快的部分,是由贫困地区的企业家经营的低成本小型学校,服务于那些每日生活费低于两美元的人。 Private schools enroll a much bigger share of primary-school pupils in poor countries than in rich ones: a fifth, according to data compiled from official sources, up from a tenth two decades ago (see chart 1). Since they are often unregistered, this is sure to be an underestimate. 私立学校在贫穷国家招收到小学生(占学生总数)的比重远高于富裕国家的相应比例:根据官方统计数据,这一数字为五分之一,20年前为二十分之一(见图一)。由于很多私立学校并未登记注册,所以这一数据存在低估。 1 A school census in Lagos in 2010-11, for example, found four times as many private schools as in government records. UNESCO, the UN agency responsible for education, estimates that half of all spending on education in poor countries comes out of parents’ pockets (see chart 2). In rich countries the share is much lower. 例如,2010-11年拉各斯的一项学校普查表明,实际存在的私立学校数量是政府登记数量的四倍。负责教育的联合国机构UNESCO估计,在贫穷国家,全部教育经费中有一半由孩子的父母承担(见图二)。而在富裕国家,这一比率要低很多。 2 One reason for the developing world’s boom in private education is that aspirational parents are increasingly seeking alternatives to dismal state schools. In south and west Asian countries half of children who have finished four years of school cannot read at the minimum expected standard (see chart 3). In Africa the share is a third. 私立教育在发展中国家迅速兴起的一个原因是很多父母望子成龙,越来越多地在无能的公立学校之外寻找替代选择。在南亚和西亚国家,半数上了四年学的学生阅读能力达不到最低的预期标准(见图3)。在非洲这一比率为三分之一。 3 In 2012 Kaushik Basu, now at the World Bank but then an adviser to India’s government, argued that India’s rapidly rising literacy rate was mostly propelled by parents spending on education to help their children get ahead. “Ordinary people realised that, in a more globalised economy, they could gain quickly if they were better educated,” he said. 2012年,当时身为印度政府顾问的Kaushik Basu(现供职于世界银行)认为,印度的识字率迅速上升得益于印度父母为帮助孩子取得成功而在教育上花费的投入。他说:“普通民众意识到,在一个更加全球化的经济环境下,得到更好的教育赚钱就会更快”。 Many poor countries have failed to build enough schools or train enough teachers to keep up with the growth in their populations. Half have more than 50 school-age children per qualified teacher. And though quite a few dedicate a big share of their government budgets to education, this is from a low tax base. 许多贫穷国家没能建立起足够多的学校或者培养出足够多的老师,以跟上其人口增长。其中的半数国家中,每位合格教师需要带超过50个学龄儿童。尽管有少数国家在教育方面投入了很大部分的政府预算,但其税收基础本来就不高。 Some money is siphoned off in scams such as salaries for teachers who have moved or died, or funding for non-existent schools. Since 2009 Sierra Leone has struck 6,000 fake teachers off its payroll by checking identities before paying salaries. A national survey in Pakistan recently found that over 8,000 state schools did not actually exist. 有些钱还被骗走了,比如发放给了离职或已过世的教师当薪水,或者对一些根本不存在的学校提供资金支持。从2009年至今,通过发薪前的身份核查,塞拉利昂已经从其工资名册上砍掉了600名假老师。巴基斯坦的一项全国调查最近发现,有8000多所公立学校实际上根本不存在。 State schools are often plagued by teacher strikes and absenteeism. In a slum in eastern Delhi where migrants from north-east India cluster, pupils split their days between lessons in small private schools in abandoned warehouses that charge 80-150 rupees ($1.25-2.35) a month, and a free government school around the corner, which supplies cooked midday meals and a few books, but little teaching. When researchers visited rural schools in India in 2010 they found that a quarter of teachers were absent. 教师罢工和缺勤经常困扰着公立学校。在德里东部有一个由来自印度东北部的移民聚居的贫民窟,学生们在一个小型私立学校与一个免费公立学校之间穿梭。私立学校建在一个废弃工厂里,每月学费是80-150卢比(约合1.25-2.35美元);而公立学校就在附近拐角处,提供午饭和一些书,但几乎没什么教学。2010年当调查人员访问印度乡村学校时,发现有四分之一的教师缺勤。 A study by the World Bank found that teachers in state-run primary schools in some African countries were absent 15-25% of the time. “The public teachers don’t feel obligated coming to school,” says Emmanuel Essien, a driver who hustles day and night to send his youngsters to a private school in Alimosho, a suburb of Lagos. “If they come, they might just tell the student to go hawking. They tell you that your children have to attend an extra class, or buy an extra book, just so they can make money in their own pocket.” 世界银行的一项研究发现,非洲一些国家的公立小学教师有15-25%的时间缺勤。Emmanuel Essien是一名司机,他日夜奔忙、拼命赚钱来把他的孩子送到位于拉各斯郊区Alimosho的一所私立学校,他说,“公立学校的教师对于去学校并没有很强的责任感。如果他们去了,或许会让学生出去兜售东西。他们会说你的孩子必须参加额外的补习,或者额外买一些书,只是为了从你身上赚更多的钱。” Privatising Parnassus 教育私有化 Given the choice between a free state school where little teaching happens and a private school where their children might actually learn something, parents who can scrape together the fees will plump for the latter. In a properly functioning market, the need to attract their custom would unleash competition and over time improve quality for all. 公立学校免费但几乎学不到东西,而在私立学校上学的孩子或许可以真真正正地学到一些东西,当面临这两种选择时,那些能凑够学费的家长会坚决选择后者。在一个运转正常的市场里,为了吸引顾客,会引起竞争,随着时间推移可以提高所有服务者的质量。 But as a paper by Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das and Asim Ijaz Khwaja published by the World Bank explains, market failures can stop that happening. Choosing a private school can be a perfectly rational personal choice, but have only a limited effect on overall results. 但世界银行发表的一篇由Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das 和Asim Ijaz Khwaja三人撰写的论文显示,市场失灵会阻止上述情况的发生。选择私立学校对于个人来说也许是完全理性的选择,但对于整体来说只有很有限的影响。 One such failure is that parents often lack objective information about standards. Countries where state schools are weak rarely have trustworthy national exam systems. To attract clients, private schools may exaggerate their performance by marking generously. Mr Essien says he has taken to testing his children himself to cross-check their progress. Though paying customers like him can hold private-school teachers to account, making them more likely to turn up and try hard, good teachers cannot be conjured out of thin air. 其中的一个失灵是,父母通常缺乏关于评价标准的客观信息。公立学校较弱的国家很少有值得信任的国家考试系统。为了吸引到学生,私立学校也许会通过宽松评分的方式来夸大学生的成绩。Essien说他已经开始自己动手测试他的孩子,以便对学习成效进行交叉评测。尽管像他这样的付费家长可以促使私立学校的老师承担责任,让他们更有可能勤快并努力地教学,但好老师不是凭空就能变出来的。 Matters are further complicated by the fact that education is to a great extent a “positional good”: the aim is to get a job or university place, for which it is enough to beat the other candidates, rather than reach the highest possible absolute standard. Especially in rural areas where there is unlikely to be much choice, being just a bit better than public schools is enough to keep the clients coming, says Joanna Harma of the Centre for International Education at the University of Sussex. And sheltered from market forces, those public schools have no incentive to improve. 实际上问题要更复杂一点,因为教育在很大程度上是一种“排位商品”:它的目的是找到一份工作或者考上一所大学,因此只要能击败其他候选人就足够了,而不是去达到可能的最高绝对标准。特别是在乡村地区,那里没有更多的选择,只要比公立学校好一点就足够吸引到学生了,Sussex大学国际教育中心的Joanna Harma说道。由于避开了市场的力量,这些公立学校没有动力去提高自身的教学水平。 That means school choice can “sort” children into different types of schools: the most informed and committed parents colonise the better ones, which may then rely on their reputations to keep their position in the pecking order. 这意味着择校过程会把学生“分到”不同的学校中去,那些消息最灵通和最负责任的家长蜂集于好学校,然后这些学校就可以依靠它们的名声来保持其在等级排序中的位置。 Research from several parts of Africa and south Asia finds that children in low-cost private schools are from families that are better-off, get more help from parents with homework and have spent more time in pre-school. 非洲和南亚的一些研究发现,低成本私立学校的学生多来自富裕家庭,他们在家庭作业上能得到父母更多的帮助,并在学前教育方面花费了更多时间。 A round-up of research, much of it from south Asia, found that their pupils did better in assessments, though often only in some subjects. In the few studies that accounted for differences in family background and so on, their lead shrank. 一项主要在南亚进行的汇总研究显示,那里的学生在考核中成绩更好,尽管通常只是在几个学科。在少量将家庭背景差异等因素考虑进去的研究中,这种优势就缩小了。 Chile’s voucher scheme, which started in 1981 under the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, aimed to enable poor students to move from bad public schools to good private ones and to raise standards by generating competition between the two. Today 38% of pupils are in state schools, 53% in private ones that accept vouchers and 7% in elite institutions that charge full fees. In the 1990s a post-Pinochet centre-left government allowed subsidised schools to charge top-up fees. They can also select their pupils by ability. 智利的教育券计划,开始于1981年奥古斯托·皮诺切特将军独裁时期,目的是让贫穷的孩子有机会从差劲的公立学校转移到好一点的私立学校,并通过两者间的竞争来提高标准。现在38%的孩子在公立学校,53%的孩子在可以用教育券的私立学校,7%在收取全额费用的精英机构。在1990年代,后皮诺切特的中左派政府允许受补贴的学校收取“补充”学费。他们还可以根据能力来选择学生。 Chile does better than any other Latin American country in PISA, an international assessment of 15-year-olds in literacy, mathematics and science, suggesting a positive overall effect. But that is hardly a ringing endorsement: all the region’s countries come in the bottom third globally. 智利在PISA中比其他拉美国家做得都好,PISA是一份针对15岁学生的读写、数学和科学能力的国际评估,这显示智利政策整体效果积极。但这并非什么强有力的证据,因为这一地区的国家排名都在全球的倒数第三位。 And once the relatively privileged background of private-school pupils is taken into account, says Emiliana Vegas of the Inter-American Development Bank, state schools do better, especially since they serve the hardest-to-teach children. 美洲开发银行的 Emiliana Vegas说,一旦把私立学校学生相对优越的家庭背景考虑在内,公立学校做得更好,特别还要考虑到,他们教的是最难教的学生。 Where private schools trounce state ones is in cost-effectiveness. A recent study in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh gave vouchers for low-cost private schools to around 6,000 randomly chosen pupils. Four years later they were compared with applicants who did not receive the vouchers. Both groups did equally well in mathematics and Telugu, the local language. But private schools had spent less time on these subjects in order to make space in the curriculum for English and Hindi, in which their pupils did better. And spending on each pupil was only around a third that in the state sector. Lagos state spent at least $230 on each child it put through primary school between 2011 and 2013, public data suggest, around twice as much as a typical private school charges. 私立学校稳胜于公立学校的地方是在成本效益方面。在印度安得拉邦进行的一项调查,给随机挑选的约6000学生发放了可用于低成本私立学校的教育券。四年之后,把他们和没拿到教育券的学生进行对比。两组人在数学和Telugu(一种当地语言)上表现得一样好。但是私立学校的学生在这些学科上花费的时间更少,以便腾出时间来学习英语和印地语,在这两个学科上私立学校的学生做的更好。每个孩子的培养费用仅为公立学校的三分之一。公开数据显示,在2011至2013年间,(尼日利亚)拉各斯州在每个完成小学学业的孩子身上花费了约230美元,大约是一个典型的私立学校索费的两倍。 Marks for effort 努力的成绩 A centre-left government in Chile is now unwinding Pinochet’s reforms. One of its changes is to bar for-profit schools from the voucher scheme. The new standard-bearer for market-based education reform is the Pakistani province of Punjab. Nationally, 25m children are out of school, and reformist politicians are turning to the private sector to expand capacity quickly and cheaply. To make the market work better, they are exploring ways to give parents more information about standards and to help successful schools grow. 智利现有的中左政府正在颠覆皮诺切特改革,其举措之一是将盈利性学校踢出教育券计划。于是,这场教育市场化改革中的旗手角色,已让位于巴基斯坦的旁遮普省。巴基斯坦全国共有2500万名失学儿童,改革派政治家把目光投向私人部门,以期快速而廉价地扩大教育容量。为帮助市场更好运行,他们正采取措施,给予学生家长更多学业水平的相关信息,并帮助已获成功的学校良好发展。 Authority over education is devolved to Pakistan’s four provinces, and Punjab’s energetic chief minister, Shahbaz Sharif, the brother of the prime minister, Nawaz, has decreed that the government will not build any of the new schools needed to achieve its 100% enrolment target for school-age children by 2018. Instead money is being funnelled to the private sector via the Punjab Education Foundation (PEF), an independent body with a focus on extremely poor families. 巴基斯坦已将教育事务的管理权下放给四省的地方政府。精力旺盛的旁遮普省首席部长,总理纳瓦兹·谢里夫的弟弟沙巴兹·谢里夫宣布,实现2018年前学龄儿童100%入学目标所需的学校,政府一座都不会修建。相反,借由关注极端贫困家庭的独立组织旁遮普教育基金会(PEF),资金会被输送至私人部门。 One scheme helps entrepreneurs set up new schools, particularly in rural areas. Another gives vouchers to parents living in slums to send children who are not in school to PEF-approved institutions. All the places in some schools have also been bought up. Those schools cannot charge fees and must submit to monitoring and teacher training. 其中一项计划旨在帮助企业家开办新学校,特别是在乡村地区办学。另一项计划则通过向家长分发教育券,使贫民窟的失学儿童能够进入PEF认可的机构学习。一些学校的招生名额被全部买断。这些学校不能收费,且必须接受教学管理和教师培训。 Although the funding per pupil is less than half of what is spent by state schools, results are at least as good, says Aneela Salman, PEF’s managing director. “The private sector can be much more flexible about who it hires, and can set up schools quickly in rented buildings and hire teachers from the local community.” 据PEF总经理Aneela Salman说,尽管这些学校在每位学生身上花费的资金不足公立学校的一半,结果却并不比公立学校差。“私人领域的雇用更具弹性,可以租用校舍快速组建学校,还可从当地居民中招募教师。” Crucially, the province is also improving oversight and working out how to inform parents about standards. It has dispatched 1,000 inspectors armed with tablet computers to conduct basic checks on whether schools are operating and staff and children are turning up. They have begun quizzing teachers, using questions from the exams they are meant to be teaching their pupils to pass. The early results, says one official grimly, are “not good”. 殊为关键的是,旁遮普省还在改善监管,并想方设法告知家长学业水平。全省派出了1000名配备平板电脑的检查员,针对学校是否正常运行、员工与学生是否在校的问题进行基本的检查。他们使用本应由教师教授并用于测试学生的考试题目,开始对教师进行测试。一位官员阴沉地表示,早期结果“并不乐观”。 In a joint study by the World Bank, Harvard University and Punjab’s government, parents in some villages were given report cards showing the test scores of their children and the average for schools nearby, both public and private. A year later participating villages had more children in school and their test scores in maths, English and Urdu were higher than in comparable villages where the cards were not distributed. The scheme was very cheap, and the improvement in results larger than that from some much pricier interventions, such as paying parents to send their children to school. 在由世界银行、哈佛大学和旁遮普省政府联合开展的一项研究中,学生的成绩报告被分发到一些村庄的家长手中,与之一同下发的还有附近各公私立学校的平均成绩。一年后,与没有分发成绩报告的可比村庄相比,受调查村庄的入学率得到了提高,当地学生的数学、英语和乌尔都语成绩也都更高。这些举措花费很少,但相比其他昂贵的干预措施,比如付钱要求家长送子女入学,其结果却更优。 PEF now educates 2m of Punjab’s 25m children, a share likely to grow by another million by 2018. Meanwhile the number of state schools has fallen by around 2,000 as some have been merged and others closed. 在旁遮普省2500万名儿童中,已有200万人通过PEF获得了教育,到2018年,这个人数很可能再增加100万。与此同时,公立学校的数量已减少了约2000家,一些被合并,还有些已经关门。 Such a wholesale shift to private-sector provision would create a storm of protest in Britain, whose Department for International Development is backing Punjab’s reforms. But there are few signs of anxiety in a country where many parents aspire to send their children to a private school and the country’s recent Nobel laureate, the education activist Malala Yousafzai, is the daughter of a private-school owner. 尽管英国国际发展部是旁遮普改革的幕后推手,但如此大规模地转向私人部门如果发生于英国,结果只会是一场抗议浪潮。然而在巴基斯坦,焦虑情绪则几乎看不到,因为该国的许多父母正在为将子女送入私立学校积极努力。这个国家最近的诺贝尔奖得主,教育活动家马拉拉·优素福扎伊本人,就是一名私立学校老板之女。 Schooling on tick 贷款办学 NGOs and education activists often oppose the spread of private schools, sometimes because they fear the poorest will be left behind, but often because of ideology. In October Kishore Singh, the UN special rapporteur on the right to education, told the UN General Assembly that for-profit education “should not be allowed in order to safeguard the noble cause of education”. Others, seemingly more reasonably, demand greater oversight of the sector: in a resolution on July 1st the UN Human Rights Council urged countries to regulate and monitor private schools. NGO和教育活动家群体往往反对私立学校扩张,部分出于对底层人群无法获得入学机会的担心,更多则是观念差异。十月,联合国受教育权特别调查员Kishore Singh向联合国大会报告称,盈利性教育“应被禁止,否则将无法保卫崇高的教育事业。”另外一些貌似更为合理的意见,则提出对这一部门开展更严厉的监管:在7月1日的一份决议中,联合国人权理事会要求各国监管私立学校。 [caption id="attachment_6013" align="alignnone" width="290"]Crammed in, cramming Crammed in, cramming[/caption] But where governments are hostile to private schools, regulation is often a pretext to harass them. And many of the criteria commonly used, such as the quality of facilities, or teachers’ qualifications and pay, have been shown by research in several countries to have no bearing on a school’s effectiveness. In recent years many poor countries staffed state schools with unqualified teachers on temporary contracts, paying them much less than permanent staff. In India, Kenya, Pakistan and Mali their pupils learn at least as much as those taught by permanent teachers. 然而,如果一地政府对私立学校持否定态度,此时的监管就成为了骚扰的借口。数国开展的研究显示,许多常用的评价标准,诸如设施质量、教师资格和收入,与教学成果之间无甚关联。近年来,许多贫困国家为填补公立学校的人员短缺,与资历不足者签订临时合同,以远低于编内员工的薪水雇用了一批教师。在印度、肯尼亚、巴基斯坦和马里,相比编内教师,由临时教师教授的学生并未产生知识短缺的问题。 Many small private schools do not try to get on any official register, knowing that they have no chance of succeeding, not least because of widespread corruption. A federal law from 2009 means that all private schools in India must be registered. This means satisfying onerous conditions, to which states have added their own. 许多小型私立学校已知没有可能得到官方注册,干脆放弃尝试,这其中,腐败是一个很重要的原因。印度2009年颁布的一项联邦法律规定,所有私立学校都必须注册。这意味着各式各样的苛刻条件,以及各邦独特的额外规定。 They must have access to playgrounds (immediately barring almost all those in urban slums), and qualified teachers who are paid salaries that match government-run schools. The state of Uttar Pradesh limits tuition-fee increases to 10% every three years. The main effect of this blizzard of bureaucracy has been to provide corrupt officials with a new excuse to seek bribes. 注册条件之一是有能力提供操场(几乎所有城市贫民区的学校都被立即排除),另一条则要求已获资格认证、薪酬达到公立学校水平的教员。北方邦规定三年内学费增长不得超过10%。这场官僚风暴的主要成就,是为腐败官员提供了索贿的新途径。 The need to fly under the radar means that schools lack access to credit and cannot grow or reap economies of scale. One small study in rural India found that a quarter of private schools visited by researchers had closed down when they returned a year later. Some will have been sound businesses brought down by cash-flow problems, as parents with precarious, low-paid jobs struggled to pay the fees. Others will have been run by people with an enthusiasm for education, but no business acumen. 被迫在监管刀口下求存,使得学校无从取得贷款,无力发展,更难以实现规模经济。一项针对印度乡村的小型研究显示,受调查的私立学校中有四分之一在一年后关门。一些本应健康发展的学校因现金流问题而倒闭,其资金来源是无稳定工作、收入颇低的学生家长。另一些学校的经营者空有投身教育的热情,却无商业头脑。 Another study in Punjab shows how much the lack of credit hamstrings private schools. All those in some randomly selected villages were given a $500 grant and asked to submit proposals for using the money to improve, just as a bank might demand a business plan in return for a small loan. Audits a year later found that the grants had been entirely spent on school improvements and test scores had risen more than in a control group of villages. 开展于旁遮普省的另一项研究则显示了,贷款短缺如何妨碍私立学校的发展。随机选择一些村庄,向其中所有私立学校给予500美元的赞助,然后如同银行提供小额贷款时索要商业计划书一样,要求其提供这笔钱的用途。一年后,审计发现赞助金完全被用于改善学校条件,考试成绩也与作为对照组的另一村庄相比有更大进步。 A promising development is the spread of low-cost for-profit school chains in big cities in Africa and south Asia. Some started by catering to better-off families and are now moving into the mass market. Their founders have more in common with the highly educated young enthusiasts who start charter schools in America than the owners of the single institutions that dominate the sector, says Julia Moffett of the Future of Learning Fund, which backs education entrepreneurs in Africa. 在非洲和南亚,一些大城市出现了廉价的盈利性连锁学校,这让人看到了未来的希望。其中一些学校一开始以富裕家庭为受众,现在也已进入大众市场。“学习的未来”基金会的Julia Moffett说,与在该领域内占主导地位的独体机构的拥有者相比,这些学校的创办者更像在美国创办特许学校的年轻人,他们受过高等教育,对教育事业充满热忱。“学习的未来”基金会旨在向非洲的教育企业家提供援助。 Bridge International Academies, which runs around 400 primary schools in Kenya and Uganda, and plans to open more in Nigeria and India, is the biggest, with backers including Facebook’s chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, and Bill Gates. Omega Schools has 38 institutions in Ghana. (Pearson, which owns 50% of The Economist, has stakes in both Bridge and Omega.) Low-cost chains with a dozen schools or fewer have recently been established in India, Nigeria, the Philippines and South Africa. 桥国际连锁学院在肯尼亚和乌干达经营有约400家小学,正打算进军尼日利亚和印度。这是诸多廉价连锁学校中规模最大的一家,其支持者包括Facebook首席执行官马克·扎克伯格以及比尔·盖茨。Omega Schools在加纳拥有38家机构。(拥有《经济学人》50%股份的Pearson集团,在上述两家企业都有股份。)近来,一些连锁数量在10个左右甚至更少的廉价连锁学校,已经在印度、尼日利亚、菲律宾和南非出现。 Bridge’s cost-cutting strategies include using standardised buildings made of unfinished wooden beams, corrugated steel and iron mesh, and scripted lessons that teachers recite from hand-held computers linked to a central system. That saves on teacher training and monitoring. 在桥国际学院,校舍以半成品木梁、波纹钢和铁网为建筑材料,依照标准统一建造;教师使用手持电脑连通中央系统,下载预定的课程内容背诵备用。这些举措不仅缩减了开支,还省去了对教师的培训和监管。 An independent evaluation is under way to find out whether such robo-teaching is better than the alternative—too often ill-educated teachers struggling through material they do not understand themselves. The potential of technology to transform education is unlikely to be realised in state institutions, where teachers and unions resist anything that might increase oversight or reduce the need for staff. 学业不精的老师为了备课费尽心思,这种情况常有;与其如此,是否照本宣科的教学方式更为优越?为了解答这一问题,一项独立研究正在进行当中。在公立学校,任何加强监管或减少人员需求的举措,都会遭到教师和工会的抵制,因此技术改变教育的潜能难以在公立学校发挥。 Another trend, says Prachi Srivastava of the University of Ottawa, is the emergence of providers of auxiliary services for private schools, including curriculum development, science kits and school-management training. Credit facilities are also cropping up. The Indian School Finance Company, funded by Grey Ghost Ventures, an Atlanta-based impact investor, has expanded to six Indian states since it started in 2009. 渥太华大学的Prachi Srivastava说,面向私立学校提供辅助服务的行业正在兴起,服务内容包括课程安排、教学用具以及学校管理方面的训练。信贷服务也在悄然出现。创立于2009年的印度学校金融公司,由总部位于亚特兰大的影响力投资商Grey Ghost Ventures投资,现已扩展至印度六个邦。 The IDP Rising Schools Programme, a small-loans programme in Ghana, also offers its clients teacher training. Private schooling may turn out to be good business for these firms and their investors—and, if governments allow it to flourish, for pupils, too. 出现于加纳的一项小额借贷项目,IDP Rising Schools Programme,同时也向其客户提供教师培训服务。对于企业和投资者来说,私立学校这一行可能前途光明;如果各国政府允许其充分发展,学生群体也将从中受惠。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]坟墓竟然不是永久的?

