含有〈产业〉标签的文章(174)

[译文]有机农业能养活多少人?

The Lower Productivity Of Organic Farming: A New Analysis And Its Big Implications
有机农业生产率更低:一项新的分析及其重大含义

作者:Steven Savage @ 2015-10-9
译者:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
校对:babyface_claire
来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/stevensavage/2015/10/09/the-organic-farming-yield-gap/

The productivity of organic farming is typically lower than that of comparable “conventional” farms. This difference is sometimes debated, but a recent USDA survey of organic agriculture demonstrates that commercial organic in the U.S. has a significant yield gap.

有机农业的生产率通常低于可比的“传统”农业。其中差异时有争论,不过美国农业部最近关于有机农业的一项调查证实,美国的商业有机作物存在一个巨大的产量差距。

I compared 2014 survey data from organic growers with overall agricultural yield statistics for that year on a crop by crop, state by state basis. The picture that emerges is clear – organic yields are mostly lower. To have raised all U.S. crops as organic in 2014 would have required farming of one hundred nine million more acres of land. That is an area equivalent to all the parkland and wildland areas in the lower 48 states or 1.8 times as much as all the urban land in the nation.

我将采自有机作物种植者的2014年调查数据与农业总产量统计数据分作物、分州别进行了对比,得出的画面非常清晰——有机作物的产量一般都更低。如果2014年全美农作物都是有机种植,那么需要耕种的土地将比实际多出1.09亿英亩。这一面积相当于本土48州所有绿地和荒地的总和,或全国所有城市用地之和的1.8倍。

As of 2014 the reported acreage of organic cropland only represented 0.44% of the total, but if organic were to expand significantly, its lower land-use-efficiency would become problematic. This is one of several reasons to question the assertion that organic farming is better for the environment.

到2014年,公开的有机农用地面积只占全部农地的0.44%,但如果有机种植大幅扩张,它那较低的用地效率将很棘手。有人断言有机农业对环境更有利,这里提到的只是质疑理由之一。

The USDA conducted a detailed survey of organics in 2008 and then again in 2014. Information is collected about the number of farms, the acres of crops harvested, the production from those acres, and the value of what is sold. The USDA also collects similar data every year for agriculture in general and makes it very accessible via Quick Stats.

美国农业部2008年对有机作物进行了一次详细调查,2014年又做了一次。采集的信息包括农场数量、作物收获面积、产量和卖出总价。美国农业部每年还针对全部农业采集类似数据,并在Quick Stats上公开发布。

It i(more...)

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The Lower Productivity Of Organic Farming: A New Analysis And Its Big Implications 有机农业生产率更低:一项新的分析及其重大含义 作者:Steven Savage @ 2015-10-9 译者:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 校对:babyface_claire 来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/stevensavage/2015/10/09/the-organic-farming-yield-gap/ The productivity of organic farming is typically lower than that of comparable “conventional” farms. This difference is sometimes debated, but a recent USDA survey of organic agriculture demonstrates that commercial organic in the U.S. has a significant yield gap. 有机农业的生产率通常低于可比的“传统”农业。其中差异时有争论,不过美国农业部最近关于有机农业的一项调查证实,美国的商业有机作物存在一个巨大的产量差距。 I compared 2014 survey data from organic growers with overall agricultural yield statistics for that year on a crop by crop, state by state basis. The picture that emerges is clear – organic yields are mostly lower. To have raised all U.S. crops as organic in 2014 would have required farming of one hundred nine million more acres of land. That is an area equivalent to all the parkland and wildland areas in the lower 48 states or 1.8 times as much as all the urban land in the nation. 我将采自有机作物种植者的2014年调查数据与农业总产量统计数据分作物、分州别进行了对比,得出的画面非常清晰——有机作物的产量一般都更低。如果2014年全美农作物都是有机种植,那么需要耕种的土地将比实际多出1.09亿英亩。这一面积相当于本土48州所有绿地和荒地的总和,或全国所有城市用地之和的1.8倍。 As of 2014 the reported acreage of organic cropland only represented 0.44% of the total, but if organic were to expand significantly, its lower land-use-efficiency would become problematic. This is one of several reasons to question the assertion that organic farming is better for the environment. 到2014年,公开的有机农用地面积只占全部农地的0.44%,但如果有机种植大幅扩张,它那较低的用地效率将很棘手。有人断言有机农业对环境更有利,这里提到的只是质疑理由之一。 The USDA conducted a detailed survey of organics in 2008 and then again in 2014. Information is collected about the number of farms, the acres of crops harvested, the production from those acres, and the value of what is sold. The USDA also collects similar data every year for agriculture in general and makes it very accessible via Quick Stats. 美国农业部2008年对有机作物进行了一次详细调查,2014年又做了一次。采集的信息包括农场数量、作物收获面积、产量和卖出总价。美国农业部每年还针对全部农业采集类似数据,并在Quick Stats上公开发布。 It is interesting that they don’t publish any comparisons of these two data sets as they would be able to make comparisons on a county basis. By working with both USDA data resources I was able to find 370 good comparisons of organic and total data for the same crop in the same state and where the organic represented at least 20 acres. That comparison set covers 80% of US crop acreage. 有意思的是,尽管他们对这两组数据能够做到分县对比,他们却从不发布任何比较结果。通过使用这两份来自美国农业部的数据,我得以找出370组有机数据和总数据之间的高质量比较,每组比较的均是有机作物种植面积20英亩以上的同一个州的同一种作物。这一比较涉及了美国农作物种植面积的80%。 Gap-pies1

【2014年有机与传统农业统计数据比较概要】

For 292 of those comparisons, the organic yields were lower (84% on an area basis). There were 55 comparisons where organic yield was higher, but 89% of the higher yielding organic examples involved hay and silage crops rather than food crops. The organic yield gap is predominant for row crops, fruit crops and vegetables as can be seen in the graphs below. 在其中292个比较结果中,有机作物产量都要更低(以面积而言占到84%)。有机作物产量更高的,有55组比较结果。但这些产量更高的案例中有89%种的是干草和青贮饲料作物,而非食用作物。以下图表显示:有机作物产量差距在中耕作物、水果作物和蔬菜中非常突出。 The reasons for the gap vary with crop and geography. In some cases the issue is the ability to meet periods of peak nutrient demand using only organic sources. The issue can be competition from weeds because herbicides are generally lacking for organic. In some cases its reflects higher yield loss to diseases and insects. Although organic farmers definitely use pesticides, the restriction to natural options can leave crops vulnerable to damage. 出现差距的原因随作物和地理不同而有所不同。在某些情形中,问题出在只用有机资源来满足营养需求高峰的能力上。问题也可能出在杂草竞争,因为有机作物中一般不用除草剂。在某些情形中,它反映的是因病害和虫害导致的减产。尽管种植有机作物的农场主绝对也会用杀虫剂,但是对天然产品的限制要求仍会让作物更易受到伤害。 I’ve posted a much more detailed summary of this information on SCRIBD with the data at the state level. 有关上述信息,我已在SCRIBD上贴了一份更加详细的摘要,用的是州级层面的数据。 Row-Crop-Gaps-2014