Losing the plot: death is permanent, but your grave isn’t
青山难留:死亡是永恒的,但你的坟墓不是

作者:Lynley Wallis ; Alice Gorman ; Heather Burke @2014-11-6
译者:Drunkplane
校对:带菜刀的诗人(@带菜刀的诗人_),林翠(@cwlinnil)
来源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/losing-the-plot-death-is-permanent-but-your-grave-isnt-33459

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Space can be at a premium in cemeteries … and when it runs out, reusing old graves is an option.

Headstones at the Dudley Park cemetery in Payneham, South Australia, were recently bulldozed as part of the ongoing “recycling” of more than 400 graves. Some people were shocked to realise that gravesites are not permanent and many have expressed their “disgust” and concern over the practice.

南澳大利亚佩纳姆镇,达德利公园墓地里的墓碑最近全被推土机清理掉了。这只是400多个正被“循环利用”的墓地之一。有些人震惊地发现墓地居然不是永久的,许多人感到“恶心”并表达了对此种做法的关切。

The reuse of graves is far from a modern phenomenon, caused by exponential population growth and overcrowding in towns and cities. Reusing the same place for burials is a tradition that has been repeated time and again in different cultures across the world, for thousands of years.

因为人口指数式增长,城镇过度拥挤,重复利用墓地早已不是什么现代才有的现象。几千年来,在全世界不同的文化里,重复利用墓地时常可见,成了一种传统。

Over the entirety of human history, around 108 billion people have lived – and died. That’s a lot of bodies that need disposing of in some way.

整个人类历史上,大约一千零八十亿人曾降临人世——又死去。那可是许许多多的尸体,总得以某种方式处理。

In the early centuries of the Common Era (AD), people in northern Europe reused burial mounds from the earlier Bronze Age and Neolithic periods. The catacombs beneath Paris were an 18th century solution to cemeteries that were so overcrowded bodies were stacked on top of one another.

在公历纪元的最初几个世纪,北欧人将早前青铜时代和旧石器时代留下的坟冢重新利用。18世纪巴黎的地下墓穴,便是为了解决地上墓地过度拥挤,尸体层叠堆放的难题。

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In the 19th century, the garden cemetery movement arose to create more spacious burial grounds — usually on what were then the outskirts of towns and cities. These new cemeteries doubled as places where one could picnic on a Sunday, with children playing games amon(more...)

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Losing the plot: death is permanent, but your grave isn’t 青山难留:死亡是永恒的,但你的坟墓不是 作者:Lynley Wallis ; Alice Gorman ; Heather Burke @2014-11-6 译者:Drunkplane 校对:带菜刀的诗人(@带菜刀的诗人_),林翠(@cwlinnil) 来源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/losing-the-plot-death-is-permanent-but-your-grave-isnt-33459 [caption id="attachment_6004" align="alignnone" width="335"]SONY DSC Space can be at a premium in cemeteries ... and when it runs out, reusing old graves is an option.[/caption] Headstones at the Dudley Park cemetery in Payneham, South Australia, were recently bulldozed as part of the ongoing “recycling” of more than 400 graves. Some people were shocked to realise that gravesites are not permanent and many have expressed their “disgust” and concern over the practice. 南澳大利亚佩纳姆镇,达德利公园墓地里的墓碑最近全被推土机清理掉了。这只是400多个正被“循环利用”的墓地之一。有些人震惊地发现墓地居然不是永久的,许多人感到“恶心”并表达了对此种做法的关切。 The reuse of graves is far from a modern phenomenon, caused by exponential population growth and overcrowding in towns and cities. Reusing the same place for burials is a tradition that has been repeated time and again in different cultures across the world, for thousands of years. 因为人口指数式增长,城镇过度拥挤,重复利用墓地早已不是什么现代才有的现象。几千年来,在全世界不同的文化里,重复利用墓地时常可见,成了一种传统。 Over the entirety of human history, around 108 billion people have lived – and died. That’s a lot of bodies that need disposing of in some way. 整个人类历史上,大约一千零八十亿人曾降临人世——又死去。那可是许许多多的尸体,总得以某种方式处理。 In the early centuries of the Common Era (AD), people in northern Europe reused burial mounds from the earlier Bronze Age and Neolithic periods. The catacombs beneath Paris were an 18th century solution to cemeteries that were so overcrowded bodies were stacked on top of one another. 在公历纪元的最初几个世纪,北欧人将早前青铜时代和旧石器时代留下的坟冢重新利用。18世纪巴黎的地下墓穴,便是为了解决地上墓地过度拥挤,尸体层叠堆放的难题。 2 In the 19th century, the garden cemetery movement arose to create more spacious burial grounds — usually on what were then the outskirts of towns and cities. These new cemeteries doubled as places where one could picnic on a Sunday, with children playing games among the headstones and elegant ladies and gentlemen promenading along the avenues. 到了19世纪,花园墓地运动兴起,促使更多宽敞墓园出现——这些墓园往往坐落于城镇的郊区。新式墓园同时也成了一个你可以周日来野餐的地方,孩子们在墓碑间玩耍,优雅的淑女和绅士在大道上徜徉。 By romanticising the relationship between the living and the dead the Victorians repurposed the idea of a graveyard from a functional to a recreational space that allowed for continual remembrance of loved ones as part of everyday activities. 通过柔化生者和死者之间的关系,维多利亚那代人重塑了墓地的概念,将之从一个功能性地点变成了一个休闲场所。在这里每天都可以缅怀自己爱的人。 Grave concerns 墓园的隐忧 In the contemporary world grave recycling is often driven by economic imperatives rather than purely spatial concerns. If the sole source of a cemetery’s income derives from the leasing of plots — as is the case with many independent cemetery trusts — how are they to remain financially viable when all the spaces are filled? 现如今,经济利益的需要取代了单纯的空间考量,成为驱动墓地回收利用的强大动力。如果场地租赁是墓园的唯一收入来源——许多独立墓园信托公司正是如此——当墓园的所有空间都填满了,它们还怎么保持盈利? Cemeteries must serve the burial needs of contemporary local communities, and often this can only be accomplished through destroying older graves so that newer interments can take place. 墓园必须满足当代地方社群的丧葬需求,而这往往只能通过毁掉旧的墓地才能实现。只有这样,后来者才能得以埋葬。 But what is the boundary between a “grave” and a “heritage site”? This varies across jurisdictions. Under the Burial and Cremations Act 2013 of South Australia, a site may be reused once an interment right expires — usually after a set period has elapsed and if no relative or other party can be found to take on the right (and the payment for it). 但是,又如何区分普通墓地和遗迹呢?不同的司法辖区有不同规定。依照南澳州于2013年颁布的《丧葬与火化法案》,当一处墓地的安葬权到期,则该地便可被重新利用。这种情况往往发生在一段时间后仍无亲属或其他当事人被找来行使该权利(并为之付费)时。【译注:有别于对安葬地的所有权,安葬权特指一个人被安葬于此地的权利。】 In such a case the burial and its headstone are given the “lift and deepen” treatment. The existing burial is removed and replaced lower down in the grave so that another burial can be included on top. The headstone is either smashed and buried with them, or removed to an inconspicuous place. 当这种情况发生时,坟墓和墓碑便会被作“挖起-深埋”处理。现有的坟墓被重新安置到墓地下方更深的地方,这样新的坟墓才能被放在上面。而墓碑要么一并粉碎深埋,要么就被移到一个隐秘的地方。 [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NmwFB-bUf2E[/embed] Before reusing any site, though, the Act requires that details of both the grave and the memorial are recorded photographically and in writing for posterity. Technological advances in recent years means that laser scanning is now a viable option for the recording process and, in all cases, digitisation of the data enables it to be easily made publicly available. 按照该法案的规定,在重复利用墓园前,都必须将坟墓和墓碑的细节拍照和记录,以留给墓主人的子孙。近些年,科技的进步让激光扫描成为了一种可能的记录方式,不管什么情况吧,数字化总是让数据更易于被公众获得。 This, at least, retains some of the historical information that contributes to the heritage and social value of these places that would otherwise be destroyed. 这样,那些经历了历史风霜,有传承和社会价值的信息至少有一部分被保留了下来,否则就只能眼看它们灰飞烟灭了。 If a grave is considered a heritage site, however, different legislation takes precedence. Section 27 of the South Australian Heritage Places Act 1993 affords blanket protection for all archaeological artefacts, whether known or unknown. Any disturbance then requires a permit. Sometimes archaeologists become involved in the process of reclaiming land in cemeteries. 然而,如果一个墓地被当作遗迹,那不同的法律都会给予优先保护。1993年颁布的《南澳遗迹法案》第27节为所有有考古价值的文物提供了全面的保护,无论它们是否为人熟知,且任何扰动都必须得到批准。有时考古学家会加入到对墓地的改造进程中来。 Reuse, recycle, research 再利用,循环使用,研究 Famous Australian examples of the reuse of historical cemeteries in conjunction with archaeological excavation and analysis include the site of Lang Park in Brisbane, the Queen Victoria Market in Melbourne and Town Hall in Sydney. 对有历史价值墓园的再利用,结合了考古挖掘和研究分析,澳大利亚的著名例子包括布里斯班的Lang Park、墨尔本的Queen Victoria Market和悉尼的Town Hall。 In Adelaide, the archaeological study of the Maesbury cemetery in Kensington, and the St Mary’s cemetery in the suburb of St Mary’s, have led to unique insights into the burial practices and lifestyles of South Australia’s earliest European settlers. 在阿德莱德,对肯辛顿的梅斯布里墓园和位于圣玛丽郊区的圣玛丽墓园的考古研究,赋予我们独特的视角,让我们对南澳大利亚最早一批欧洲移居者的丧葬情况和生活方式能一探究竟。 [caption id="attachment_6006" align="alignnone" width="112"]3 The Kippist headstone.[/caption] At Maesbury, only one headstone remained to mark hundreds of bodies now under parkland. This was before a Flinders University archaeology team began work at the site. 弗林德斯大学考古队来到梅斯布里墓园开展工作之前,只有一座墓碑被保留了下来,这座墓碑是地底下数百具尸体唯一的标示。 It was an exciting day when a neighbour came forth with a headstone they had found while digging in their garden (pictured right) making it only the second headstone to survive. 考古队在墓园挖出另一块墓碑的当天令人振奋,这意味着发现了死者们的旧邻,于是它就成了侥幸被保存下来的第二块墓碑。 Research revealed that it had marked the grave of three children from one family who died between 1850 and 1863, in the first few decades of the settlement of South Australia. 研究显示,这块墓碑属于来自同一个家庭的三个孩子,他们死于1850年至1863年之间,那正是南澳大利亚刚刚被开拓的一段岁月。 Infant mortality was scandalously high in 19th century Adelaide but the causes were mysterious. The gravestone speaks to a grief both public and private, when thousands of children died from the vague disease of “debility”. 19世纪的阿德莱德有着骇人的婴儿死亡率,但具体原因仍是个谜。当成百上千的孩子因为说不清的“虚弱”症而死去,墓碑悲伤地述说着往事,既是对世人也是对亲人。 At the St Mary’s Anglican Cemetery, archaeologists from Flinders University were invited by the Church to carry out excavations to recover the bodies from a pauper’s area before the land was reused. 弗林德斯大学的考古学家当初受教堂邀请参与了圣玛丽的圣公会墓园的挖掘,以便在土地再利用前恢复贫民区墓地的骸骨。 This study told us much about the nutritional and health standards of the urban poor. Contrary to expectations, they ate lots of meat (approximately 60% of their diet), but hardly any carbohydrates (wheat or barley). The majority were younger than 15 when they died, probably from infections. Most adult skeletons indicated a hard-working, physically active lifestyle. 考古学家的研究向我们揭示了许多有关城市贫民的营养和健康状况的信息。同原有估计相反的是,当时的城市贫民摄入了大量的肉(大约占到他们饮食的60%),但却很少摄入碳水化合物(小麦和大麦)。死去的人多数不到15岁,也许是因为传染病。大部分成年人的骸骨表明他们依靠艰苦的体力劳动而生活。 As the only study of its kind in South Australia, St Mary’s also highlighted how little we know about the living conditions and lifestyles of South Australia’s early settlers more generally. 作为南澳州唯一此类研究,圣玛丽墓园也向我们强调了,我们对于南澳早期开拓者的生活条件和生活方式是多么的无知。 All graves contain a story; some touch us more than others, but none of them should be subject to the disrespect of a bulldozer. As George Eliot reminds us, our dead are never dead to us until we have forgotten them. 每块墓地都藏着一个故事,有些故事更能打动我们,但没有哪个应该被交给那不敬的推土机。正如乔治·艾略特提醒我们的:逝去者并未真正死去,除非我们已将他们遗忘。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]母乳市场

The Human Breast Milk Market
母乳市场

作者:Timothy Taylor @ 2015-08-24
译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy),慕白(@李凤阳他说)
来源:Conversable Economist, http://conversableeconomist.blogspot.com/2015/08/the-human-breast-milk-market.html

The market for human breast milk starts with demand from hospitals for pre-term infants. The American Academy of Pediatrics writes:

母乳市场起源于医院早产儿对母乳的需求。美国儿科学会写道:

The potent benefits of human milk are such that all preterm infants should receive human milk. … Mother’s own milk, fresh or frozen, should be the primary diet, and it should be fortified appropriately for the infant born weighing less than 1.5 kg. If mother’s own milk is unavailable despite significant lactation support, pasteurized donor milk should be used.

“母乳具有诸多益处,所有早产儿都应当接受母乳喂养。……母亲自身的乳汁,无论新鲜的还是冷冻的,都应该是婴儿的主要食物,而且对于出生时体重低于1.5千克的婴儿,应该在其饮用的母乳中适当添加营养成分。如果在相当程度的泌乳帮助之后,母亲仍无法给婴儿提供母乳,那么就应当使用他人捐献的经过巴氏杀菌法消毒的母乳。”

The demand then continues with a belief that human milk might have properties that are useful to adults as well. Some biomedical companies are involved in research, and there is apparently a subculture of bodybuilders who believe that consuming human milk helps them build muscle.

有些人相信,母乳的某些特性可能对成年人同样有益,这使得对母乳的需求进一步扩大。一些生物医药企业参与了对母乳的研究,同时,在健美圈有种亚文化,认为母乳有助于增强肌肉。

What are the sources of supply to meet this demand? One source is donations that happen through the 19 locations of the Human Milk Banking Association of North America, as well as other donor organizations. But there are also for-profit co(more...)

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The Human Breast Milk Market 母乳市场 作者:Timothy Taylor @ 2015-08-24 译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy),慕白(@李凤阳他说) 来源:Conversable Economist, http://conversableeconomist.blogspot.com/2015/08/the-human-breast-milk-market.html The market for human breast milk starts with demand from hospitals for pre-term infants. The American Academy of Pediatrics writes: 母乳市场起源于医院早产儿对母乳的需求。美国儿科学会写道:
The potent benefits of human milk are such that all preterm infants should receive human milk. ... Mother’s own milk, fresh or frozen, should be the primary diet, and it should be fortified appropriately for the infant born weighing less than 1.5 kg. If mother’s own milk is unavailable despite significant lactation support, pasteurized donor milk should be used. “母乳具有诸多益处,所有早产儿都应当接受母乳喂养。……母亲自身的乳汁,无论新鲜的还是冷冻的,都应该是婴儿的主要食物,而且对于出生时体重低于1.5千克的婴儿,应该在其饮用的母乳中适当添加营养成分。如果在相当程度的泌乳帮助之后,母亲仍无法给婴儿提供母乳,那么就应当使用他人捐献的经过巴氏杀菌法消毒的母乳。”
The demand then continues with a belief that human milk might have properties that are useful to adults as well. Some biomedical companies are involved in research, and there is apparently a subculture of bodybuilders who believe that consuming human milk helps them build muscle. 有些人相信,母乳的某些特性可能对成年人同样有益,这使得对母乳的需求进一步扩大。一些生物医药企业参与了对母乳的研究,同时,在健美圈有种亚文化,认为母乳有助于增强肌肉。 What are the sources of supply to meet this demand? One source is donations that happen through the 19 locations of the Human Milk Banking Association of North America, as well as other donor organizations. But there are also for-profit companies emerging like Prolacta Bioscience and International Milk Bank which buy breast-milk, screen and test it, sometimes add additional nutrients, and then sells it to hospitals. There are also websites that facilitate buying and selling breast-milk. 有哪些供给源来满足这些需求呢?来源之一是北美母乳银行协会19个驻地以及其他一些捐赠机构所得到的捐赠。但现在也出现了一些新兴的营利性公司,如“Prolacta生科”和“国际母乳银行”,他们收购母乳,在进行筛选、测试(有时还会添加一些额外的营养成分)后出售给医院。此外,还有一些方便母乳买卖的网站。 This market is one where prices are fairly clear: the for-profit companies typically offer moms $1.50- $2 per ounce for breast milk, and end up selling it to hospitals for roughly $4 per ounce. Quantities are less clear, although for a rough sense, the nonprofit Human Milk Banking Association of North America dispensed 3.1 million ounces of breast milk in 2013, while a single for-profit firm, Prolacta, plans to process 3.4 million ounces this year. 这是个价格相当透明的市场:那些营利性企业通常为每盎司母乳向妈妈们支付1.50-2美元,最后以大约每盎司4美元的价格出售给医院。但市场上母乳的数量就没那么透明了,不过从以下数据中可以得到一个大致的概念,非营利组织北美母乳银行协会在2013年配发了310万盎司母乳,然而,今年仅Prolacta一家营利性企业就计划处理340万盎司。 Any product that involves a mixture of donated and paid-for elements is going to be a source for controversy, and when the product involves fluids from the human body, the controversy is going to ramp up one more level. Here are some of the issues: 任何同时涉及捐赠和有偿元素的产品都会引来争议,而且,当产品包含来自人体的液体时,争议便会再上一个层次。相关问题包括: Many people have a gut-level reaction that human breast milk for neonatal children is the sort of product that should be run on the basis of donations. But two concerns arise here, as enunciated by Julie P. Smith in "Market, breastfeeding and trade in mother's milk," which appears earlier this year in the International Breastfeeding Journal (10:9). 许多人都有一种直觉反应,他们认为提供给新生儿的母乳应当是一种基于捐赠的产品。但正如Julie P. Smith在今年早些时候发表于《国际母乳喂养期刊》(10:9)上的文章《母乳的市场、喂养和交易》所表明的,这会带来两个问题。 As Smith writes: "Human milk is being bought and sold.Commodifying and marketing human milk and breastfeeding risk reinforcing social and gender economic inequities. Yet there are potential benefits for breastfeeding, and some of the world’s poorest women might profit. How can we improve on the present situation where everyone except the woman who donates her milk benefits?" There are a number of ideas to unpack here. Smith写道:“人们买卖母乳。将母乳和母乳喂养商品化、市场化,存在加剧社会不平等和性别间经济不平等的风险。然而,母乳喂养有潜在的益处,而且一些世界上最贫困的妇女也可能因此获益。现状是,除了捐赠母乳的女性外,人人都会受益,我们如何才能改善这种状况?”这里面有一些观点可供探讨。 First, a substantially expanded supply of breast-milk would improve the health prospects of pre-term infants. Donated breast-milk doesn't seem able to fill the need. 首先,母乳供给的大量增加将提升早产儿的预期健康水平。捐赠的母乳数量似乎供不应求。 Second, it's not clear why mothers should be expected to pump, save and donate breast milk for free, when the rest of the health care system is getting paid. In some practical sense, the social choice may come to paying the health care system to address the sicknesses that infants experience from a lack of breast milk, or paying mothers for breast milk. 第二,你很难解释清楚,为何在医疗保健系统的其余参与者都能得到报酬的情况下,母亲们却要挤出乳汁保存起并进行捐赠,而这一切都是无偿的。从实践意义上说,社会选择可能是:要么向医疗保健系统付钱,以解决婴儿因缺乏母乳而导致的疾病,要么向提供母乳的母亲们付钱。 Third, there are real issues here involving social inequalities. Earlier this year in Detroit, a company called Medolac announced a plan to purchase breast milk. It received a hostile open letter with a number of signatories, starting with the head of the Black Mothers' Breastfeeding Association. The letter read, in part: 第三,这里涉及了社会不平等这个大问题。今年早些时候,在底特律,一家名为Medolac的公司宣布了一项收购母乳的计划。它收到了一封联名反对的公开信,牵头者是黑人母亲母乳喂养协会负责人。信中提到:
[W]e are writing to you in the spirit of open dialogue about your company’s recent attempts to recruit African-American and low-income women in Detroit to sell their breast milk to your company, Medolac Laboratories. We are troubled by your targeting of African-American mothers, and your focus on Detroit in particular. We are concerned that this initiative has neither thoroughly factored in the historical context of milk sharing nor the complex social and economic challenges facing Detroit families. ... Around the country, African-American women face unique economic hardships, and this is no less true in our city. In addition, African American women have been impacted traumatically by historical commodification of our bodies. Given the economic incentives, we are deeply concerned that women will be coerced into diverting milk that they would otherwise feed their own babies. “我们本着公开对话的精神写这封信,谈谈贵公司近期的计划,你们在底特律招募非洲裔美国女性和低收入女性,让其出售母乳给贵公司——Medolac实验室。你们把目标对准非洲裔美国母亲,并且专注于底特律地区,这些让我们倍感困扰。我们担心这一举措既没有全面考虑母乳共享的历史背景,也没有考虑到底特律家庭所面临的复杂的社会和经济挑战。……全国非洲裔美国女性都面临着巨大的经济困难,我们这座城市中的情形也是如此。此外,历史上对我们非洲裔美国女性身体的商品化,已经让我们遭受过巨大的创伤。我们对女性将出于经济利益而被强迫出售本将用来喂养自己孩子的母乳深感担忧。”
Medolac withdrew its proposal. Without getting into the language of the letter ("commodification" and "coercion" are not being used in the sense of an economics class), the basic public health question remains: Given the very substantial health benefits of breast milk for infants, can it make sense to offer mothers a financial incentive to sell their breast milk? Especially knowing that this incentive will have greater weight for mothers in lower income groups? Medolac收回了计划。不去深究这封信的措辞(“商品化”和“强迫”不是在经济学课堂里的意义上使用的),也还有基本的公共卫生问题:鉴于母乳对婴儿健康所起到的至关重要的作用,向母亲们提供金钱上的激励,让她们出售母乳是否合理呢?尤其是当知道这些激励将会对较低收入群体的母亲们产生更大的影响时,其合理性又如何呢? Fourth, the economic choices involves in breastfeeding are inevitably intertangled with other choices that face nursing mothers. Julie Smith points out that there are a variety of incentives to encourage early weaning of infants, like the promotion of infant formula and baby food products, combined with laws and rules affecting how quickly new mothers will re-enter the workforce. Reconsidering these incentives in a broader context, with an eye to encouraging breastfeeding in all contexts, could potentially lead both to more breastfeeding and to greater supplies of donated breast milk. Smith writes; 第四,母乳喂养中的经济选择不可避免地与摆在哺乳期母亲们面前的其他选择复杂地交织在一起。Julie Smith指出,有多种不同因素鼓励母亲们给婴儿提早断奶,例如婴儿配方奶粉和婴儿食品的广告,同时,还有影响产后母亲重回劳动力市场的法律法规。在更全面的背景下反思这些激励,同时着眼于全面鼓励母乳喂养,这可能会在带来母乳喂养增加的同时,也带来母乳捐献供给的增加。Smith写道:
‘The market’ fails to protect breastfeeding, because market prices give the wrong signals. An economic approach to the problem of premature weaning from optimal breastfeeding may help prioritise global maternity protection as the foundation for sustainable development of human capital and labour productivity. It would remove fiscal subsidies for breast milk substitutes, tax their sale to recoup health system costs, and penalise their free supply, promotion and distribution. By removing widespread incentives for premature weaning, the resources would be available for the world to invest more in breastfeeding. “在保护母乳喂养问题上市场失灵是因为市场价格给出了错误的信号。解决过早断奶与最优母乳喂养时间这一问题的经济学方法可能有助于优先考虑全球母道保护,将它作为人力资本及劳动生产力可持续发展的基础。这一方法将消除对母乳替代品的财政补贴,对其征收消费税以补贴医疗系统的成本,并对免费供应、促销和分发母乳替代品的行为进行处罚。通过消除普遍的过早断奶的激励因素,全社会的资源将被更多地用在母乳喂养投资上。”
Finally, in an internet-based economy that excels at connecting decentralized suppliers and buyers, there is no chance that the paid market for breast milk is going away. At least some of the market--say, the demand from body-builders--is likely to remain shadowy. But for neonatal infants and research purposes, it is useful for the bulk of the breast-milk market to come out of the shadows so that it can be subject to basic regulations, assuring that the breast milk isn't adulterated by cow's milk, microbes, or worse. 最后,在一个以互联网为基础的经济体系中——它特别善于将分散的供应商和买家联系起来——购买母乳的市场不可能会消失。至少一部分市场很可能仍会处于灰色地带,比如来自健美者的需求。然而对新生儿和研究而言,让母乳市场的主体走出阴影是有益的,这样它就能受到基本的监管,以确保母乳中不被掺入牛奶、微生物或者其他更不该加入的物质。 If you'd like another example of the potential for economic markets in bodily fluids, I discuss the arguments concerning how to increase the supply of blood in "Volunteers for Blood, Paying for Plasma" (May 16, 2014). A proposal for using the recently dead as a source of blood donations is here. 如果你想了解有关体液的潜在经济市场的另一个例子,我在《无偿献血,有偿使用血浆》(2014年5月16日)一文中对如何增加血液供应的各种观点做了讨论。一个关于采用新近死亡者的血液作为捐献来源的提议在此:http://www.realclearscience.com/blog/2015/07/a_simple_solution_to_end_blood_shortages.html。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