【大量主要中耕作物采用有机种植时产量大幅降低】

TNV-Gaps-2014

【有机水果和坚果的产量绝大多数都大幅低于传统种植】

Veg-2014

【蔬菜作物中的产量差距存在巨大差异】

There is some potential for artifacts within this data set. If the proportion of irrigated and non-irrigated land differs between organic and conventional that would skew the data. With lettuce and spinach it is likely that the organic is proportionally more in the “baby” category making yields appear dramatically lower. 这组数据中可能存在一些人为现象。如果在有机种植和传统种植中,灌溉地和非灌溉地的比例不同,那么数据就有所扭曲。生菜和菠菜的有机种植可能很大程度上仍属于“婴儿”类,故而产出差距看起来十分大。 But overall this window on farming is useful for understanding the current state of commercial organic production. Since the supply of prime farmland is finite, and water is in short supply in places like California, resource-use-efficiency is an issue even at the current scale of organic (1.5 million cropland acres, 3.6 million including pasture and rangeland). 但总体来说,这一农业信息窗口很有用,能让我们了解商业有机作物生产的现状。由于优质农田的供给是有限的,而在加州等地,水也存在供给短缺,因此,即便是以有机作物当前的种植面积(150万英亩耕地,包括草地和牧场则为360万亩)来说,资源利用效率也是个大问题。 You are welcome to comment here and/or to email me at [email protected]. I’d be happy to share a data file with interested parties and to get feedback about where particular yield comparisons might be misleading. A more detailed presentation is available at https://www.scribd.com/doc/283996769/The-Yield-Gap-For-Organic-Farming 欢迎提出评论或发送邮件至[email protected]。我愿意和感兴趣者分享数据文件,如果哪个具体的产量比较可能具有误导性,我也希望得到反馈。更详细的介绍请见:https://www.scribd.com/doc/283996769/The-Yield-Gap-For-Organic-Farming (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]美国港口为何没有自动化?

Why Aren’t America’s Shipping Ports Automated?
美国的航运港口为何没有实现自动化?

作者:Flexport @ 2015-9-30
译者:Veidt(@Veidt)
校对:小聂(@PuppetMaster)
来源:Priceonomics,http://priceonomics.com/why-arent-americas-shipping-ports-automated/

The massive cranes that sit at the Port of Oakland are veritable money-printing machines.

那些坐落在加州奥克兰港的巨型起重机都称得上是名副其实的印钞机。

As ships coming from Asia dock in the San Francisco Bay, these industrial behemoths quickly usher goods-bearing containers off the deck and onto land. Modern container ships are filled with thousands of containers. At peak efficiency, a single crane can remove about 40 of these per hour — and for each one they unload, companies moving containerized cargo are charged a terminal handling fee of around $300.

随着来自亚洲的船只驶入旧金山湾,这些巨型工业设备迅速开始将装满货物的集装箱从货轮的甲板上卸到岸上。现代的集装箱货轮中装载着数以千计的集装箱。在最高工作效率之下,一台起重机每小时能从船上卸下大约40个集装箱——对于它卸下的每个集装箱,运送集装箱货物的公司需要向港口交纳大约300美元的码头作业费。

But in many ways, the Port of Oakland, and most American ports in general, are some of the most technologically antiquated in the world. While many high-wage, developed countries have embraced and integrated automation in the process of moving shipping containers, Oakland has shied away from more technologically advanced solutions.

但是在许多方面,奥克兰港以及美国的大多数港口实际上都排在世界上技术最陈旧的港口之列。当许多高工资的发达国家热情拥抱自动化技术,并将其整合到装卸货运集装箱的流程中时,奥克兰港却回避了那些技术上更先进的解决方案。

A port terminal recently opened in Rotterdam, in the Netherlands tells a different story: almost every part of the process of unloading containers is handled by software, and office workers remotely control the cranes over their computers. Some have called the operation the world’s most advanced container-ship terminal.

最近在荷兰鹿特丹开放的一个港口码头则讲述了一个完全不同的故事:在卸载集装箱的流程中,几乎所有的部分都是由计算机软件操作完成的,坐在办公室里的工人通过他们的电脑远程操纵起重机。有人称其为世界上最先进的集装箱船码头。

Comparing the ports of Oakland and Rotterdam shows just how far American ports are lagging when it comes to automation.

对奥克兰港(more...)