     
细软跑和配套优势

【2015-08-26】

@whigzhou: 现在做个细软基金正是时候。

@小野猪君:可人民币都跌了呀

@whigzhou: 跌这点算什么,而且美股跌的更多啊,足偿有余

@whigzhou: 宏观经济学是很不靠谱,各种预测也是胡扯居多,但有一条还是非常确定的:每次炸坑的时候大家都往美国逃,这个不会错

@鬼Dora:美中现在强捆绑,一条船上的蚂蚱,不存在谁崩盘谁独善其身。

@whigzhou: 没那么强,今天的产业生态和过去很不同了(more...)

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【2015-08-26】 @whigzhou: 现在做个细软基金正是时候。 @小野猪君:可人民币都跌了呀 @whigzhou: 跌这点算什么,而且美股跌的更多啊,足偿有余 @whigzhou: 宏观经济学是很不靠谱,各种预测也是胡扯居多,但有一条还是非常确定的:每次炸坑的时候大家都往美国逃,这个不会错 @鬼Dora:美中现在强捆绑,一条船上的蚂蚱,不存在谁崩盘谁独善其身。 @whigzhou: 没那么强,今天的产业生态和过去很不同了,有了像富士康这么强大的供应链组织者,产业搬家已变得很容易,全球市场会受点冲击,但很快会缓过来 @whigzhou: 在经历集装箱革命和供应链革命之后,跨国公司在全球重新配置产业链的能力已大幅提升,转移起来很快,比多数人想象都要快  
[译文]有机农业:一场营销闹剧?

The Colossal Hoax Of Organic Agriculture
有机农业的惊天骗局

作者:Henry I. Miller, Drew L. Kershen @ 2015-7-29
译者:小聂
校对:林翠   陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)
来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/henrymiller/2015/07/29/why-organic-agriculture-is-a-colossal-hoax/

Consumers of organic foods are getting both more and less than they bargained for. On both counts, it’s not good.

对有机食品的消费者来说,现实既多于期望,也少于期望。两样都不是好事。

Many people who pay the huge premium—often more than a hundred percent–for organic foods do so because they’re afraid of pesticides.  If that’s their rationale, they misunderstand the nuances of organic agriculture.

许多人愿意为有机食品支付高额溢价——有时甚至超出原价一倍,是因为他们害怕农药残留。如果这真是基于他们的理性选择,说明他们有机农业的某些细节存在误解。

Although it’s true that synthetic chemical pesticides are generally prohibited, there is a lengthy list of exceptions listed in the Organic Foods Production Act, while most “natural” ones are permitted.

虽然化学合成农药确实通常被禁止用于有机食品生产,但是《有机食品生产法》(Organic Food Production Act)中却有一份长长的例外清单,同时,大部分“天然”农药也被允许使用。

However, “organic” pesticides can be toxic.  As evolutionary biologist Christie Wilcox explained in 标签: | |

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The Colossal Hoax Of Organic Agriculture 有机农业的惊天骗局 作者:Henry I. Miller, Drew L. Kershen @ 2015-7-29 译者:小聂 校对:林翠   陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy) 来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/henrymiller/2015/07/29/why-organic-agriculture-is-a-colossal-hoax/ Consumers of organic foods are getting both more and less than they bargained for. On both counts, it’s not good. 对有机食品的消费者来说,现实既多于期望,也少于期望。两样都不是好事。 Many people who pay the huge premium—often more than a hundred percent–for organic foods do so because they’re afraid of pesticides.  If that’s their rationale, they misunderstand the nuances of organic agriculture. 许多人愿意为有机食品支付高额溢价——有时甚至超出原价一倍,是因为他们害怕农药残留。如果这真是基于他们的理性选择,说明他们有机农业的某些细节存在误解。 Although it’s true that synthetic chemical pesticides are generally prohibited, there is a lengthy list of exceptions listed in the Organic Foods Production Act, while most “natural” ones are permitted. 虽然化学合成农药确实通常被禁止用于有机食品生产,但是《有机食品生产法》(Organic Food Production Act)中却有一份长长的例外清单,同时,大部分“天然”农药也被允许使用。 However, “organic” pesticides can be toxic.  As evolutionary biologist Christie Wilcox explained in a 2012 Scientific American article (“Are lower pesticide residues a good reason to buy organic? Probably not.”): “Organic pesticides pose the same health risks as non-organic ones.” 然而,“有机”农药也可能会有毒。正如演化生物学家Christie Wilcox在他2012年发表于《科学美国人》的文章(《农药残留少是购买有机食品的好理由吗?未必》)(http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/science-sushi/pesticides-food-fears/)中解释的那样:“有机农药给健康带来的风险和非有机农药是一样的。” 【插图】SAN FRANCISCO, CA – JUNE 13: A label stating ‘Produce of USA’ is wrapped around a bunch of organic carrots at a farmers market on June 13, 2012 in San Francisco, California. (Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images) 【插图文字标注】旧金山,加州——6月13日:农贸市场上一捆绑着“美国种植”标签的有机胡萝卜,摄于2012年6月13日,旧金山,加利福尼亚。(照片由Justin Sullivan/Getty Images提供) Another poorly recognized aspect of this issue is that the vast majority of pesticidal substances that we consume are in our diets “naturally” and are present in organic foods as well as non-organic ones. In a classic study, UC Berkeley biochemist Bruce Ames and his colleagues found that “99.99 percent (by weight) of the pesticides in the American diet are chemicals that plants produce to defend themselves.” 这件事情的另一个鲜为人知的方面是,我们吃下的绝大多数杀虫剂“天然地”存在于我们的饮食中,无论有机还是非有机食品都会包含。在一个经典的研究里,加州大学伯克利分校(UC Berkeley)的生化学家Bruce Ames和他的同事们发现,“美国人的饮食里,99.99%(按重量计)的杀虫剂是植物出于自卫而产生的化合物”。【译注:pesticide通常译作杀虫剂,但实际上其作用不止是杀死害虫,而是包括了所有帮助农作物抵御天敌的化学物质,这些天敌包括真菌、昆虫、杂草和啮齿类动物等。】 Moreover, “natural and synthetic chemicals are equally likely to be positive in animal cancer tests.” Thus, consumers who buy organic to avoid pesticide exposure are focusing their attention on just one-hundredth of one percent of the pesticides they consume. 此外,“天然化学物质和合成化学物质在动物肿瘤试验中引发阳性反应的可能性是等同的。”因此,买有机食品以避免农药危害的消费者只是将注意力集中在了他们吃下的杀虫剂总量的0.01%而已。 Some consumers think that the USDA National Organic Program (NOP) requires certified organic products to be free of ingredients from “GMOs,” organisms crafted with molecular techniques of genetic engineering. 有些消费者认为美国农业部(USDA)的全国有机计划(NOP)要求被认证的有机产品中不含“转基因”(GMO)成分,即不含通过基因工程分子技术改造的作物成分。 Wrong again. USDA does not require organic products to be GMO-free. (In any case, the methods used to create so-called GMOs are an extension, or refinement, of older techniques for genetic modification that have been used for a century or more.) As USDA officials have said repeatedly: 又错了。美国农业部没有要求有机产品中不含转基因成分。(不管怎么说,用于制造所谓的转基因产品的方法,无非是对传统的、已被沿用了一个世纪甚至更久的基因改造法的一个延伸或改进)。正如美国农业部官员反复强调的那样:
Organic certification is process-based. That is, certifying agents attest to the ability of organic operations to follow a set of production standards and practices which meet the requirements of the Organic Foods Production Act of 1990 and the [National Organic Program] regulations . . . If all aspects of the organic production or handling process were followed correctly, then the presence of detectable residue from a genetically modified organism alone does not constitute a violation of this regulation. [emphasis added] 有机认证是基于过程的认证。就是说,认证机构负责认定有机产品的生产操作是否符合1990年《有机食品生产法》以及[国家有机计划]等监管机构所要求的生产标准及操作规范。如果有机生产及处理的过程完全合规,那么仅凭转基因成分残留并不构成违规。【粗体由本文作者所加】
Putting it another way, so long as an organic farmer abides by his organic system (production) plan–a plan that an organic certifying agent must approve before granting the farmer organic status–the unintentional presence of GMOs (or, for that matter, prohibited synthetic pesticides) in any amount does not affect the organic status of the farmer’s products or farm. 换句话说,只要生产有机作物的农民遵守自己制定的有机体系(生产)计划(这一有机生产计划必须先得到有机认证机构的批准,农民才会被授予有机生产许可),无论有多少非有意掺入的转基因成分(或者是违禁化学合成农药)都不会影响产品或者农场的有机认证。 Under only two circumstances does USDA sanction the testing of organic products for prohibited residues (such as pesticides, synthetic fertilizers or antibiotics) or excluded substances (e.g., genetically engineered organisms). First, USDA’s National Organic Production Standards support the testing of products if an organic-certifying agent believes that the farmer is intentionally using prohibited substances or practices. And second, USDA requires that certifying agents test five percent of their certified operations each year. The certifying agents themselves determine which operations will be subjected to testing. 只有在两种情况下,美国农业部才会允许对有机产品做违禁成分残余(例如农药,合成化肥,或抗生素)或是例外成分(例如转基因作物)的测试。美国农业部国家有机生产标准支持对产品进行检测的第一种情况是,认证机构认为农民有意使用违禁品或是采取违禁操作。第二种情况是,美国农业部要求,认证机构每年对其所认证的生产计划的5%进行抽检。认证机构自行决定抽检对象。 The organic community, including the International Federation of Organic Agricultural Movements (IFOAM), supports the USDA’s lenient testing protocols and opposes more frequent mandatory testing of organic products for prohibited and excluded substances. 包括国际有机农业运动联盟(IFOAM)在内的有机食品界支持美国农业部的宽松检测协定,并反对对产品中违禁和例外成分做更频繁的强制检测。 The organic community and USDA offer two explanations for such minimal testing. First, they emphasize that organic farming is process-based, not product-based, meaning that what counts for organic certification are the approved organic system (production) plan and the farmer’s intention to comply with that plan as reflected through record-keeping obligations. 有机食品界以及美国农业部对这样小范围的产品检测,给出了两点解释。第一,他们强调有机农业是过程认证,而非产品认证。即对于有机认证来说,最重要的是得到认证的有机体系(生产)计划,和从保存生产记录的责任中所反映出的农民对于遵守该计划的意愿。 Second, widespread testing would impose substantial costs on organic farmers, thereby increasing production costs beyond the already greater expenses that organic farmers incur. Organic farmers offset these higher productions costs by earning large premiums for organic products, but there is always a price point beyond which consumers will shift to cheaper non-organic. 第二,广泛的检测会显著增加生产有机产品的农民的成本,使本已承受高额支出的有机作物农民的生产成本变得更高。从事有机生产的农民会以提高有机产品溢价的方式转移高生产成本,但当价格高到一定程度时,消费者便会转向更便宜的非有机产品。 Few organic consumers are aware that organic agriculture is a “trust-based” or “faith-based” system. With every purchase, they are at risk of the moral hazard that an organic farmer will represent cheaper-to-produce non-organic products as the premium-priced organic product. 很少有有机食品的消费者会意识到,有机农业是“基于信任”甚至是“基于信仰”的体系。每一笔交易都伴随着这样的道德风险:有机农民可以用低成本的非有机产品充当高价的有机产品。 For the vast majority of products, no tests can distinguish organic from non-organic—for example, whether milk labeled “organic” came from a cow within the organic production system or from a cow across the fence from a conventional dairy farm. The higher the organic premium, the stronger the economic incentive to cheat. 对于绝大多数产品,没有什么检测能区分有机和非有机,比如,无法区分标有“有机”的牛奶到底是产自一头来自有机生产体系的奶牛,还是来自传统奶牛场栅栏里的奶牛。有机产品的溢价越高,作假的经济激励就越大。 Think such nefarious behavior is purely theoretical? Think again. USDA reported in 2012 that 43 percent of the 571 samples of “organic” produce that were tested contained prohibited pesticide residues, and that “the findings suggest that some of the samples in violation were mislabeled conventional products, while others were organic products that hadn’t been adequately protected from prohibited pesticides.” 觉得这种恶行只有理论上的可能?再想想吧。据2012年美国农业部报告,在对571份“有机”产品样本的测试中发现,43%含有违禁农药残留,并且“结果显示某些不合格的样本实为被错误贴上有机标签的普通产品,而其余的则是由于保护不到位而导致违禁农药污染有机产品。” How do organic farmers get away with such chicanery?  A 2014 investigation by the Wall Street Journal of USDA inspection records from 2005 on found that 38 of the 81 certifying agents–entities accredited by USDA to inspect and certify organic farms and suppliers—“failed on at least one occasion to uphold basic Agriculture Department standards.” 造就如此骗局的有机农民是如何蒙混过关的?2014年《华尔街日报》对美国农业部自2005年以来的检验记录进行了调查(),结果显示,在81个经美国农业部授权,有资格考核认证有机农场和有机产品供应商资质的有机认证机构中,有38个“至少有一次未能达到农业部标准。” More specifically, “40% of these 81 certifiers have been flagged by the USDA for conducting incomplete inspections; 16% of certifiers failed to cite organic farms’ potential use of banned pesticides and antibiotics; and 5% failed to prevent potential commingling of organic and non-organic products.” 更确切的说,“81个认证机构中,40%被美国农业部标示为未能完全履行检验职责;16%的认证机构未能提出其认证的有机农场对于违禁农药和抗生素的潜在使用情况;5%未能防止潜在的有机产品和非有机产品混杂的情况。” Speaking of trust and faith—or lack thereof–in organic foods, there was the example of holier-than-thou Whole Foods importing large amounts of its supposedly “organic” produce from China, of all places. Those imports even included Whole Foods’ house brand, “California Blend.” (Yes, you read that correctly.) 说到有机食品中的信任和信仰问题,或者说信任和信仰缺失问题,有个例子值得一提,那就是高大上的Whole Foods,它从中国,而不是其他地方,进口了大批据说是“有机”的产品。其中甚至包括Whole Foods的自营品牌“加利福尼亚混选”。(是的,你没有看错) Organic agriculture is an unscientific, heavily subsidized marketing gimmick that misleads and rips off consumers, both because of the nature of the regulations and cheating. The old saying that you get what you pay for doesn’t apply when you buy overpriced organic products. 有机农业是一场不科学的,严重依赖补贴的营销把戏,它误导和敲诈了消费者,其产生的原因归根结底在于食品监管的本性,以及欺骗。当你购买要价过高的有机产品时,一分钱一分货这句老话不再适用。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]私立小学在印度农村大受欢迎

Over a quarter of enrolments in rural India are in private schools
超过四分之一的印度乡村学童就读于私立学校

作者:ANITA JOSHUA @ 2014-1-16
译者:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到)  校对:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)
制图:amen(@治愈系历史)
来源:THE HINDU,http://www.thehindu.com/features/education/school/over-a-quarter-of-enrolments-in-rural-india-are-in-private-schools/article5580441.ece

【插图】
插图翻译从左到右,从上到下依次为:
印度乡村教育状况成绩单。

6-14岁年龄组适龄入学儿童中的29%进入了私立学校——七年间超过10%的涨幅。6-14岁年龄组适龄入学儿童的入(more...)

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Over a quarter of enrolments in rural India are in private schools 超过四分之一的印度乡村学童就读于私立学校 作者:ANITA JOSHUA @ 2014-1-16 译者:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到)  校对:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy) 制图:amen(@治愈系历史) 来源:THE HINDU,http://www.thehindu.com/features/education/school/over-a-quarter-of-enrolments-in-rural-india-are-in-private-schools/article5580441.ece 【插图】 插图翻译从左到右,从上到下依次为: 印度乡村教育状况成绩单。 6-14岁年龄组适龄入学儿童中的29%进入了私立学校——七年间超过10%的涨幅。6-14岁年龄组适龄入学儿童的入学率保持在较高的水平,超过96%的孩子进入学校学习。11-14岁年龄组适龄入学女童的失学比例从2012年的6%下降到了2013年的5.5%。曼尼普尔邦拥有最高的私立学校入学率——70%,在公立学校相当不错的喀拉拉邦,依旧有68.6%的适龄儿童进入私立学校。孩子们的阅读能力没有显著提升,并且对解决基本算数问题仍有困难。24.1%的6-14岁儿童参加额外的付费辅导班。 Even as the Right to Education and the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan have made access to elementary education a reality for 99 per cent villages across the country, more than a quarter of enrolments in rural India are in private schools. 尽管受惠于《免费义务教育法案》和《全民教育计划》,全印度99%的村庄提供了初等教育机会,但仍有超过1/4的农村学龄儿童就读于私立学校。 As per the ninth Annual Status of Education Report (ASER), released here on Wednesday, 29 per cent of enrolments in the six-to-14 age-group are in private schools. This is a 10 per cent increase in seven years from 18.7 per cent in 2006 to 29 per cent in 2013. 根据周三发布的第九份《印度教育年度报告手册》(ASER),6-14岁年龄组入学儿童中29%进入了私立学校。从2006年的18.7%到2013年的29%,七年间私立学校就读率共增长了10 个百分点。 While this reflects a shifting of public faith in government schools, the growing preference for private schools is also indicative of a willingness to invest in a child’s education by parents who very often are themselves illiterate. 这一增长反映了公众对政府所办公立学校的信心发生了转变,同时,对私立学校的偏好的提升,也反映了父母愿意为子女教育而投资,尽管这些父母本人多半是文盲。 The preference for private schools is not necessarily reflective of the quality of public schooling. In Kerala, where the quality of public schools and teaching was found to be fairly good, 68.6 per cent of all children in the elementary level were in private schools. Manipur recorded the highest private school enrolment at 70 per cent. 对私立学校的偏好未必反映公立学校的质量。在公立学校和教育资源都相当不错的喀拉拉邦,依旧有68.6%的小学儿童在私立学校接受教育。曼尼普尔邦拥有最高的私立学校就读率——70%。 Other States and Union Territories with a high percentage of elementary school children in private institutions include Puducherry (54.3 per cent), Haryana (51.4 per cent), Uttar Pradesh (49 per cent), Punjab (46.7 per cent), Jammu & Kashmir (45.5 per cent) and Meghalaya (45.3 per cent). As with private schooling, there is also a growing prevalence of private tuitions among elementary school students. The figure stands at 24.1 per cent. 其他在私立教育机构接受小学生比例较高的邦和联邦属地有:本地治里直辖区(54.3%),哈里亚纳邦(51.4%),北方邦(49%),旁遮普邦(46.7%),查谟-克什米尔邦(45.5%),梅加拉亚邦(45.3%)。除了上私立学校,这些小学生中间还流行起一股接受私人辅导的风潮,统计表明,这个比例达到了24.1%。 Taking note of this trend, Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia said while the State should keep putting money into school education, the time might have come for a re-think on the more controversial issue of whether it should all go into government schools. 印度国家计划委员会副主席Montek Singh Ahluwalia先生在注意到这一趋势之后指出,虽然国家应该持续继续保持对教育的投入,但现在是时候重新考虑这个更具争议性问题了——所有政府教育补贴都应进入公立学校吗?。 As for the poor learning outcomes of children in government schools, Mr. Ahluwalia sought to give some perspective to the otherwise bleak picture that emerged out of the statistics. In his view, poor learning outcomes would remain a problem for another decade or two since many of the children getting enrolled now are first generation learners with no back-up at home. 而谈到公立学校孩子学习成绩差的问题,Ahluwalia先生尝试从统计数据描绘出的惨淡景象中找出看待问题的新视角。在他看来,学习成绩差这一问题还将持续十年甚至二十年,因为许多现在入学的孩子是家里第一代上学者,他们很难从家里获得学习上的帮助。 While there was no significant improvement in children’s ability to read or deal with basic arithmetic, the better percentage recorded in reading ability from 38.8 per cent in 2012 to 40.2 per cent in 2013 has been courtesy the better performance of private school children. 虽然学校的孩子们在阅读和完成基本算术问题的能力上没有显著的提升,但是私立学校在提高学生阅读能力上的更好表现还是得到了认可,阅读成绩从2012年的38.8%提升到了2013年的40.2%。 According to Madhav Chavan, president of Pratham Education Foundation — which has been carrying out this survey since 2005— the preference for private education is not just because of the clear failure of government schools to deliver on basic achievements in learning, but also mirrors growing urbanisation and increase in wealth and access to the external world and information. On urbanisation, he said, it was not just migration but includes increasing urban influence on rural population; thanks to television penetration. 据Pratham基金会主席Madhav Chavan认为(该教育基金会自2005年就开展了这项调查),对私立教育的偏好不仅仅是因为公立学校不能很好地完成初等教育任务,还反映出了城市化的发展、财富的增加,以及对外部世界的接触和对外部信息的获取。。关于城市化的影响,他还说,这不仅体现在人口迁移,还体现在,得益于电视的普及,乡村人口越来越多地受到城市的影响。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]非洲跨境移动支付大跃进

Africa Makes Leap in Cross-Border Mobile Payments
非洲跨境移动支付大跃进

作者:Alexandra Wexler @ 2015-7-24
译者:Ether
校对:乘风(@你在何地-sxy)、带菜刀的诗人
来源:Wall Street Journal,http://www.wsj.com/articles/africa-makes-leap-in-cross-border-mobile-payments-1437730380

New partnerships aimed at getting a bigger slice of the $48 billion Africans sent and received last year
企业建立新合作关系,意在从去年480亿美元交易总额中分得更大份额

JOHANNESBURG—Africa’s biggest telecommunications companies are striking deals allowing their customers to make payments across networks and borders, the latest stride in the continent’s ascent as a leader in mobile financial technology.

(发自约翰内斯堡)非洲的电信巨头们正在敲定协议,允许用户跨网络、跨境支付。这也是非洲大陆上升为移动金融技术领跑者而迈出的最新一步。

Starting this month, London-based Vodafone Group PLC and South Africa’s MTN Group Ltd. plan to allow customers in East and Central Africa to send each other money, the first time Africa’s bigg(more...)

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Africa Makes Leap in Cross-Border Mobile Payments 非洲跨境移动支付大跃进 作者:Alexandra Wexler @ 2015-7-24 译者:Ether 校对:乘风(@你在何地-sxy)、带菜刀的诗人 来源:Wall Street Journal,http://www.wsj.com/articles/africa-makes-leap-in-cross-border-mobile-payments-1437730380 New partnerships aimed at getting a bigger slice of the $48 billion Africans sent and received last year 企业建立新合作关系,意在从去年480亿美元交易总额中分得更大份额 JOHANNESBURG—Africa’s biggest telecommunications companies are striking deals allowing their customers to make payments across networks and borders, the latest stride in the continent’s ascent as a leader in mobile financial technology. (发自约翰内斯堡)非洲的电信巨头们正在敲定协议,允许用户跨网络、跨境支付。这也是非洲大陆上升为移动金融技术领跑者而迈出的最新一步。 Starting this month, London-based Vodafone Group PLC and South Africa’s MTN Group Ltd. plan to allow customers in East and Central Africa to send each other money, the first time Africa’s biggest telecoms have cooperated in the competitive mobile payment space. 本月开始,总部在伦敦的沃达丰集团(Vodafone Group PLC)和南非的MTN集团计划实现东非和中非用户之间的收付款。这也是电信巨头在竞争激烈的移动支付领域的首次合作。 Their new partnership could spur even more economic growth in these fast-growing markets, and drum up revenue for mobile companies in countries where demand for new cellphones and airtime has matured. Fierce competition is one reason MTN lost revenue per user in 19 of its 22 markets in the first quarter, MTN said. 这一合作可以进一步带动这些快速成长市场的经济发展,同时提振移动通信公司在这些国家的收入,那里的新手机和通话服务需求已经饱和。MTN表示,激烈的竞争是导致其今年一季度在22个国家中的19个出现用户人均营收下降的原因之一。 “Finally, [telecoms] woke up and smelled the coffee,” said Hans Kuipers, a Johannesburg-based partner at the Boston Consulting Group. “In order to really develop a healthy ecosystem, you have to develop interconnectivity.” “移动通信公司终于认清现实了。为了建立一个健康的生态系统,不同公司之间必须发展‘互联性’”Hans Kuipers说。他是波士顿咨询公司(Boston Consulting Group)驻约翰内斯堡的合伙人。 (插表) 来源:世界银行          WSJ The telecoms also hope that their partnership will give them a bigger slice of the $48 billion the World Bank estimates that Africans sent and received as remittances during 2014. 两家公司也希望这项合作可以为他们拿下非洲移动支付市场的更大份额。根据世界银行的估计,非洲人2014年共计汇入、汇出480亿美元。 Until now, mobile companies have resisted “interoperable” partnerships as they raced to build their own market share. The most successful mobile-money service is the M-Pesa system started by Vodafone’s Kenyan subsidiary Safaricom Ltd. in 2007. Today Safaricom’s 14 million M-Pesa customers pay for everything from safari lodge stays to taxi rides via the platform. 此前,移动通信公司一直抵制“可互操作”的合作关系,因为他们在抢占各自的市场份额。目前最成功的移动金融服务是沃达丰肯尼亚子公司Safaricom在2007年推出的M-Pesa系统。今天,Safaricom共有1400万M-Pesa用户通过这一平台支付狩猎度假屋、出租车等所有事情。 Now some of that cash could flow to MTN, via the new partnership that will allow payments between Vodafone subscribers in Kenya, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Tanzania and MTN users in Uganda, Rwanda, South Sudan and Zambia. 现在,部分支付金额将流向MTN。新的合作支持肯尼亚、民主刚果、坦桑尼亚的沃达丰用户和乌干达、卢旺达、南苏丹和赞比亚的MTN用户之间进行支付。 One hurdle has been getting central bank approval in each market to send and receive money from abroad, said SerigneDioum, MTN’s head of mobile financial services. As of May, MTN had approval to receive money in Uganda, as well as to send and receive money in Rwanda. Vodafone declined to comment. 但还是有一个障碍,就是跨境收、付款要获得每个国家央行的批准,MTN移动金融服务主管Serignr Dioum表示。截至5月,MTN已经获得了乌干达的跨境收款许可和卢旺达的收汇款许可。沃达丰则对此拒绝置评。 ‘Finally, [telecoms] woke up and smelled the coffee.’ “移动通信公司终于认清现实了。” —Hans Kuipers, a Johannesburg-based partner at the Boston Consulting Group —— Hans Kuipers,波士顿咨询公司驻约翰内斯堡合伙人 Mr. Dioum said MTN and Vodafone sought to pair countries where MTN was stronger with countries where Vodafone’s subsidiaries dominate, creating broader regional reach for both companies. East Africa, he said, “is where our mobile money offers have more penetration and it is where mobile money is working well.” Dioum先生表示,MTN和沃达丰寻求将双方各自的优势市场组合起来,从而为彼此开拓更广阔的市场。他说,东非“是我们的移动金融服务市场占有率较高的地方,也是移动金融发展良好的地区。” MTN and Vodafone wouldn’t say how they will split profits from the network-to-network, cross-border payments. 两家公司均未透露联网跨境支付产生的利润如何分成。 Mr. Dioum said the partnership will cut fees for cross-border transfers from up to 20% of a transaction’s value to 3% or less, something MTN achieved in a pilot partnership launched with Airtel Burkina Faso last year between Burkina Faso and neighboring Ivory Coast. Dioum先生表示,两家公司的合作将会降低跨境转账的费率,从过去高达交易金额的20%下降到3%甚至更低。在去年MTN与Airtel布基纳法索子公司在布基纳法索和邻国科特迪瓦之间进行的试点合作,便产生了这样的效果。 The World Bank says reducing such fees by just five percentage points would save Africans $16 billion a year. That’s money customers might channel toward more mobile purchases, operators say. 世界银行估计跨境支付费用只要降低5%,每年就能帮非洲人节省160亿美元。运营商表示,用户可能拿这笔钱进行更多的移动端交易。 “We want people to use their [mobile] wallet to perform every single transaction, including international money transfers,” Mr. Dioum said. Last year, Ugandans sent $72 million in remittances to Kenya, according to data from the World Bank. Kenyans sent Ugandans $51 million. Dioum先生说:“我们希望人们每笔交易都使用移动钱包,包括国际转账。”据世界银行的数据,乌干达人去年向肯尼亚汇出了7,200万美元,肯尼亚人则向乌干达人汇出了5,100万美元。 Vodafone said it already has seen the benefits of interoperability following a February deal for its 7 million M-Pesa customers in Tanzania to transact with the 4 million Tanzanian customers of rival Tigo, a subsidiary of Millicom International Cellular SA. 沃达丰表示他们已从2月份的一次合作中看到互操作性的优势。2月,坦桑尼亚的700万M-Pesa用户与竞争对手Tigo公司的400万用户实现跨网络交易。Tigo是Millicom的子公司。 “The more people playing in the ecosystem, the better it is for everyone,” said Greg Reeve, Millicom’s head of mobile financial services. With the signing of that deal, which followed a different agreement between Tigo and two other Tanzanian carriers last year, Tanzania has become the most interoperable market in Africa. “移动支付生态体系里的人越多,大家的收益也就越好。”Millicom移动金融服务主管Greg Reeve这样说。在Tigo与沃达丰的合作之后,加上去年其与另外两家坦桑尼亚运营商的合作,坦桑尼亚现已成为非洲最具互操作性的市场。 Mortimer Hope, director of spectrum and public policy in Africa for the Global System for Mobile Communications Association, said, “In Tanzania, usage of mobile money was fairly good, but once there was interoperability, there was a steep increase in usage.” 全球移动通信系统协会非洲频谱与公共政策总监Mortimer Hope说到:“在坦桑尼亚,移动支付的应用本就相当好,自从建立了互操作性,使用率更是出现陡增。” The association, which represents the interests of mobile operators world-wide, said many of its most innovative members are working in Africa, and that mobile-payment methods they pioneer may end up deployed from the U.S. to Japan. 这一代表全球移动运营商利益的协会表示,它的很多最具创新力的成员都活跃在非洲,他们在非洲开创的移动支付方法最终可能在美国、日本得到应用。 African operators say they are only starting to tap their homegrown potential. 非洲运营商表示他们才刚刚开始开发自家的市场潜力。 “We don’t really know how big it is,” said Michael Joseph, director of mobile money at Vodafone and former chief executive at Safaricom. “This is what we’re starting to capture.” 沃达丰移动支付主管、Safaricom前首席执行官Michael Joseph说:“我们刚开始发掘,还不知道潜力到底有多大。” (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]卖春和互联网:花钱玩得更爽

Prostitution and the internet: More bang for your buck
卖春和互联网:花钱玩得更爽

作者:The Economist @ 2014-8-9
译者:Who视之 校对: 乘风(@你在何地-sxy),小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子)
来源:《经济学人》(The Economist)
网址:http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21611074-how-new-technology-shaking-up-oldest-business-more-bang-your-buck

How new technology is shaking up the oldest business
新科技在如何改变这个最古老的行当

WARNING: We rarely feel the need to alert readers to explicit content. But our discussion of the online sex trade requires frank language, and some may find the topic distasteful.
警告: 我们极少会觉得有需要提醒读者,文章内容包含露骨的描写。但我们讨论网上性交易时需要用很直白的语言,因此这个题材可能会令有些人感到不适。

FOR those seeking commercial sex in Berlin, Peppr, a new app, makes life easy. Type in a location and up pops a list of the nearest prostitutes, along with pictures, prices and physical particulars. Results can be filtered, and users can arrange a session for a €5-10 ($6.50-13) booking fee. It plans to expand to more cities.