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Why Aren’t America’s Shipping Ports Automated? 美国的航运港口为何没有实现自动化? 作者:Flexport @ 2015-9-30 译者:Veidt(@Veidt) 校对:小聂(@PuppetMaster) 来源:Priceonomics,http://priceonomics.com/why-arent-americas-shipping-ports-automated/ The massive cranes that sit at the Port of Oakland are veritable money-printing machines. 那些坐落在加州奥克兰港的巨型起重机都称得上是名副其实的印钞机。 As ships coming from Asia dock in the San Francisco Bay, these industrial behemoths quickly usher goods-bearing containers off the deck and onto land. Modern container ships are filled with thousands of containers. At peak efficiency, a single crane can remove about 40 of these per hour — and for each one they unload, companies moving containerized cargo are charged a terminal handling fee of around $300. 随着来自亚洲的船只驶入旧金山湾,这些巨型工业设备迅速开始将装满货物的集装箱从货轮的甲板上卸到岸上。现代的集装箱货轮中装载着数以千计的集装箱。在最高工作效率之下,一台起重机每小时能从船上卸下大约40个集装箱——对于它卸下的每个集装箱,运送集装箱货物的公司需要向港口交纳大约300美元的码头作业费。 But in many ways, the Port of Oakland, and most American ports in general, are some of the most technologically antiquated in the world. While many high-wage, developed countries have embraced and integrated automation in the process of moving shipping containers, Oakland has shied away from more technologically advanced solutions. 但是在许多方面,奥克兰港以及美国的大多数港口实际上都排在世界上技术最陈旧的港口之列。当许多高工资的发达国家热情拥抱自动化技术,并将其整合到装卸货运集装箱的流程中时,奥克兰港却回避了那些技术上更先进的解决方案。 A port terminal recently opened in Rotterdam, in the Netherlands tells a different story: almost every part of the process of unloading containers is handled by software, and office workers remotely control the cranes over their computers. Some have called the operation the world’s most advanced container-ship terminal. 最近在荷兰鹿特丹开放的一个港口码头则讲述了一个完全不同的故事:在卸载集装箱的流程中,几乎所有的部分都是由计算机软件操作完成的,坐在办公室里的工人通过他们的电脑远程操纵起重机。有人称其为世界上最先进的集装箱船码头。 Comparing the ports of Oakland and Rotterdam shows just how far American ports are lagging when it comes to automation. 对奥克兰港和鹿特丹港的比较,清楚地显示出美国港口在自动化方面已经落下了多远的距离。 How Does a Container Port Work? 一个集装箱港口是如何运作的? As many great articles and a highly-influential book have argued, containers are one of the great inventions of the modern world. In the shipping world, a “container” is defined as a standardized 20, 40 or 45 foot long steel receptacle that houses any variety of goods. 正如许多杰出文章和一部非常有影响力的著作【编注:指Marc Levinson的The Box,中译本《集装箱改变世界》】所认为的那样,集装箱属于现代世界的诸多伟大发明之一。在航运界,集装箱被定义为一个长20,40或45英尺的标准化钢制容器,它能够装载任何类型的货物。 These containers are a global ISO standard and work on essentially any ship, truck, or railcar that is fitted for them. This standardization, of course, alleviates concerns over how to pack a ship, what’s on it, whether the goods will be stolen at the dock, or whether it fit on a certain truck or train. Containers let you treat the physical atoms of the world almost like computerized bits. 这些集装箱都符合一个国际通用的ISO标准,并且能够与几乎所有针对它调整过的轮船,卡车或是有轨列车配合工作。这种标准化工作显然缓解了人们对于诸如该怎样装满一艘货船,船上都装了些什么,停放在港口的货物是否会被偷走,或者货物能否被装进一辆特定的卡车或列车这类问题的担忧。集装箱为你提供了一种像对待计算机中的比特位一样来对待真实世界中物理原子的方式。 The development of containers revolutionized trading among nations. Within 5 years of “containerization,” posits one estimate, trade among nations increased 320%; within 20 years, trade increased by 790%. In 1965, before containerization, a crew could move 1.7 tons of goods per hour. After containerization, a crew could move 30 tons per hour — a 17.6x increase in productivity. 集装箱的发展为国家间贸易带来了一场革命。根据一项估计,在集装箱化开始的5年内,世界各国间的贸易量增长了320%;在20年内,增长了790%。在集装箱化开始前的1965年,一名工人每小时能够搬运1.7吨货物。而在集装箱化之后,一名工人每小时则能够搬运30吨货物——这意味着生产率提高了17.6倍。 Typically, containers arrive via specialized ships at designated ports that have the particular equipment for unloading and loading the cargo as well as loading it onto trucks that can bring the goods to their destinations. The ports, and the level of efficiency with which they can process goods, have profoundly affected the global economy. 通常,集装箱会由特制的集装箱船运往那些拥有装卸货物的特定设备的指定港口,然后被装上集装箱卡车,将货物运送到目的地。而港口,以及它们处理货物的效率水平,对全球经济有着深刻的影响。 From the perspective of a ship coming into a port with containers and in the simplest terms, there a[re] three critical pieces of technology: the “gantry cranes” that lift the containers from the ships, the transport vehicles that move the containers strategically around each port’s container yard to a designated delivery location, and the stacking cranes that pile up the containers so that trucks can come take them away. For exporters, who move containers from truck to ship, this process operates in reverse. 从一艘装载着集装箱驶入港口的货轮的角度来看,通俗地说,有三项关键技术影响着效率:从货轮上吊起集装箱的龙门起重机,负责按照特定策略将集装箱运往港内集装箱堆场中指定位置的运输车,还有负责堆放集装箱以让运输卡车能够将集装箱运出港口的堆垛起重机。而对于货物的出口商而言,由于他们需要将集装箱从卡车转运到货轮上,整个流程的顺序则是相反的。 howportsworkdiagram The machinery of these three components (gantry cranes, transport vehicles, and stacking cranes) can be operated either by humans or software. In Oakland, like most of the United States, all three are operated by humans. But the reality is that software automation can not only make this process faster and safer, but available at a lower variable cost. 这三部分的机械装置(龙门起重机,运输车和堆垛起重机)既可人工操作,也可以由软件来操作。在奥克兰港,与美国的大多数港口一样,全部三个部分都是人工操作的。但事实是,软件自动化不仅能让这些流程更加安全快速,而且可变成本也更低。 While the process of automation hasn’t yet started in the Port of Oakland, Rotterdam began implementing port automation back in the 1990s. After investing hundreds of millions of dollars, Rotterdam’s port boasts an operation in which all stacking cranes that pile up the containers and transport vehicles are run by software. 奥克兰港直到今天还没有开启港口自动化的进程,而鹿特丹港早在上世纪九十年代就已经开始实施港口的自动化运作了。在投入了数亿美元资金后,鹿特丹港骄傲地向人们展示了新的操作流程,在该流程中,所有负责堆放集装箱的堆垛起重机以及运输车辆都是由软件操控的。 This is a far cry from Oakland, where every transport vehicle has a driver and each stack crane has multiple operators working in pairs for a single shift as well as dockman and clerks to help coordinate and direct the operators and vehicle flow within the container yard. 而奥克兰港的情况则与此相去甚远,在奥克兰港,每辆运输车都有一名司机,而每台堆垛起重机在进行一次搬运时都需要多名操作员结对工作,此外还需要码头工人和一些记录员在集装箱堆场内帮助协调引导操作员和运输车流。 The most difficult part of the port to automate is the gantry crane, which plucks the container from the ship—partly due to the extreme potential danger involved. At most ports, before a container can be removed from a ship, a human must unlock the lower container lock; in a fully-automated system, there exists the omnipresent risk that a completely robotic gantry crane might not notice the human who unlocked the container. 在整个港口机械中最难自动化的部分是龙门起重机,它负责从货船上吊起集装箱——之所以难以自动化,其中的部分原因是这种操作中蕴含着极大的潜在危险。在大多数的港口,集装箱在能够被从货船上吊走之前,一名操作员必须人工解开集装箱下端的锁;而在一个全自动化的系统中则存在一种无处不在的风险,就是一个完全自动化的龙门起重机可能不会注意到负责人工将集装箱解锁的那名操作员。 However, many vessels have started to convert towards automatic locking and unlocking equipment that eliminates the need for a person to climb amongst the stacks of containers on a vessel and unlock containers before they are unloaded. In an automated system, humans would only need to interact with the equipment in this setting if there was a malfunction with the locking mechanism and bringing attention to a safety stoppage until the malfunction is addressed. Ultimately, this lends further support to the safety benefits to increased levels of automation. 然而,很多货船已经开始转向自动化的集装箱锁定和解锁设备,以消除对那些需要在船上成堆的集装箱中攀爬并在集装箱被卸载之前为其解锁的操作员的需求。在一个自动化的系统中,人们只需要在锁定机制发生故障时与这套设置中的设备进行交互,请求系统关注并启动安全停工机制,直到故障被排除。最终,这种机制通过带来更多的安全收益为更高水平的自动化赢得了更多的支持。 In Oakland, teams of humans operate on-site gantry cranes. In the newest terminal at Rotterdam, however, a single person who operates this crane sits in an office and controls the machine from his or her computer. A person is still operating the controls of the gantry crane, but that person now has software assisting him, making the job more comfortable, easier, and more productive. 在奥克兰港,龙门起重机是由一队队的工人操作的。而在鹿特丹港最新的码头,一台龙门起重机唯一的操作员坐在办公室里通过电脑来控制这台机器。龙门起重机仍然需要一个人来操控,但这名操作员现在有了软件的协助,这使得这项工作变得更轻松,更舒服,同时也更有效率。 At a build cost of over $535 million, the Rotterdam port is now considered the most advanced in the world, with all three major parts of the container moving process automated. In Rotterdam’s other terminals, almost every single transport vehicle and stacking crane are fully automated. 鹿特丹港新集装箱码头的建造成本超过了5.35亿美元,它被认为是目前世界上最先进的集装箱码头,流程中所有的三个主要部分全都已经自动化了。而在鹿特丹港的其它集装箱码头,几乎所有的运输车和堆垛起重机的运作也已经完全自动化了。 Contrasting Levels of Productivity 对比鲜明的生产率水平 It is difficult to make an apples to apples comparison of productivity between the two ports; due to the variables in the way in which they are structured, vessel size, vessel call schedules, shipping channel depth, gantry crane height and reach as well as limited public information for additional metrics. However, let’s take our best stab at figuring out just how much more efficient Rotterdam is than Oakland. 