对于那些在柏林找乐子的人来说,一个叫Peppr的新款手机应用让事情变得容易多了。只要输入一个地址,附近妓女的名单、照片、价钱、身体特征等信息就都跳了出来。用户可以对结果进行筛选,安排一次服务只需要花5-10欧(合6.5-13美元)的预约费。这个应用还将被推广到了更多城市。

Peppr can operate openly since prostitution, and the advertising of prostitution, are both legal in Germany. But even where they are not, the internet is transforming the sex trade. Prostitutes and punters have always struggled to find each other, and to find out what they (more...)

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Prostitution and the internet: More bang for your buck 卖春和互联网:花钱玩得更爽 作者:The Economist @ 2014-8-9 译者:Who视之 校对: 乘风(@你在何地-sxy),小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子) 来源:《经济学人》(The Economist) 网址:http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21611074-how-new-technology-shaking-up-oldest-business-more-bang-your-buck How new technology is shaking up the oldest business 新科技在如何改变这个最古老的行当 WARNING: We rarely feel the need to alert readers to explicit content. But our discussion of the online sex trade requires frank language, and some may find the topic distasteful. 警告: 我们极少会觉得有需要提醒读者,文章内容包含露骨的描写。但我们讨论网上性交易时需要用很直白的语言,因此这个题材可能会令有些人感到不适。 FOR those seeking commercial sex in Berlin, Peppr, a new app, makes life easy. Type in a location and up pops a list of the nearest prostitutes, along with pictures, prices and physical particulars. Results can be filtered, and users can arrange a session for a €5-10 ($6.50-13) booking fee. It plans to expand to more cities. 对于那些在柏林找乐子的人来说,一个叫Peppr的新款手机应用让事情变得容易多了。只要输入一个地址,附近妓女的名单、照片、价钱、身体特征等信息就都跳了出来。用户可以对结果进行筛选,安排一次服务只需要花5-10欧(合6.5-13美元)的预约费。这个应用还将被推广到了更多城市。 Peppr can operate openly since prostitution, and the advertising of prostitution, are both legal in Germany. But even where they are not, the internet is transforming the sex trade. Prostitutes and punters have always struggled to find each other, and to find out what they want to know before pairing off. 娼妓和与之相关的广告在德国都是合法的,因此Peppr可以光明正大地运作。但即便在这两样事情都不合法的地方,互联网也正在改变性产业。自古以来,妓女和嫖客都想搭上线,并想在成交之前对对方有所了解,可这事并不容易。 Phone-box “tart cards” for blonde bombshells and leggy señoritas could only catch so many eyes. Customers knew little about the nature and quality of the services on offer. Personal recommendations, though helpful, were awkward to come by. Sex workers did not know what risks they were taking on with clients. 电话亭里金发大波妹和长腿妹的小广告,的确足以吸引眼球,但顾客对其中的服务内容和质量却知之甚少。私下推荐靠谱倒是靠谱,但问题是有点难为情。另一方面,性工作者也不知道接客时将会面对什么风险。 Now specialist websites and apps are allowing information to flow between buyer and seller, making it easier to strike mutually satisfactory deals. The sex trade is becoming easier to enter and safer to work in: prostitutes can warn each other about violent clients, and do background and health checks before taking a booking. Personal web pages allow them to advertise and arrange meetings online; their clients’ feedback on review sites helps others to proceed with confidence. 现在专业网站和手机应用使得买卖双方的信息流动了起来,要达成双方满意的买卖就容易多了。做性交易现在变得越来越容易,提供性服务也越来越安全:妓女们可以互相提醒注意哪些客户有暴力倾向,在接客之前做好背景调查和卫生核查。她们可以在个人网页上打广告和安排见面。客人在点评网站上的反馈则可以令其他客人在和她们接洽时更有把握。 Even in places such as America, where prostitution and its facilitation are illegal everywhere except Nevada, the marketing and arrangement of commercial sex is moving online. To get round the laws, web servers are placed abroad; site-owners and users hide behind pseudonyms; and prominently placed legalese frames the purpose of sites as “entertainment” and their content as “fiction”. 即使在像美国这种卖淫和协助卖淫皆属非法的地方(内华达除外),性服务的营销和接洽也正在移师网上。为了规避法律,服务器都放在了国外,网站所有者和使用者都使用假名,醒目的法律用语把网站的宗旨包装为“娱乐”,说里面的内容属于“虚构”。 The shift online is casting light on parts of the sex industry that have long lurked in the shadows. Streetwalkers have always attracted the lion’s share of attention from policymakers and researchers because they ply their trade in public places. They are more bothersome for everyone else—and, because they are the most vulnerable, more likely to come to the attention of the police and of social or health workers. 性产业转向互联网令它长期不为人知的一些面相曝光了。站街流莺一直是政策制定者和社会研究者关注的重点,因为她们在公共场合揽客。这样比较惹众人烦,而且因为她们最容易受到伤害,因而更容易被警察、社工和卫生工作者所关注。 But in many rich countries they are a minority of all sex workers; just 10-20% in America, estimates Ronald Weitzer, a sociologist at George Washington University. 但是在很多富裕国家,他们只是性工作者中的少数。乔治华盛顿大学的社会学家Ronald Weitzer估计,这种类型在美国只占全部性工作者的10-20%。 The wealth of data available online means it is now possible to analyse this larger and less examined part of the commercial-sex market: prostitution that happens indoors. It turns out to be surprisingly similar to other service industries. Prostitutes’ personal characteristics and the services they offer influence the prices they charge; niche services attract a premium; and the internet is making it easier to work flexible hours and to forgo a middleman. 互联网上数据的日益丰富,意味着人们现在可以分析在性产业中占较大比例但以往很少被研究的那部分:室内卖春活动。研究结果表明它与其他服务业惊人地相似。妓女的个人特点和服务内容影响服务价格,小众服务能要高价,互联网使得工作时间更灵活,皮条客也不再需要了。 Websites such as AdultWork allow prostitutes, both those working independently and those who work through agencies and brothels, to create profiles through which customers can contact them. They can upload detailed information about themselves, the range of services they provide, and the rates they charge. Clients can browse by age, bust or dress size, ethnicity, sexual orientation or location. 单干的妓女和通过经纪公司和妓院接客的妓女,如今都可以在像AdultWork这样的网站上制作发布个人简介,方便顾客联系。她们可以上传自己的详细信息,包括服务范围和收费标准。顾客则可以按年龄、胸围、体型、种族、性取向或所在位置搜索浏览。 Other websites garner information from clients, who upload reviews of the prostitutes they have visited with details of the services offered, prices paid and descriptions of the encounters. On PunterNet, a British site, clients describe the premises, the encounter and the sex worker, and choose whether to recommend her. 其他网站则从顾客端搜集信息,这些顾客点评他们光顾过的妓女,包括服务内容,所付价钱,以及个中遭遇。在英国网站PunterNet上,客户描述房间环境、过程经历,以及性工作者本人,并可以表态是否推荐此人。 Such write-ups have enabled her to build a personal brand, says one English escort, Michelle (like many names in this article, a pseudonym), and to attract the clients most likely to appreciate what she offers. 一位英国陪游女郎Michelle(和本文其他许多名字一样,这是个化名)说,顾客的点评已帮她建立起个人品牌,并且能吸引到那些喜欢她这种服务类型的客人。 TrickAdvisor We have analysed 190,000 profiles of sex workers on an international review site. (Since it is active in America, it was not willing to be identified for this article. A disclaimer on the site says the contents are fictional; we make the assumption that they are informative all the same.) Each profile includes customers’ reviews of the worker’s physical characteristics, the services they offer and the price they charge. 我们分析了一个国际性点评网站上的19万份性工作者简介(因为这网站在美国运作,所以不愿意因本文暴露身份。网站上的免责声明说其内容是虚构的,但我们假设这些简介的信息仍然具有参考价值)。每份简介都包括顾客对工作者的身体特征、服务项目和要价的点评。 The data go back as far as 1999. For each individual we have used the most recent information available, with prices corrected for inflation. Some of those featured may appear under more than one name, or also work through agencies. The data cover 84 cities in 12 countries, with the biggest number of workers being in America and most of the rest in big cities in other rich countries. As this site features only women, our analysis excludes male prostitutes (perhaps a fifth of the commercial-sex workforce). Almost all of those leaving reviews are men. 资料最早可以追溯到1999年。我们使用每位性工作者的最新信息,并对价格进行了调整以消除通胀影响。有些人可能使用了不只一个名字,或者也通过经纪公司工作。数据涵盖了12个国家的84个城市,最多的在美国,其余多数在其他富裕国家的大城市里。因为这网站只提供女性的信息,我们的分析排除了男妓(男妓大概占性工作者的五分之一)。几乎所有留下点评的顾客都是男性。 The most striking trend our analysis reveals is a drop in the average hourly rate of a prostitute in recent years (see chart 1). One reason is surely the downturn that followed the 2007-08 financial crisis. Even prostitutes working in places that escaped the worst effects have been hit. 我们的分析表明,最明显的趋势是近年来妓女每小时的收费下降了(图表一)。2007-08年金融危机以后经济不景气肯定是其中的一个原因。但即使是在受金融危机打击不那么严重的地方,卖春生意也受到了影响。 Vanessa, a part-time escort in southern England, finds that weeks can go by without her phone ringing. Men see buying sex as a luxury, she says, and with the price of necessities rising it is one they are cutting back on. Even when she offers discounts to whip up interest, clients are scarcer than they were. 英格兰南部一个叫Vanessa的业余陪游女郎发现有时一连好几周都无人问津。她说,男人视招妓为奢侈消费,随着必需品价格上升,这就是他们要缩减开支的那部分消费。即使她提供折扣以提高吸引力,顾客还是少了。 In places where the job market slumped, the effect is more marked (whether prostitution is legal may affect prices, too, but the wide variation between American cities shows that this is not the only factor). The cost of an hour with an escort in Cleveland, Ohio, where unemployment peaked at 12.5% in 2010, has tumbled. 在就业市场急剧恶化的地方,影响更加明显(娼妓业是否合法也会影响价格,但美国不同城市之间的巨大差异说明这不是唯一因素)。在俄亥俄州的克利夫兰(Cleveland, Ohio),2010年失业率高达12.5%,陪游女郎的小时收费也随之大跌。 【图表1】 Large-scale migration is another reason prices are falling. Big, rich cities are magnets for immigrants of all professions, including sex workers. Nick Mai of London Metropolitan University has studied foreign sex workers in Britain. He has found that as they integrate and get used to the local cost-of-living, their rates tend to rise. But where the inward flow is unceasing, or where the market was previously very closed, immigrants can push prices down. 大规模人口迁徙也会促使价格下跌。大型、富裕的城市吸引着从事各行业的移民,包括性工作者。伦敦都会大学(London Metropolitan University)的Nick Mai研究过英国的外籍性工作者。他发现,当她们融入当地生活,适应了当地的生活成本后,她们的价格就趋于上升。但在人口不断流入的地方,或在当地市场先前非常封闭的地方,移民涌入就会把价格拉低。 Since the European Union enlarged to include poorer eastern European countries, workers of every sort have poured into their richer neighbours. By all accounts prices have been dropping in Germany as a result of the arrival of new, poor migrants, says Rebecca Pates of the University of Leipzig. 自从欧盟扩张到几个相对贫穷的东欧国家,那里各行各业的劳动力就涌进了比他们富裕的邻国。莱比锡大学(University of Leipzig)的Rebecca Pates说,大家都觉得,自从这些贫穷新移民来了以后,德国的物价就一直在下降。 Sally, a semi-retired British escort who runs a flat in the west of England where a few “mature” women sell sex, says English girls are struggling to find work: there are too many eastern European ones willing to accept less. 半退休的英国应召女Sally在英格兰西部经营着一套公寓,供一些“熟女”在里头卖春,她说英国女孩正在为找工作而挣扎,因为太多东欧女孩少拿些钱也愿意干。 Twenty years ago most prostitutes in Norway were locals who all aimed to charge about the same, says May-Len Skilbrei, a sociologist at Oslo University. Today, with growing numbers of sex workers from the Baltic states and central Europe, as well as Nigerians and Thais, such unofficial price controls are harder to sustain. 奥斯陆大学(Oslo University)的社会学家May-Len Skilbrei说, 20年前挪威的大部分妓女都是本地人,她们要价都差不多。如今来自波罗的海国家和中欧的性工作者越来越多,再加上还有尼日利亚和泰国人,这种非正式的价格协定就变得难以维持。 Inexperience is another reason newcomers to prostitution may underprice themselves, at least at first. Maxine Doogan, an American prostitute and founder of the Erotic Service Providers Union, a lobby group, learnt her trade from a woman who worked for years in a brothel in Nevada, the only American state where prostitution is legal. The older woman taught her what to regard as standard or extra, and how much to charge. 缺少经验也是娼妓业新手要价低的原因之一,至少一开始是这样。美国妓女Maxine Doogan创立了游说团体“色情服务提供者联盟”(the Erotic Service Providers Union)。她从一个在内华达某妓院工作多年的女人那里学会了如何混这一行(内华达是美国唯一娼妓业合法的州)。那个年长的女人教她什么是标准服务,什么是额外服务,如何要价。 When Ms. Doogan started out, in 1988, standard services (vaginal sex and fellatio) cost $200 an hour, the equivalent of $395 today. But some of those starting out now still charge $200, she says, or offer extra services, including risky ones such as oral sex without a condom, without charging an appropriate premium. 1988年Doogan入行的时候,标准服务(阴道性交和口交)的价格是每小时200美元,相当于今天的395美元。但是她说,现在一些新入行者要价仍然只有200美元,或者提供不另收费的额外服务,包括风险很大的不带套口交。 The shift online has probably boosted supply by drawing more locals into the sex trade, too. More attractive and better-educated women, whose marital and job prospects are therefore better, are more likely to consider sex work if it is arranged online. Indoor sex work is safer than streetwalking, and the risk of arrest is lower. 互联网很可能吸引了更多的本地人进入性产业,这也增加了供应。更有吸引力,受教育程度更高的女人,婚姻和工作的前景会好些,如果接客可以通过互联网安排,这些人考虑从事性工作的可能性就会增加。安坐室内的性工作比站街要安全,被逮捕的风险也更小。 Rented flats or hotel rooms are more discreet than brothels, so family and friends are less likely to identify the new source of income. Anonymity becomes a possibility, which lessens the fear of stigma. Creating an online profile separates the decision to take up the work from parading for punters. 租个公寓或者酒店房间比在妓院里工作要低调,因此创收也不容易被家人和朋友发现。既然可以隐姓埋名,她们就不那么担心名誉扫地。由于可以在线上创立个人简介,干这一行再也不用非得抛头露脸去拉客了。 Meanwhile, broader social change may be reducing demand—and thus, prices. Free, no-strings-attached sex is far easier to find than in the past. Apps such as Tinder facilitate speedy hookups; websites such as Ashley Madison and Illicit Encounters, adulterous ones. Greater acceptance of premarital intercourse and easier divorce mean fewer frustrated single and married men turning to prostitutes. 与此同时,广泛的社会变革可能会降低需求,因而降低价格。寻找免费而又无牵扯的性爱(俗称援交或约炮)比以前容易多了。Tinder这样的手机应用让勾搭变得又快又容易。Ashley Madison 和Illicit Encounters这样的网站就专注于促进婚外私通活动。婚前性行为变得更为人接受,离婚也更容易,这些都意味着招妓的失意单身男人和已婚男人会更少。 Dearer for johns 卖个好价钱 Our analysis shows how a prostitute’s hourly rate varies according to the nature of the services she provides and her reported physical characteristics. As in other bits of the economy, clients who seek niche services must pay more. Sex workers who offer anal sex or spanking earn on average $25 or $50 more per hour, respectively (see chart 2). Those who will accept two male clients at once or do threesomes with another woman command a larger premium. 我们的分析显示出,妓女的小时收费会如何随其服务内容不同和她所披露身体特征的不同而变化。和其它生意一样,客人需要小众服务就必须多付费。接受肛交或扇打的性工作者平均每小时分别多赚25和50美元(图表2)。那些愿意接受二龙一凤,或者加上另一位女性和男客人玩一龙二凤的,都会索价更高。 【图表2】 Appearance matters a great deal. The customers who reported encounters to the website we analysed clearly value the stereotypical features of Western beauty: women they describe as slim but not scrawny, or as having long blonde hair or full breasts, can charge the highest hourly rates (see chart 3). Hair that is bleached too unconvincingly to be described as blonde attracts a lower premium, but is still more marketable than any other colour. 外表非常重要。在我们研究的那个网站上,描述其招妓经历的顾客明显喜欢具有典型西方特色的美女:长得苗条但不干巴的,金色长发的,或者胸部丰满的,每小时要价是最高的(见图表3)。染得特别不自然的金发女,收费要低一些,但还是比其它发色的更有市场。 For those not naturally well endowed, breast implants may make economic sense: going from flat-chested to a D-cup increases hourly rates by approximately $40, meaning that at a typical price of $3,700, surgery could pay for itself after around 90 hours. The 12% share of women featured on the site who are described both as athletic, slim or thin, and as being at least a D-cup, suggests that quite a few have already taken this route. 对于天资不太好的妓女来说,隆胸可能真是划算的投资:从平胸变成D罩杯,每小时要价可以增加差不多40美元。就是说,隆胸手术一般要花的3700美元,接客90小时就可以赚回来了。网站上12%的女性宣称身材健美,苗条或精瘦,胸围至少D罩杯,似乎说明这已是大势所趋。 【图表3】 A prostitute’s rates also vary according to her ethnicity and nationality. What attracts a premium in one place can attract a penalty in another. According to our analysis, in four big American cities and London, black women earn less than white ones (see chart 4). 妓女的收费也因种族和国籍而有所不同。在一个地方的抢手货,换个地方可能就乏人问津。据我们的分析,在四个美国大城市和伦敦,黑人女性就比白人女性赚的少(图表4) 【图表4】 We had too few data from other cities for a reliable breakdown by ethnicity. But Christine Chin of the American University in Washington, DC, has studied high-end transnational prostitutes in several countries. In Kuala Lumpur, she found, black women command very high rates and in Singapore, Vietnamese ones do. In Dubai, European women earn the most. What counts as exotic and therefore desirable varies from place to place, and depends on many factors, such as population flows. 有关其他城市,我们掌握的数据太少,不足以支撑基于种族的可靠分析。但位于华盛顿特区的美利坚大学(American University)的Christine Chin曾研究过几个国家的高端跨国妓女。她发现,在吉隆坡,要数黑人收费高,而在新加坡,收费高的是越南人。而在迪拜,欧洲女人挣得最多。什么是引人入胜的异国情调,各地标准不同,受到诸如人口流动等很多因素的影响。 Local markets have other quirks. According to the site we analysed, an hour with an escort in Tokyo is a bargain compared with one in London or New York. Yet a cost-of-living index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit, our sister organisation, suggests that Tokyo is the most expensive city overall of the three. 各地市场均有其本地特色。据我们所研究的网站显示,在东京雇一个小时的陪游,比在伦敦和纽约要划算得多。但按我们兄弟单位Economist Intelligence Unit制作的生活成本指数,东京却是这三个城市中物价最高的。 The apparent anomaly may be because escorts who appear on an English-language review site mostly cater to foreigners, who are not offered the more unusual—and expensive—services Japanese prostitutes provide for locals. These include the bubble baths and highly technical massages of Sopurando (“Soapland”), a red-light district in Tokyo, which can cost ¥60,000 ($600) for a session and involve intercourse (although that is not advertised). 这一看似矛盾的现象,其原因可能是,在英文网站上点评的绝大多数是外国人,他们没有享受到日本妓女提供给本地客户的昂贵特色服务,比如泡泡浴和技巧高超的Sopurando式(即Soapland)按摩。Sopurando是东京的一个红灯区,Sopurando式按摩是当地的招牌服务,每次收费6万日元(折合600美元),当中还包含性交服务(虽然广告中并未明言)。 A degree appears to raise earnings in the sex industry just as it does in the wider labour market. A study by Scott Cunningham of Baylor University and Todd Kendall of Compass Lexecon, a consultancy, shows that among prostitutes who worked during a given week, graduates earned on average 31% more than non-graduates. 和一般的劳动力市场一样,拥有学位似乎能提高性工作者的收入。贝勒大学(Baylor University)的Scott Cunningham与咨询公司Compass Lexecon的Todd Kendall合作的一项研究表明,大学毕业的妓女比起没有大学学位的来,每周平均能多赚31%。 More lucrative working patterns rather than higher hourly rates explained the difference. Although sex workers with degrees are less likely to work than others in any given week (suggesting that they are more likely to regard prostitution as a sideline), when they do work they see more clients and for longer. Their clients tend to be older men who seek longer sessions and intimacy, rather than a brief encounter. 这个差异源于有利可图的工作方式,而非更高的每小时费率。尽管有学位的性工作者开工较少(说明他们更可能把卖淫作为副业),但她们一旦开工,就会接更多的顾客,收费时间也更长。她们的顾客通常年纪较大,更喜欢花长时间培养亲密感,而不是直奔主题草草了事。 How much brothels and massage parlours use the internet depends on local laws. America’s legal restrictions mean that they keep a low profile, both offline and online. In Britain, where brothels are illegal though prostitution is not, massage parlours advertise the rotas and prices of their workers online but are coy about the services rendered. By contrast Paradise, a mega-brothel in Germany, boasts a frank and informative website. 妓院和按摩院利用互联网的程度,取决于当地法律。美国的法律限制意味着做这些生意要低调,线上线下都是如此。在英国经营妓院是违法的,但卖淫不违法,按摩院会在网上宣传服务者的名单和价格,但对服务内容含糊其辞。相比之下,德国大型妓院Paradise的网站就非常直白露骨,信息很丰富。 But it is independent sex workers for whom the internet makes the biggest difference. Mr Cunningham has tracked the number of sex workers in American cities on one review site. In the decade to 2008, during which online advertising for commercial sex took off, the share describing themselves as independent grew. 受互联网影响最大的,要数单干的性工作者。Cunningham先生跟踪记录了一个点评网站上显示的美国城市性工作者数量。在2008年之前的十年里,网上性交易广告发展蓬勃,把自己归为单干一类的比例增长了。 For prostitutes, the internet fulfils many of the functions of a workplace. It is a “break-room and hiring hall”, says Melissa Gira Grant, the author of “Playing the Whore: The Work of Sex Work”. Online forums replace the office water-cooler. Women exchange tips on dealing with the everyday challenges of sex work; a busy thread on one forum concerns which sheets stand up best to frequent washing. 对妓女来说,互联网发挥了工作场所的很多功能,这是个“休息室和会客大厅”,《当个妓女:性工作是干什么的》一书的作者Melissa Gira Grant如是说。网络论坛代替了办公室饮水机,女人们在这里交换生意经,讨论性工作每天要面对的挑战,有个长帖就讨论了什么床单最耐洗。 A mother in Scotland asks how other prostitutes juggle child care and selling sex, given that bookings are often made at short notice so babysitters are hard to arrange. Another contributor who is thinking of having children asks how much other women saved before taking time off to have a baby, and whether the new calls on their time meant they earned less after giving birth. One reply points out that prostitution is easier than many other jobs to combine with motherhood: it pays well enough to cover child-care costs, and can be fitted around school holidays, plays and sports days, and children’s illnesses. 一位在苏格兰的母亲问其他妓女如何兼顾照料孩子和卖春,因为生意经常是临时找上门的,很难在短时间内找到人来看孩子。另一位网友打算生孩子,问其他人在停工要孩子之前攒下了多少钱,有了孩子后要兼顾的事情多了,是否会赚少一些。一个回帖说,卖淫比很多其他工作更容易兼顾为人之母:一来收入不错,可以养得起孩子,二来工作时间可以根据学校假期、活动日和运动日以及照顾孩子疾恙等需要来调整。 Women who are considering entering the industry often seek advice online from those already in it before making up their minds. Melanie, who earns £65,000 ($109,000) a year, says that she is considering selling sex on the side for a few months to pay off debts. She asks which agency to use and how to get the highest rate. But she also worries that a stint selling sex would harm her future career. 考虑入行的女性常在网上寻求业内人士的建议,然后才做决定。Melanie一年挣65,000英镑 (合109,000美元),她说她正考虑以卖淫为副业,挣几个月的钱来还债。她问用哪家经纪公司比较好,如何能卖到最高的价钱。但她担心短期卖淫的记录可能影响将来的职场发展。 Experienced sex workers respond that anonymity will be easier to preserve if she works independently, rather than through an agency, and warn her that she is entering a crowded market. The stress of living a double life should not be underestimated, they caution, and it will not be easy money. 有经验的性工作者回复她说,相对于通过经纪公司接活,单干更容易匿名,还警告她这行现已人满为患。她们提醒她不要低估了双面生活的紧张压力,而且这一行赚钱并不容易。 Many of those contributing to such discussions hold other jobs, often part-time, and tout the merits of a steady source of additional income and something innocuous to put on a CV. Sarah says her escort work means she can pay for her daughter’s dance and music lessons, which would be unaffordable on just her “civvy job”. 很多参与讨论的人都有其他工作,这些工作经常是兼职性质,既能带来稳定的额外收入,同时在个人求职简历上也有正当职业可写。Sarah说她凭陪游生意就能支付她女儿的舞蹈和音乐课程费用,这些课程靠她的“良家职业”可付不起。 Some husbands and boyfriends know about their wives’ and girlfriends’ work, or even act as managers, drivers and security. Other women keep what they do a secret from those closest to them. 一些妓女的丈夫和男友知道她们在干什么,甚至还帮忙安排生意,开车接送,充当保镖。而另一些女人则对此秘而不宣,不让身边的亲友知道。 Advertising and booking clients online give prostitutes flexibility about where to work. They can “tour”, using their own home pages or profiles on specialist websites to advertise where they will be and when. In densely populated Britain, where prostitutes work in most places, tours allow those who normally serve small towns to visit cities crammed with potential customers. In Norway, says MsSkilbrei, prostitutes are concentrated in the main cities, so a tour is a chance to satisfy pent-up demand in small towns. 通过网上做广告和预约客人,妓女可以灵活选择工作地点。她们可以四处“巡回”,利用个人主页或专业网站上的个人简介公布自己将去哪里,何时有空。在人口密集的英国,妓女各地都有,而四处巡回可以让通常只在小镇提供服务的妓女前往客户集中的大城市。Skilbrei小姐说,在挪威,妓女都集中在大城市里,所以四处巡回可以满足小镇中长期积聚的满腔欲火。 The freelancers, part-timers and temps the internet is bringing to the sex trade are likely to help it absorb demand shocks. In 2008 the Republican and Democratic national conventions were held in Minneapolis and Denver respectively. Around 50,000 visitors flocked to each city. 互联网给性产业带来的自由职业者,兼职者和临时工,很可能有助于满足短期的需求暴涨。2008年共和民主两党的全国代表大会分别在明尼阿波利斯(Minneapolis)和丹佛(Denver)召开,两个城市都涌进了五万人。 Another study by Mr Cunningham and Mr Kendall found that the numbers of advertisements for sex on the now-defunct “erotic services” section of Craigslist, a classified-advertising site, were 41% higher in Minneapolis and 74% higher in Denver around the conventions than expected for those days of the week and times of year. Cunningham和 Kendall的另一个研究发现,在大会召开期间与往年同期相比,分类广告网站Craigslist上“色情服务”频道(现已关闭)中的广告,在Minneapolis增加了41%,在Denver增加了74%。 Health and safety 健康和安全 Sex work exposes those who do it to serious risks: of rape and other violence, and of sexually transmitted infections. But in this industry, like many others, the internet is making life easier. 性工作们者面对着许多重大风险,如强奸和其他暴力行为,以及通过性传播的疾病。但和其他行业一样,互联网让生活更容易些了。 Online forums allow prostitutes to share tips about how to stay safe and avoid tangling with the law. Some sites let them vouch for clients they have seen, improving other women’s risk assessments. 网络论坛让妓女们可以分享如何保证自己安全和避免惹上法律麻烦的窍门。一些网站可以让妓女指证她们见过的客户,以帮助其他妓女评估风险。 Others use services such as Roomservice 2000, another American site, where customers can pay for a background check to present to sex workers. Both sides benefit since the client can demonstrate trustworthiness without giving credit-card details or phone numbers to the prostitute. 还有些人使用诸如美国网站Roomservice 2000等提供的服务,他们可以花钱在上面做个背景调查,然后把调查结果提供给性工作者。这样双方都受益,因为客户不用提供自己的信用卡号码或电话号码给妓女,就可以证明自己值得信赖。 Sites that are active in restrictive jurisdictions must be careful not to fall foul of the law. In June the FBI shut down MyRedBook, an advertising-and-review site with a chat section for sex workers. Its owners face charges of money laundering and facilitating prostitution. American police sometimes use such sites to entrap prostitutes. 在限制多多的地域运作网站必须处处小心,以免违法。6月份联邦调查局就关掉了MyRedBook这个广告和点评网站,里面有一个性工作者聊天频道。网站主人如今面临洗钱和协助卖淫的指控。美国警察有时利用这些网站来诱捕妓女。 As they wise up to this, sex workers are using sites that allow them to verify clients’ identities to help them avoid stings. But that adds unnecessary hassle and distracts from what should be most important: staying safe. “Screening for cops [is now] the priority over screening for rapists, thieves, kidnappers,” says MsDoogan. 发现这一招之后,性工作者们就转而使用可以核实客人身份的网站以避开圈套。不过,提防钓鱼执法毕竟带来了不必要的麻烦,也分散了她们在首要问题上的注意力——那就是确保人身安全。“过滤掉条子现在成了头等要务,比过滤掉强奸犯,小偷和绑匪更要紧了。”Doogan女士说。 In Britain, Ugly Mugs runs an online database that prostitutes can use to check punters’ names and telephone numbers. In America the National Blacklist, a “deadbeat registry”, allows them to report men who are abusive or fail to pay. 在英国,妓女保护组织Ugly Mugs有个网上数据库,妓女可以用它来核查嫖客的姓名和电话号码。美国的National Blacklist是一个“赖账者名册”,它可以让妓女报告那些虐待妓女或者赖账的人。 Other women can check potential clients by names, telephone numbers, e-mail addresses and online aliases. Though not specifically aimed at sex workers, apps such as Healthvana make it easy for buyer and seller to share verified results in sexual-health tests. 其他女性可以用名字,电话号码,电邮地址和网上化名来核查潜在客户。还有像Healthvana这样的手机应用,尽管并非专为性工作者开发设计,仍可以让买卖双方更方便地交换性健康检查的结果。 Moving online means prostitutes need no longer rely on the usual intermediaries—brothels and agencies; pimps and madams—to drum up business or provide a venue. Some will decide to go it alone. 有了互联网,妓女不再需要依靠通常的中介——妓院和经纪人、皮条客和妈咪——来招揽客人或者提供场地了。一些人于是决定单干。 That means more independence, says Ana, a Spanish-American erotic masseuse who works in America and Britain. It also means more time, effort and expertise put into marketing. “You need a good website, lots of great pictures, you need to learn search-engine optimisation…it’s exhausting at times,” she says. Anna是个西班牙裔美国人,色情按摩师,在美国和英国工作。她说,单干会带来更多的自主权,但也意味着要投入更多的时间精力和专业知识到来做营销。“你需要有个像样的网站,很多漂亮的照片,你要学会如何优化搜索引擎……有时候真是挺累的”。 【街道照片】 Leaving the streets behind 再站街就落伍了 Others will still prefer to have a manager or assistant to take care of bookings and social media. “[Nowadays] you have people hitting you up on Twitter, Facebook, your website, and e-mail,” says MsDoogan. 另一些人仍然喜欢有个经理人或私人助理来打理预约和社交媒体这些事情。“如今有人在Twitter, Facebook, 你自己的个人网站和电邮里和你搭讪了”Doogan女士说。 Eros.com, an international listings site, allows prostitutes to tell clients whether they are currently available. But it means going online every hour or two, which is a chore. And online advertising is not cheap. MsDoogan used to spend 10% of her income on print adverts; she spends far more on online ones because with so many people advertising, returns are lower. Checking customers’ bona fides also takes time. Eros.com是个国际性的列表网站,可以让妓女们告诉客人她们是否有空。但这意味着每1个或2个小时就要上网更新,也是个麻烦。网上广告也不便宜。Doogan女士过去会把收入的10%花在纸媒上,现在她在网络广告上花的更多,因为很多人都在网上打广告,回报率变低了。核实客人的诚意也要花时间。 Meanwhile some traditional forms of prostitution are struggling. In the decade to 2010 the number of licensed sex clubs in the Netherlands fell by more than half, according to a study for Platform31, a Dutch research network. Much of the decline will have been offset by the growth of sex work advertised online, it reckons. 一些传统形式的卖淫则面临困境。根据荷兰的一个研究网络Platform31的研究,2010年之前的10年里,荷兰有执照的性俱乐部减少过半。该研究认为这边厢的萎缩很大部分由网上推广的性交易的增长所弥补。 Many prostitutes would rather work from private premises than in a club or for an agency, says SietskeAltink, one of the authors. Dutch municipalities often bar such work—but the option of finding clients online makes such rules harder to enforce. 该项研究的作者之一SietskeAltink说,很多妓女喜欢在私人场所从业,多于在俱乐部从业或通过经纪公司获得生意。荷兰市政当局经常禁止这种私人场所的性交易,但由于通过互联网就可以找到客户,这些法规更难以执行了。 That shift will make the sex industry harder for all governments to control or regulate, whether they seek to do so for pragmatic or moralistic reasons, or out of concern that not all those in the industry are there by their own free will. Buyers and sellers of sex who strike deals online are better hidden and more mobile than those who work in brothels, or from clubs or bars, points out Professor Weitzer of George Washington University. 这种转变,使得所有政府对性产业的控制和管理都变得更为困难,不管当局的做法是出于务实的考虑还是道德理由,又或者担心有些性工作者并非自愿从业。乔治华盛顿大学(George Washington University)的Weitzer教授指出,在互联网上敲定性交易,比在妓院、俱乐部、酒吧里交易更隐秘,更机动。 Ireland has banned the advertising of sexual services since 1994. The prohibition has achieved almost nothing, says Graham Ellison, a sociologist at Queen’s University in Belfast. Websites simply moved to other jurisdictions. The closure of those such as MyRedBook may prompt American ones to do the same; as they grow more specialised, the excuse that they merely host classified advertisements is wearing thin. 爱尔兰自1994年起禁止性服务广告。贝尔法斯特女王大学(Queen’s University in Belfast)的社会学家Graham Ellison说,这条禁令没达到任何效果,网站只要挪到别的司法管辖区就行了。关闭MyRedBook这样的网站可能也会促使美国网站搬离美国,因为这些网站越来越专业,说自己只是提供存放分类广告的主机服务这样的借口变得越来越牵强。 In the long term there will always be people who, for whatever reason, want to hire a prostitute rather than do without sex or pick up a partner in a bar. As paid-for sex becomes more readily and discreetly available online, more people will buy it. A greater awareness may develop that not all sex workers are the victims of exploitation. 长远来看,总会有人出于各种原因想要雇个妓女提供性服务,而不愿意独守空房或在酒吧里找个性伴。买春在网上变得越方便隐蔽,就会有越多的人会花这个钱。人们可能会越来越意识到,并不是所有的性工作者都是受剥削压榨的。 The very discretion—and the hidden nature of such prostitution—may also mean that the stigma persists. But, overall, sex workers will profit. The internet has disrupted many industries. The oldest one is no exception. 卖淫行为的低调和隐秘本质,可能意味着卖淫的羞耻感仍会持久存在。但总的来说,性工作者将会受益。互联网已经颠覆了很多行业,最古老的行业也不例外。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[微言]快递业的格雷欣法则