由于两个港口在建造方式,货轮大小,货轮调度时间表,航运通道的水深,龙门起重机的高度和范围以及其它一些难以从公开信息中获得的更多变量上存在的诸多不同,很难将奥克兰港和鹿特丹港的生产效率进行一一对应的同类比较。尽管如此,我们仍然可以尽量尝试着看看鹿特丹港究竟比奥克兰港要高效多少。 Rotterdam is the much larger port of the two, with 445 millions tons passing through it each year compared to just 47 million per year in Oakland. Much of this difference, however, is attributed to the fact that Rotterdam also accepts shipments of resources like oil that do not come in containers, whereas Oakland predominantly accepts containers. 鹿特丹港要比奥克兰港大得多,每年通过鹿特丹港运输的货物达到了4.45亿吨,相比之下,奥克兰港每年的货运量只有4700万吨。但这其中很大一部分差异要归因于鹿特丹港还接受诸如原油这类不使用集装箱来运输的资源,而奥克兰港则基本上只接受集装箱。 Instead of gauging volumes, let’s start by looking at how many containers pass through Rotterdam versus Oakland. The industry metric for number of containers is the "TEU”, or “twenty-foot equivalent unit”. In the 2014 shipping year, 12.3 million TEUs passed through Rotterdam, compared to 2.4 million in Oakland. Naturally, there are more berths for ships and cranes in Rotterdam, so that doesn’t necessarily mean Rotterdam is more productive (it could simply just be bigger). 先不看货运量,让我看看有多少集装箱分别通过鹿特丹港和奥克兰港进行运输。航运业内衡量集装箱数量的单位是TEU,也就是“二十英尺等量单位”。在2014航运年度,有1230万TEU的集装箱货运量通过鹿特丹港,而只有230万TEU的集装箱货运量通过奥克兰港。很自然地,因为鹿特丹港拥有更多的船舶泊位和起重机,这并不一定意味着鹿特丹港比奥克兰港的生产率更高(可能仅仅是因为鹿特丹港更大)。 Publicly available data tells us that there are 36 gantry cranes in Oakland versus 103 in Rotterdam (note: this is pre-automated terminal, which is only just getting started, but will add 26 more cranes). To get our best estimate of productivity, let’s take a look at how many TEUs are processed by each of those cranes in Rotterdam (where most of the process is automated), versus in Oakland: 可公开获得的数据告诉我们,奥克兰港拥有36台龙门起重机,而在鹿特丹港,这个数字是103(作者注:这个数字仅仅包括了还没有完全自动化的货运码头,而这仅仅是个开始,之后还将有26台起重机加入进来)。为了得到我们对于生产率的最优估计,让我们看看在鹿特丹港(那里大多数的流程都已经自动化了)和奥克兰港,一年内分别有多少TEU的集装箱货运量通过一台龙门起重机: Screenshot2015-09-3010.24.25 By this (admittedly rough) calculation, cranes in Rotterdam are almost 80% more productive than in Oakland. 根据这项计算(必须承认它很粗略),鹿特丹港的起重机的效率要比奥克兰港高出接近80%。 Why Does Automation Make Things Faster? 为什么自动化能提高效率? It should go without saying that automation makes ports operate faster, but the exact reasons for this are less obvious. 自动化能够让港口运转得更快这个结论似乎是无需多言的,但其中实际的原因却并不是那么显而易见。 First, and perhaps most importantly, high levels of automation make it easier to have multiple shifts per day and better utilize expensive capital assets (cranes, trucks, berths, etc). In Oakland, it’s extremely expensive to run a second shift to quickly unload a ship because it is necessary to pay employees overtime wages in order to do so. 首先,或许也是最重要的一点是,高水平的自动化让每天处理多个班次变得更加容易,而这意味着对那些昂贵的资本资产(起重机,卡车,泊位等)更加有效的利用。在奥克兰港,想要加一个班次以尽快将一整船货物卸载完毕是一件非常昂贵的事情,因为这么做需要向雇员们支付加班工资。 In Rotterdam, it’s much more the normal course of business to operate two or three shifts per 24 hour period, especially for container yard deliveries. All terminals in the Port of Oakland still run 1st, 2nd and 3rd shift operations as needed based on volume, it is just at much higher cost to both capital and human assets. 而在鹿特丹港,在24小时的周期内进行两班或三班倒则更像是一种常态化的运作,尤其是对于像集装箱堆场内的运输这样的任务而言。奥克兰港所有的货运码头仍然根据货运量的具体需求来加班,甚至是三班倒,而这对于资本和人力资产而言都会带来高得多的成本。 Human-operated and software-operated cranes, can, in theory, move containers at the same rate. However, humans get tired and distracted, and don’t consistently operate at peak performance. Software, on the other hand, operates at the same rate no matter what. Technology can also make workers’ jobs easier and safer, reducing workplace stress which can increase productivity in its own right. 理论上说,人工操纵的起重机和软件操纵的起重机应该能够以相同的速率搬运集装箱。但是,人会变得疲劳,注意力也容易被分散,因此不能一直维持峰值表现。而软件则能够在任何情况下都以相同的效率进行操作。技术还能够让工人们的工作变得更加轻松和安全,从而减轻工作压力,而这本身也能够让生产率得到提升。 Why the Lack of Automation in Oakland? 为何奥克兰港缺乏自动化运作? A key reason that Oakland and the United States lag in terms of automation is that upgrading to automated systems is extremely expensive: new, fully automated terminals cost over half a billion dollars to implement. Nevertheless, one expert estimates that automation makes financial sense when a port is handling around one million TEUs per year. 奥克兰港和美国其它港口在自动化方面落后的一个核心原因是,升级到自动化系统的费用非常高昂:建造一个新的完全自动化的货运码头需要花费超过5亿美元。然而,一位专家估计,如果一个港口每年能够运送大约100万TEU的集装箱货运量,那么自动化便有其财务价值。 Oakland, currently handles more than twice that amount in total TEU, however none of the terminals in the Port individually service over a million TEU in volume. There are several terminals that are close and in the very near future could hit that tipping point for the return on the investment in automation technologies. 虽然奥克兰港目前以TEU计算的总货运量超过了这个数字的两倍,然而其中并没有任何一个货运码头每年独立承担的货运量超过100万TEU。有几个码头的货运量接近这个数字,并且可能在不远的将来达到自动化技术投资回报的临界点。 A second reason for the delay in adopting modern automation is the effect on union jobs. Some have estimated that if the Port of Oakland were to implement a modern level of automation, 40-50% of the jobs would be eliminated. 第二个使美国港口迟迟没有采用现代自动化技术的原因则是自动化技术对工会职位所产生的影响。一些人已经作出估计,如果奥克兰港达到了现代的自动化水平,那么40%到50%的职位将会消失。 All ports on the West Coast of the United States are organized under a single union, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), which gives them a tremendously powerful collective bargaining position. A strike doesn’t just affect one port, but every single port on the West Coast. 美国西海岸的所有港口都被组织在同一家工会之下——国际码头和仓库工人工会(ILWU),这让他们处于一个强有力的集体谈判地位。一次罢工并不仅仅是影响一个港口,而是会影响到西海岸的每一个港口。 This union power was used to oppose the introduction of containers in the 1960s and, later, computerized systems for tracking cargo. In each case, however, the union eventually conceded the introduction of these technologies in exchange for higher wages for existing workers and buyouts for displaced ones. 这家工会的力量曾经在1960年代用来反对集装箱的引入,在之后还曾被用来反对引入用于跟踪货物的计算机系统。但每一次,工会最终都接受了这些技术的引入,以换取现有员工的更高工资以及那些被替代工人的买断费用。 As with previous disruptive technology ILWU will need to be compensated for any reduction in jobs. Today, the average member of the union in Oakland makes $147,000 per year in wages, with benefits equal to another $82,000 per year. Needless to say, providing buyouts to force retirement on these union workers, many of whom have dedicated their entire working lives to port operations, is not an appetizing prospect for the terminal operators. 和之前那些颠覆性技术一样,对于港口自动化技术,ILWU也将为任何因此被削减的职位要求补偿。目前,在奥克兰港工作的工会会员的平均工资是每年14.7万美元,此外他们还享受着每年等价于8.2万美元的福利。不用说,为这些工会工人的强制退休提供买断费用——他们中的很多人将自己的整个职业生涯都献给了港口工作——对于码头运营商们而言并不是一个看起来很有吸引力的选项。 Nevertheless, several mitigating factors may allow automation to proceed. For one, the job loss calculations largely assume that shipping volumes will not be affected by automation. However, as automation reduces the price of shipping, we should expect to more shipping, which will partially offset some of the job losses. 然而,一些正在缓和的因素可能会让自动化技术的引进变得可行。一方面,对于工作职位减少量的计算在很大程度上是假设货运量不会受到自动化技术的影响。但是自动化技术会降低航运的成本,我们可以预期这将带来更多的货运量,从而抵消一部分由它带来的职位削减。 More importantly, the returns on investment in port terminal automation are large enough that there should be room for a negotiated settlement that makes both the union and the terminal operators happy. 更重要的是,投资于港口货运码头的自动化技术所带来的回报足够大,这将为工会和港口运营商之间的谈判提供空间,以达成一个能让双方皆大欢喜的协议。 Port terminal automation is no different from any other form of technological disruption, which almost inevitably leads to displacement of some segments of the workforce. In the long run, however, technology ends up creating better jobs and expanded opportunities across broad spectrums of the economy. Managing the transition is hard, often requiring social safety nets from government, as well as concessions from those who stand to benefit from the new technology. 港口货运码头的自动化与其它任何形式的颠覆性技术相比并没有什么不同,它们几乎不可避免地会替代某些现有劳动力。但从长期来看,技术最终会在更广阔的经济民生中创造出更多更好的工作机会。管理由技术带来的转变是困难的,这通常需要政府的社会保障网络提供帮助,同时还需要那些新技术的受益者作出一些让步。 Given the march of “software eating the world,” it’s hard to imagine a future where American ports do not become more automated. Difficult as the transition toward port automation may be, shying away from the challenge means less trade among countries. Shipping technology advancements have shown themselves time and again to be capable of creating a more prosperous and interconnected world. 在“软件改变世界”的大潮之中,很难想象在未来美国的港口不会变得更加自动化。也许向港口自动化的转变过程会很艰难,但回避其中的挑战意味着国家间的贸易将因此减少。航运技术的进步已在过去一次次证明了它们有能力创造一个更加繁荣和更具连通性的世界。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]人发市场欣欣向荣