【2015-04-17】

@whigzhou: 劳动力供给急剧萎缩,各小快递又撑着不敢涨价,服务质量只能劣化,#名义价格刚性#又一例,原理和#格雷欣法则#类似,名义价格最容易比较,服务质量不容易比较,率先涨价者容易找死,除非另起品牌,否则谁都不敢涨价,问题是谁有能力乘机创立新品牌。

 

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【2015-04-17】 @whigzhou: 劳动力供给急剧萎缩,各小快递又撑着不敢涨价,服务质量只能劣化,#名义价格刚性#又一例,原理和#格雷欣法则#类似,名义价格最容易比较,服务质量不容易比较,率先涨价者容易找死,除非另起品牌,否则谁都不敢涨价,问题是谁有能力乘机创立新品牌。  
[微言]文学与分工

【2014-07-27】

@whigzhou: 能把文学技法掌握到炉火纯青的人,怎么会那么幸运,以至凑巧还有好的思想、见识和故事呢?电影起码还分原作/编剧/导演,不知文学界有没有什么分工。

@穿着红背心:现代性的文学,原创故事是很次要的元素,充其量算是新闻的裁剪。思想见识更无足轻重,马尔克斯和欧洲老左们有什么思想啊。文学技法才是核心,“即讲故事的方法”。

@whigzhou: 对啊,所以我看不下去嘛,如果思想没那么蠢,故事没那么无趣,就会多一些读(more...)

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【2014-07-27】 @whigzhou: 能把文学技法掌握到炉火纯青的人,怎么会那么幸运,以至凑巧还有好的思想、见识和故事呢?电影起码还分原作/编剧/导演,不知文学界有没有什么分工。 @穿着红背心:现代性的文学,原创故事是很次要的元素,充其量算是新闻的裁剪。思想见识更无足轻重,马尔克斯和欧洲老左们有什么思想啊。文学技法才是核心,“即讲故事的方法”。 @whigzhou: 对啊,所以我看不下去嘛,如果思想没那么蠢,故事没那么无趣,就会多一些读者啊 @tertio:所以有文体之分 @whigzhou: 嗯,通过不同文体之间的改编好像能解决这问题,不知实际情况如何,未经授权的改编会不会认为是抄袭?  
[饭文]O2O的想象空间

O2O的想象空间
辉格
2014年4月2日

O2O成了今年的一个新热点,不过和其他电子商务概念相比,它的边界似乎更模糊,或许也正因此,有关它的话题才那么热闹,因为谁都可能觉得跟它沾点边。

在诸多被戴上O2O帽子的商业模式中,能够找出的共同点是:消费者的选择是在线上做出的,而消费过程的某些环节需要一个线下的服务场所,至于消费过程全部环节中有多少是在线上,多少是在线下,则呈现出一个很广的连续光谱;按此界定,携程和服务类团购可谓O2O的先驱。

进入这个光谱的企业有着不同的动机,有些是消费性质所必须,比如餐饮团购,有些是在线商家发现实体(more...)

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O2O的想象空间 辉格 2014年4月2日 O2O成了今年的一个新热点,不过和其他电子商务概念相比,它的边界似乎更模糊,或许也正因此,有关它的话题才那么热闹,因为谁都可能觉得跟它沾点边。 在诸多被戴上O2O帽子的商业模式中,能够找出的共同点是:消费者的选择是在线上做出的,而消费过程的某些环节需要一个线下的服务场所,至于消费过程全部环节中有多少是在线上,多少是在线下,则呈现出一个很广的连续光谱;按此界定,携程和服务类团购可谓O2O的先驱。 进入这个光谱的企业有着不同的动机,有些是消费性质所必须,比如餐饮团购,有些是在线商家发现实体店在某些环节上的优势难以替代,比如服装零售的试衣环节,还有些则是帮助网络名人将其在网上所建立的知名度在线下转变为收入,因为线上缺乏恰当的实现模式,比如名人开餐馆。 O2O的兴起,体现了电子商务在过去十多年所取得的巨大成就,电商基础设施的日益完善,规模和品牌效应,资本实力,以及构建新型商业模式的创造力和灵活性,让他们已经有能力进入那些最初不适合电子商务的领域,这一态势,将迫使迄今仍保有一席之地的传统产业必须考虑如何在一个被电商全面笼罩的环境中继续生存。 从消费者方面看,这也表明了互联网在他们生活中已变得多么重要,他们的生活和社交重心正不断向线上转移,以至于越来越多的消费决定是在线上做出的;这方面变化的意义可能更为深远,因为网络为文化的进化提供了一个全新环境,在其中,消费习惯的形成、时尚与潮流的扩散、风格与品位的分化,都将以不同于过去的方式发生。 一种可能的前景是,由消费者主动聚合所形成的消费模式将更多涌现,在传统零售服务业中,消费者主要处于被动选择和用脚投票的地位,网络让有共同兴趣的消费者更容易聚集在一起,主动表达消费需求,形成意见风向,这也让供方有机会针对特定聚合量身定制俱乐部性质的服务模式。 过去,已经有了地处偏僻、主要依靠驴友会而存在的农家乐,也有依靠车友会的汽车修理店,依靠球迷组织的酒吧,依靠桥牌俱乐部的小宾馆,今后,或许还会有依靠豆瓣影迷圈的电影院,依托某个网络读者群的咖啡馆,可以预料,当这样的机会越来越明显时,许多商家会主动在网络社区中发展此类圈子。 当然,不同消费者在参与这一聚合过程时的作用和地位是不同的,多数人有从众和信从权威的倾向,也易受各种光环的影响,况且许多人原本就没有太多消费经验,或者缺乏主见,或不善表达,所以在消费意见和风尚的形成过程中,总是由少数“意见领袖”起着关键作用。 对于实用类消费品,评价焦点通常集中在可以较为客观地衡量的功能和性能指标上,但对许多商品,随着实用色彩的弱化,鉴赏和品味色彩的增强,评价标准变得越来越主观和武断,酒香多浓才不显得俗气,茶色多淡才算清雅,实在没多少道理可讲,起初可能只是某位受公认的雅士一句话,广受追捧并长久因循之后,便成了标准。 风尚与格调的形成,若从协调博弈理论的角度理解,其实也是趣味近似的消费群体中寻找聚点的过程,因为即便高度个性化的小众消费,也不大可能真的为每个人定制,为了获得最低限度的规模经济,众口难调的分散需求必须汇聚成若干种风格,而意见领袖恰好可以帮助圈子和群体迅速找到聚点。 网络特别是社交网络,将推动消费人群在不同层次和规模上实现聚合,并从中涌现出大小意见领袖,他们在各自所在圈子内被视为有鉴赏力的、有品位的和值得信赖的,一旦获得这样的认可,那就是一项有价值的资产,而实现其价值的一种方式,便是直接面向这个圈子开店。  
[微言]行业利润率

【2014-01-11】

@heracles的救赎:可餐饮业真心不赚钱呀,辉总

@whigzhou: 从店铺转手速度看,每年烧在餐饮业里的钱都很惊人,但这或许正是因为有些餐
馆确实非常赚钱,而别人都看不懂他们是怎么赚到钱的,于是其中一些错误地认为自己也能赚
到,所以#说整个行业赚不赚钱没啥意义#

【2014-01-17】

@whigzhou: 刚才坐在马桶上又想了想这问题,好像还有点意思

@whigzhou: 按最简单的理论,从会计利润中刨掉其实应算作要素租金的部分之后,任何行业
的利润都不会长期偏离平均的资本收益率,因为假如某行业比平均水平赚得多,就会有资本继
续进入,直到拉平。

@whigzhou: 但这个理论可以更精致,因为边际收益率不是个容易获得的信息,个体厂商只能
通过一些间接信号来判断,而各行业中这些间接信号的分布不同,这就为某种可持续的偏离留
下了机会

@whig(more...)

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4975
【2014-01-11】 @heracles的救赎:可餐饮业真心不赚钱呀,辉总 @whigzhou: 从店铺转手速度看,每年烧在餐饮业里的钱都很惊人,但这或许正是因为有些餐 馆确实非常赚钱,而别人都看不懂他们是怎么赚到钱的,于是其中一些错误地认为自己也能赚 到,所以#说整个行业赚不赚钱没啥意义# 【2014-01-17】 @whigzhou: 刚才坐在马桶上又想了想这问题,好像还有点意思 @whigzhou: 按最简单的理论,从会计利润中刨掉其实应算作要素租金的部分之后,任何行业 的利润都不会长期偏离平均的资本收益率,因为假如某行业比平均水平赚得多,就会有资本继 续进入,直到拉平。 @whigzhou: 但这个理论可以更精致,因为边际收益率不是个容易获得的信息,个体厂商只能 通过一些间接信号来判断,而各行业中这些间接信号的分布不同,这就为某种可持续的偏离留 下了机会 @whigzhou: 所谓可持续偏离,意思是,某行业边际收益率已经低于水平水平,甚至是负的, 但仍不断有资本持续进入,或者相反,某行业持续保有超额收益,却没有更多资本进入 @whigzhou: 维持偏离的可能性之一,是信息扭曲,比如演艺业,一个大明星的成功,传播率 很高,而大批失败者,其中每个知道的人很少,因而一个正在决定是否入行的女孩,据以做决 定的信息,可能是高度扭曲的,这样,演艺业可以在边际收益率已降到极低的时候,仍持续吸 引新进者 @whigzhou: 不过,就演艺业而言,这样的扭曲可能只存在于初入道环节,一旦入行,身边众 多同行的境遇,很快会纠正他们此前的错误认知…… @whigzhou: 但对于另一些行业,可能不存在让入行者及时纠正错误认知的初始阶段,而发现 错误时已经来不及了,错误只能由倒闭来纠正,哪些行业是这样,不知道…… @whigzhou: 注:我对这里提到的任何行业都没有任何可靠的经验知识,纯属瞎想 @whigzhou: 实际上,对于个体决策者,经济学意义上(而不是会计意义上)的利润率是根本 没办法获得的信息,区分要素租金、风落收入和可预见收益,几乎办不到 @喂羊的月亮熊:很多情况下餐饮业是在做商业房地产。很多在热闹位置的餐厅亏钱,但是靠转 让费就可以赚一大笔。西单大悦城,南锣鼓巷很多地方都是这样。另外,单店可能不赚钱,资 本进入做成连锁,最后可以靠退出赚钱。不知道雕爷牛腩和皇太极煎饼是不是这样。 @whigzhou: 嗯,这个问题有意思,稍后再谈 @喂羊的月亮熊:此外餐饮和洗车行一样,提供大量现金流,可以用来洗钱呢 @whigzhou: 最早是洗衣店,也是洗钱一词的来源…… @trustno1v2:其实上就是这个行业资本化或者证券化率非常高。资本化程度提高,转让摩擦成 本就低,资金进入行业就相对便利。 @whigzhou: 如果到了能够证券化的程度,这问题差不多也就不存在了 @whigzhou: 可以设想一个与演艺业相反的行业,其中成功的都闷声大发财,失败的都跳楼, 跳楼当然是新闻事件(至少会成为当地新闻),信息向另一个方向扭曲:大家每年都听到这行 业有几个人跳楼,该行业的边际收益率会不会持续维持高位呢? @Stimmung:这算信息租金? @whigzhou: 知情而入行者,好像算信息租金,可是对那些其实也不明就里而赚到钱了的入行 者呢?算租金还是算风落?所以我说几乎没法区分 @whigzhou: 维持偏离的另一种可能性,也与信息有关,是要素的可识别