The Market for Human Hair
人发市场

作者:Alex Mayyasi @ 2015-12-02
译者:Horace Rae
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:Priceonomics,http://priceonomics.com/the-market-for-human-hair/

The Venkateswara Temple in Tirumala, India, had a problem.

印度Tirumala的Venkateswara寺有了个麻烦。

Thirty to forty million pilgrims visit the temple each year, and in a gesture of humility and sacrifice, 10% to 25% of them, men and women both, have their heads shaven. Every day, the Venkateswara Temple staff fills giant vats with human hair, and for a long time, its staff burned thousands of pounds of hair—a noxious process that produces toxic gases like ammonia and was eventually banned by the Indian government in the 1990s.

每年有三千到四千万名朝圣者造访这间寺院。为了表示谦恭与牺牲,他们中10%-25%的人会剪掉自己的头发,其中男女皆有。每天,Venkateswara寺的工作人员要把头发塞进大桶里。很长一段时间,工作人员会把上万磅头发烧掉,这一行为十分有害,会产生氨气等有毒气体。1990年代,这种行为最终被印度政府禁止。

By then, however, they had discovered a new way to get rid of the hair: sell it for millions.

不过,那时候他们已经找到了一种解决头发问题的新方法:把它们卖掉,大赚一笔。

When fashion companies make wigs—and when stylists tape or weave hair extensions into customers’ hair in salons—they want to use real human hair. To get it, they rely on places like the Venkateswara Temple, which sells its hair in annual auctions. In 2014, fashion companies bid almost $12 million for what temple employees call “black gold.”

时装公司生产假发时,或者发廊的造型师给顾客接假发时,都想使用真正的人发。为了获得人发,他们依赖类似Venkateswara寺这样的地方。Venkateswara寺会在年度拍卖中出售头发。2014年,时装公司出价将近1200万美元,购买这种被寺院员工叫做“黑金”的东西。

The Tirumala Temple auction is part of a multi-billion dollar market for human hair—a global endeavor that includes collecting long locks to make fashionable hairpieces and its more industrial counterpart of turning hair into fertilizers, stuffing for clothes, and even amino acids used in pizza dough.

Tirumala的寺院拍卖只是数十亿美元规模的人发市场的一部分。这一全球性行当包括收集长发以制作时髦假发,还包括更加工业化的部分:把头发制成化肥、衣服填充物,甚至做成披萨面团制作中用到的氨基酸。

Nearly everyone has hair they discard without a thought. Yet it can also be one of the world’s most precious resources, and businesses can’t get enough of it.

几乎所有人都会想也不想地扔掉头发。但是,同时,它也能成为世界上最宝贵的资源,许多公司对头发的需求总是多多益善。

From Tirumala to the Salon
从Tirumala到发廊

A quality wig made of human hair sells for thousands of dollars in the United States, and hair extensions made of real hair can sell for several hundred or thousand dollars. But it takes a lot of work to turn the hair of Venkateswara pilgrims into a luxury product.

在美国,一顶使用人发制作的优质假发可以卖到数千美元,人发制作的接发材料也可以卖到数百甚至上千美元。但是,要把Venkateswara朝圣者们的头发变成昂贵的商品,有很多事情需要做。

When companies buy hair from the temple for as much as $700 per pound, it contains sweat, blood, and lice. The temple warehouses reek from mildew and fungus. Investigative journalist Scott Carney visited Tirumala and called the hair a “foul-smelling heap.” As 600 barbers each shave a head every 5 minutes, they le(more...)

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The Market for Human Hair 人发市场 作者:Alex Mayyasi @ 2015-12-02 译者:Horace Rae 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:Priceonomics,http://priceonomics.com/the-market-for-human-hair/ The Venkateswara Temple in Tirumala, India, had a problem. 印度Tirumala的Venkateswara寺有了个麻烦。 Thirty to forty million pilgrims visit the temple each year, and in a gesture of humility and sacrifice, 10% to 25% of them, men and women both, have their heads shaven. Every day, the Venkateswara Temple staff fills giant vats with human hair, and for a long time, its staff burned thousands of pounds of hair—a noxious process that produces toxic gases like ammonia and was eventually banned by the Indian government in the 1990s. 每年有三千到四千万名朝圣者造访这间寺院。为了表示谦恭与牺牲,他们中10%-25%的人会剪掉自己的头发,其中男女皆有。每天,Venkateswara寺的工作人员要把头发塞进大桶里。很长一段时间,工作人员会把上万磅头发烧掉,这一行为十分有害,会产生氨气等有毒气体。1990年代,这种行为最终被印度政府禁止。 By then, however, they had discovered a new way to get rid of the hair: sell it for millions. 不过,那时候他们已经找到了一种解决头发问题的新方法:把它们卖掉,大赚一笔。 When fashion companies make wigs—and when stylists tape or weave hair extensions into customers’ hair in salons—they want to use real human hair. To get it, they rely on places like the Venkateswara Temple, which sells its hair in annual auctions. In 2014, fashion companies bid almost $12 million for what temple employees call “black gold.” 时装公司生产假发时,或者发廊的造型师给顾客接假发时,都想使用真正的人发。为了获得人发,他们依赖类似Venkateswara寺这样的地方。Venkateswara寺会在年度拍卖中出售头发。2014年,时装公司出价将近1200万美元,购买这种被寺院员工叫做“黑金”的东西。 The Tirumala Temple auction is part of a multi-billion dollar market for human hair—a global endeavor that includes collecting long locks to make fashionable hairpieces and its more industrial counterpart of turning hair into fertilizers, stuffing for clothes, and even amino acids used in pizza dough. Tirumala的寺院拍卖只是数十亿美元规模的人发市场的一部分。这一全球性行当包括收集长发以制作时髦假发,还包括更加工业化的部分:把头发制成化肥、衣服填充物,甚至做成披萨面团制作中用到的氨基酸。 Nearly everyone has hair they discard without a thought. Yet it can also be one of the world’s most precious resources, and businesses can’t get enough of it. 几乎所有人都会想也不想地扔掉头发。但是,同时,它也能成为世界上最宝贵的资源,许多公司对头发的需求总是多多益善。 From Tirumala to the Salon 从Tirumala到发廊 A quality wig made of human hair sells for thousands of dollars in the United States, and hair extensions made of real hair can sell for several hundred or thousand dollars. But it takes a lot of work to turn the hair of Venkateswara pilgrims into a luxury product. 在美国,一顶使用人发制作的优质假发可以卖到数千美元,人发制作的接发材料也可以卖到数百甚至上千美元。但是,要把Venkateswara朝圣者们的头发变成昂贵的商品,有很多事情需要做。 When companies buy hair from the temple for as much as $700 per pound, it contains sweat, blood, and lice. The temple warehouses reek from mildew and fungus. Investigative journalist Scott Carney visited Tirumala and called the hair a “foul-smelling heap.” As 600 barbers each shave a head every 5 minutes, they leave bloody scalps and hair balls littering the floor. 当厂商以每磅700美元的价格从寺院买来头发时,头发中还有汗水、血块和虱子。寺院的仓库散发着霉味。调查记者Scott Carney造访Tirumala时,把那里的头发形容为“一大堆恶臭”。大约600名理发师,每位理发师每隔5分钟剃光一个头,血淋淋的头皮和发球就会杂乱地铺在地上。 It takes someone in the industry to recognize why the hair is so valuable. Only long women’s hair is sold at auction—the temple sells men’s hair at a pittance for industrial uses—and since many pilgrims come from humble, rural towns, they have not used shampoos or styled and treated their hair in ways that damage it. 只有业内人士才能认识到为什么头发如此宝贵。只有女性的长发能在拍卖中出售——而男性头发则被寺院低价出售,用作工业用途。因为许多朝圣者来自偏远贫穷的村庄,他们没有用过洗发水,也没有做过发型,而且他们对付头发的方式对它造成过损伤。 To transform the best (longest) hair from trash into treasure, teams of workers untangle the hair, sort it by length, pick out lice and other particles, wash and dry it, and dye it a variety of colors. Companies then either ship the hair out to salons where stylists will sew, tape, or bond the extensions into customers’ hair, or sew the hair into wigs. 为让最优质(最长)的头发变废为宝,需要许多工人团队把头发理顺,按长度分类,把虱子和其他东西挑出来,之后把头发洗净并干燥,然后把它们染成不同的颜色。厂商要么把这些头发送到发廊,发廊的造型师会把头发编织、粘贴或者嫁接在顾客的头发上;要么把它们编织成假发。 The process is incredibly labor intensive. “To make a high-end wig,” says Mo Hefnawy of Lori’s Wigsite, one of many retailers of wigs made by Indian and Chinese manufacturers, “someone sat there with a needle and sewed a few hairs at a time. It takes 3 or 4 days.” 这一过程需要大量劳动力。中国或印度所产假发的众多经销商之一,Lori’s Wigsite的Mo Hefnawy说:“为了生产出一顶优质假发,需要有人坐着,用缝针一次编织几根头发。这一过程需要3天到4天。” Retailers like Lori’s Wigsite sell wigs made of fake, synthetic hair, and they cost $250 where a human hair wig would cost $1,500. But synthetic wigs don’t last as long, can’t be styled, and look and feel less natural. Most people want wigs made of real hair, Hefnawy says, but Lori’s sells more synthetic wigs than human hair wigs because they are more affordable. 类似Lori’s Wigsite这样的经销商也出售人工合成毛发制作的假发,这种假发的价格是250美元,但是真发制成的假发要1500美元。但是合成假发很快就会损坏,也不能做造型,看起来摸起来也没有那么自然。Hefnawy说,大部分人都想要真发制成的假发,但是Lori’s出售的合成假发比人发假发多,因为前者更加便宜。 The majority of Lori’s customers suffer hair loss from chemotherapy or conditions like alopecia. A minority are religious women who buy wigs as an alternative to modestly hiding their hair, and some older men and women buy wigs to cover thinning hair. Lori’s 的顾客大多是因化疗或脱发症而脱发的人,一小部分女性宗教信徒购买假发是为了隐藏起自己的头发以示谦恭,还有一些老年人购买假发来遮盖自己日益稀薄的头发。 For the moment, though, hair extensions are increasingly popular among young women who want to quickly change their hairstyle or buy the long, thick hair celebrated in shampoo commercials. Among other celebrities, Victoria Beckham, Beyonce, and Kylie Jenner of Kardashian fame are known for wearing extensions. 但是现在,一些年轻女性想要迅速改变发型,或是想要洗发水广告中那样的浓密飘逸的长发,所以接发在她们中间非常流行。明星中间,像Victoria Beckham, Beyonce以及Kardashian家的Kylie Jenner,都因接发而闻名。 Prices have increased with popularity. In several burglaries of hair salons, thieves ignored cash registers and went straight for hair extensions worth tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars. 随着接发流行开来,其价格也水涨船高。在一些针对发廊的盗窃案中,窃贼们对收款机视而不见,径直去寻找接发用的假发,其价值常高达数万甚至数十万美元。 When nonprofits like Locks of Love ask people to donate their hair (to make hairpieces for children suffering from hair loss), they are not asking because long hair is hard to find. The human hair market is well established, and anyone can go online and instantly order hair by the pound. 当“一缕关爱”(Locks of Love)这样的非营利性组织号召人们捐出头发(用来给脱发的孩子制作假发)时,不是因为长发难以得到。人发市场已经相当成熟,所有人都可以上网,即刻预订头发,按磅计价。 Locks of Love asks for donations because hair is so expensive that many patients can’t afford thousand dollar wigs. “一缕关爱”号召人们捐头发,是因为头发过于昂贵,许多患者买不起价值数千美元的假发。 The Secret Life of Hair 头发的隐秘故事 The market for human hair has always been a mechanism for getting hair from people in poor areas to those who need or want it in wealthier ones. 人发市场向来是个从贫穷地区的人手中获取头发,然后把头发卖给富裕地区有需要的人的机制。 History is full of examples of human hair being treated as a valuable commodity. Archeologists have discovered human hair wigs held together with resin and beeswax in Ancient Egyptian tombs. Upper class men in 18th century Europe wore long periwigs made of human or horse hair, and thieves commonly worked in teams to steal and resell them. An observer of an annual “hair harvest” in a poor Italian village in the 19th century described seeing girls “sheared, one after the other, like sheep.” Their hair went to Parisian markets that sold 200,000 pounds of human hair each year. 历史上,人发成为昂贵商品的例子俯拾皆是。考古学家们已经在古埃及的墓穴中发现了用树脂和蜂蜡粘合的人发假发。十八世纪,欧洲上流社会的男性会佩戴人发或是马鬃制作的假发。当时的盗贼常常会组团盗窃、转卖假发。十九世纪,在一个贫穷的意大利村庄,有人曾见证了一年一次“头发收割”,他写道,自己看见女孩们“一个接一个地剃头,就像剪羊毛一样”。她们的头发会被出售到巴黎市场,那里每年有20万磅人发售出。 The difference today is that the market has changed with globalization. Hair does not move from provincial Europe to capital cities; it moves from poor countries to wealthy ones. The vast majority of hair and hair products come from India and China and are sold in the United States and Europe. 与过去相比,现在的不同是,人发市场已经因全球化而改变。头发不再从欧洲的乡下被运往首都,而是从贫穷国家运往富裕国家。绝大多数头发与发制品来自印度和中国,并被出售到美国和欧洲。 In the hair industry, no one bothers to equally celebrate each and every person’s hair. For them, hair is a product, and the way they talk about hair reflects economic and social realities—and made us squirm. 在人发产业中,没人会费心去平等的称颂每个人的头发。对他们来说,头发就是物品,他们谈论头发的方式反映了经济和社会的现实——且令我们不安。 “Indian hair is best,” retailers and manufacturers told us without hesitation. They cite the strength of Indian hair and how plentiful it is thanks to places like the Venkateswara Temple. But its most valuable attribute is that it closely resembles caucasian hair. “Oriental hair is used,” one industry expert bluntly added, “because there is a lot of it.” “印度人的头发最好,”经销商和生产厂家毫不犹豫地告诉我们。他们谈论印度头发的强韧度,以及拜Venkateswara寺这种地方所赐的巨大供应量。但是它最具价值的因素是它和白人头发的相似性。“我们使用东方人的头发,”行内专家坦白道,“因为东方人的头发供应量很大。” Hair flows from poor countries to rich countries, but when a woman with blond hair is willing to sell her hair, the market pays incredibly well. Destitute Russian women regularly sell their blond hair for fifty to several hundred dollars. Mo Hefnawy says he knows a young woman whom wig makers flew out from Indiana and paid $1,500 for her hair, which they made into an $8,000 wig. 头发从贫穷国家流入富裕国家,但是当金发女人愿意卖出她的头发,市场给出的价格特别慷慨。贫穷的俄罗斯女人定期卖掉自己的金发,能卖到五十美元甚至上百美元。Mo Hefnawy说他认识一个年轻女人,假发制造商为了她的头发从印第安纳州远道飞来,付给她1500美元,用她的头发制作的假发售价8000美元。 Africa also bucks global trends: despite the prevalence of poverty in many countries, Africa is an importer of hair. Elaborate wigs may no longer separate royalty from commoners, but hair has not lost its political and economic relevance. 非洲则逆全球趋势而行。尽管非洲的大部分国家都十分贫穷,但非洲是头发进口地。精致的假发可能不再能区分王室与平民,但是头发还没有丧失其政治和经济意义。 Projects like My Nappy Roots and Good Hair have explored the efforts that black people, especially women, go through to style their hair, and in particularly the time and expense of straightening their curly hair—often with the help of hair extensions. Responding to this question of why “women adopt a concept of ‘beauty’ that is not based on the natural characteristics of their hair,” Al Sharpton says in Good Hair, “We wear our economic oppression on our heads." 诸如 My Nappy RootsGood Hair之类的项目发现,黑人,尤其是女性,会费尽心力给头发做造型,尤其是他们会费时费财地去把他们的卷发拉直——这一过程经常需要接发。在回答“为什么女性不把她们与生俱来的头发特征当作美的标准”这一问题时,Al Sharpto在Good Hair中说:“我们头上戴的是经济压迫。” As a result, hair extensions and products are popular among African Americans and wealthy Africans, but hair traders have little interest in black hair. 因此,接发和假发产品在非裔美国人和富裕的非洲人之间非常流行,但是,头发经销商对黑人头发的兴趣有限。 Collecting Hair at Scale 规模化采集 If you ask people in the industry where they get human hair, they talk about temples in China and India like the Venkateswara Temple. 如果你询问业内人士他们的原料来自何处,他们会谈到中国和印度的寺庙,比如Venkateswara寺。 It’s no surprise they do; collecting hair from pilgrims is an elegant solution to manufacturers’ need for human hair. Shaving one’s head is a traditional, voluntary practice that avoids the exploitive undertones of desperate women selling their hair. Most pilgrims don’t know that the temple sells their hair. But we have not seen reports of religious leaders pocketing millions. The temple administrators have used the proceeds on gold wall panelling for the temple, but they say they primarily spend the money on charitable endeavors like feeding the needy and running hospitals. 这么做并不令人惊讶;从信徒那里收集头发是满足生产厂家头发需求的完美方案。剃发是一种有历史渊源而且自愿的行为,这就避免了走投无路的女性忍痛卖发的剥削寓意。大部分朝圣者不知道寺院卖掉了他们的头发。尽管如此,我们并未听说寺院管理者因此腰缠万贯。他们用这笔钱给寺院的墙板镀金,但他们声称这笔钱优先用于慈善用途,比如施粥行善或资助医院。 Yet only a minority of hair comes from temples. In India, a regional Minister for Textiles and Commerce told The Guardian, “all the Indian temples together contribute only 20 out of every 100 locks of premium hair sold abroad.” The Minister added, “Where the rest comes from, we have no idea.” Retailers and wholesale providers we spoke to voiced similar uncertainty. 但是只有一小部分头发来自寺庙。在印度,某地方的纺织和商业部部长告诉《卫报》,“印度所有寺庙出售的头发只占出口优质头发的20%。”他补充道:“剩下的头发是哪里来的,我们就不知道了。”与我们交谈过的零售商以及批发商同样语焉不详。 We do know that collecting hair is a large, decentralized undertaking that employs tens of thousands of people in India alone. Barber shops and salons collect and sell hair—both long hair sold to fashion companies and short hair sold cheaply to be used as stuffing, fertilizer, or, once broken down into component chemicals, in industrial uses ranging from food to pharmaceuticals. Waste pickers scrounge hair from trash and dumpsters. Hair traders visit villages—in a slum outside Chennai, a bell announces a trader’s arrival—to buy hair with either cash or trinkets and hair accessories. 我们知道,收集头发是一个巨大的去中心化产业,仅在印度就有数万人参与。理发店和发廊收集并出售头发,长发卖给时装公司,短发则被低价出售,用来制作填充物、化肥,或者被分解成化学物质,制作从食物到药品制剂的各种产品。垃圾分拣员在垃圾堆中寻找头发。头发收购人们寻访村庄——在Chennai周边的一个贫民区,铃声宣告着他们的到来——用现金或是小装饰品以及发饰购买头发。 The traders may buy hair that women have collected from combs and brushes, or the scenes may resemble the shearing of 19th century Italian villagers. No one can say exactly how often, but hair is not always sold willingly. Press has reported on husbands who receive $10 for their wives’ hair. One Indian woman told The Guardian, “I was held down by a gang of men who hacked at my hair… the police don't care, they will do nothing to protect women.” In Russia, prison wardens have admitted to forcibly cutting female inmates’ hair in order to sell it. 收购人买到的头发可能是妇女们从梳子或是刷子上收集来的,也有可能出现像十九世纪意大利村庄中一样的剃发场景。没人知道剃发的准确频率,但是,出售头发并不总是自愿的。媒体曾经报道过丈夫出售妻子的头发获得十美元报酬的事情。一个印度女人告诉《卫报》:“我被一群男人按倒在地,他们抢走了我的头发……警察漠不关心,他们不做任何保护妇女的事。”在俄罗斯,有狱卒承认曾经强迫女性犯人剃发,然后卖掉。 Whether it’s people scrounging hair from dumpsters or men forcing women to give up their hair, the hair business can be a dirty one. 不论是在垃圾桶里搜捡头发,还是男性强迫女性出售头发,头发行业有时十分肮脏。

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So far, the hair industry has not had its ethically-sourced moment. 到目前为止,人发行业还没有遭遇其道德溯源时刻。 American customers are typically unconcerned about the origins of extensions, the founder of a hair extensions trade group told the New York Times, other than to ask if they are hygienic. For retailers and manufacturers, the demand for hair makes it a financial necessity not to ask too many questions. 一位假发销售公司的创始人告诉《纽约时报》,美国顾客很少关心假发的来源,他们只在乎假发是不是卫生。对于零售商和制造商来说,在假发需求的驱使下,为了赚钱,最好还是不要问太多问题。 "The hair business is unlike any other," the owner of an Indian hair-exporting business told journalist Scott Carney. "In any other business, buying a commodity is easy; it's the selling it to retailers that is difficult. Here it's all reversed. It's simple to sell hair, just difficult to buy it." “人发产业跟其他产业都有所不同,”某印度头发出口企业的业主告诉记者Scott Carney说,“在其他行业中,商品买进很容易,将它卖给零售商就很难。但人发行业是颠倒过来的。头发卖出去很容易,买进来很难。” Better synthetic hair is coming. As China and India’s economic growth has reduced poverty, hair donors have been harder to find, which has increased prices and pushed companies to research alternatives. In the last 5 years, Mo Hefnawy of Lori’s Wigsite tells us, progress has been made on making synthetic wigs thicker and more heat-resistant. “I’d give it a few more years and they will have it,” he says. 更好的合成头发即将面世。随着中国和印度经济的增长,贫困有所减少,卖头发的人已经比以前更难找到了,这抬高了价格,促使企业研究替代方案。Lori’ Wigsite的Mo Hefnawy告诉我们,过去5年,在制造更浓密、更耐热的合成假发方面已有所进步。他说,“我想再过几年,他们会成功的。” Until then, though, a resource everyone has growing on the top of their head will remain a secretively lucrative commodity. 不过,在此之前,这种每个人头顶上都在生长的资源,仍将是一种鲜为人知的厚利商品。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

羊变狼的戏法

【2015-12-18】

@海德沙龙 《猪肉产业的政治游戏》 直到二战前,美国人吃的猪肉远远多于牛肉,更多于其他肉类,然而从上世纪初开始,猪肉地位一路下滑,到50年代被牛肉超过,70年代起,出于红肉恐惧,许多消费者又转向禽鱼肉,于是从1985年起,猪肉界发起了一场猪肉保卫战,其口号是:猪肉是另一种白肉

@海德沙龙:1985年,国会通过了猪肉复兴法案,据此农业部牵头组织了全国猪肉委员会(NPB),负责向消费者推广猪肉,次年起,它每年投入数百万美元,大力宣传“猪肉是另一种白肉”,然而诡异的是,到2011年(more...)

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【2015-12-18】 @海德沙龙 《猪肉产业的政治游戏》 直到二战前,美国人吃的猪肉远远多于牛肉,更多于其他肉类,然而从上世纪初开始,猪肉地位一路下滑,到50年代被牛肉超过,70年代起,出于红肉恐惧,许多消费者又转向禽鱼肉,于是从1985年起,猪肉界发起了一场猪肉保卫战,其口号是:猪肉是另一种白肉 @海德沙龙:1985年,国会通过了猪肉复兴法案,据此农业部牵头组织了全国猪肉委员会(NPB),负责向消费者推广猪肉,次年起,它每年投入数百万美元,大力宣传“猪肉是另一种白肉”,然而诡异的是,到2011年,这一口号已经被放弃,而同时农业部官方资料也不承认猪肉是白肉,但这笔每年数百万的费用却仍在照常支付。 @海德沙龙:本文介绍了这件事情里的政治勾当,从中我们可以从一个侧面窥见美国政治的某些运作机制 @whigzhou: 养猪户联合起来,组成行会,向其缴费,委托其推进共同利益,这原本是再平常不过的商业行为,但政府一掺和,性质就变了,入会和缴费都变成了强制性的,而且行会独此一家没得选,结果当然是腐败和权力滥用,以及自由的丧失 @whigzhou: 工会和劳工法的关系也是如此,若仅仅是自愿组织,工会就没什么不好,但那些亲工会的劳工法把它变成了特权垄断组织,只要人数超过某个比例,工会与雇主的议价结果就对非工会成员也有了强制力,于是雇主和非工会成员便丧失了契约自由,同时工会也变得极端腐败 @whigzhou: 全国猪肉委员会实际上体现了联邦政府干预产业和经济的典型模式,和美联储如出一辙,就是在一个私人行会的基础上,通过专项立法将其置于行政部门控制之下,取得其决策机构成员的部分任命权,同时赋予其垄断地位,结果就变成了一个特权垄断性质的半官方组织。 @whigzhou: 此类机构在日常事务上仍是自治的,并且通常也还代表行业利益,前提是必须听政府的话,配合其政策 @whigzhou: 但是因为有了垄断地位,它所代表的行业利益基本上只是行业巨头的利益,虽然在自愿组织的行会中,主导权通常也掌握在行业巨头手里,但小厂商有退出权,可以用脚投票,而只要有竞争,就坏不到哪儿去,对小厂商的压制也很有限,但有了特权垄断,小厂商就惨了  
[译文]波士顿市民为何拒绝奥运会

Why Boston’s Sports Fans Rejected the Olympics Boondoggle—and L.A. Said Bring It On
为什么波士顿的体育迷拒绝承办劳民伤财的奥运会——而洛杉矶却说我来办

作者: Garrett Quinn @ 2015-9-15
译者: Who视之(@Who适之)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源: Reason,https://reason.com/archives/2015/09/15/why-bostons-sports-fans-rejected-the-oly

The long, sad history of overspending on the international games.
国际性赛事超支的心酸历史

As the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) submits the city of Los Angeles as the country’s official nominee to host the 2024 Summer Games, sports fans in Boston are whooping it up like they did after the Red Sox finally won another World Series.

当美国奥委会正式提名洛杉矶代表美国申办2024年夏季奥运会,波士顿的体育迷欢呼雀跃,好似红袜队又拿下了一场世界系列赛。【译注:美国棒球联盟和全国棒球联盟优胜者之间的年度比赛

And with good reason. Earlier this year, the USOC had picked Boston to represent America in the Olympics-host sweepstakes. Then the sports-mad fans of the Red Sox, the Bruins, the Celtics, and the Patriots told city fathers—especially Mayor Martin J. Walsh—to pound sand when it came to hosting the Olympic Games with tax dollars.

他们这么高兴是有道理的。今年早些时候,美国奥委会挑选波士顿代表美国参加奥运会主办城市的赌赛。那些红袜队、棕熊队、凯尔特人队和爱国者队的死忠们告诉市府大员们——特别是市长Martin J. Walsh——若是用纳税人的钱来办奥运会,就要把这主意掐死。

How Boston’s rabid sports fans rejected the Olympics—and how chumps in Los Angeles enthusiastically stepped up to potential bankruptcy—is a tale worth understanding, especially the next time your city or state tries selling voters on a new stadium or venue for billionaire sports team owners.

为啥波士顿的狂热体育迷拒绝奥运会,而洛杉矶的呆逼们兴高采烈地踏上潜在的破产之旅,这事值得弄弄明白,特别是下次你的城市或州政府为身家亿万的球队老板们着想,试图向选民们兜售新的体育场馆时。

The Summer Games routinely use billions of taxpayer dollars to throw the equivalent of a three-week-long international party that ends with a trashed house and a financial hangover that lasts for years. Montreal hosted the games in 1976 and built a stadium that was called the Big O. ­­Since it took fully 30 years to pay off the municipal debt that underwrote the Games, locals dubbed it “the Big Owe.”

夏奥会一贯会花费纳税人几十上百亿美元,举办为期三周的国际大趴,结局是一地垃圾和延续若干年的财务宿醉症。蒙特利尔1976年承办了夏奥会,建了一座叫Big O的体育场。由于用了整整30年才还清为承办奥运会而发行的市政债,当地居民给这个体育场起了个“Big Owe”的外号【译注:Owe是欠账的意思】。

As sports economist Andrew Zimbalist has noted, the Summer Games might generate $6 billion in total revenue, half of which goes to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) while costing the host city $20 billion (London) or even $40 billion (Beijing). And don’t think that any new stadiums or infrastructure will have much of an economic afterlife. Indeed, the main achievement of the 2004 Athens games was to create modern ruins to match the ancient ones that actually (more...)

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Why Boston's Sports Fans Rejected the Olympics Boondoggle—and L.A. Said Bring It On 为什么波士顿的体育迷拒绝承办劳民伤财的奥运会——而洛杉矶却说我来办 作者: Garrett Quinn @ 2015-9-15 译者: Who视之(@Who适之) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源: Reason,https://reason.com/archives/2015/09/15/why-bostons-sports-fans-rejected-the-oly The long, sad history of overspending on the international games. 国际性赛事超支的心酸历史 As the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) submits the city of Los Angeles as the country’s official nominee to host the 2024 Summer Games, sports fans in Boston are whooping it up like they did after the Red Sox finally won another World Series. 当美国奥委会正式提名洛杉矶代表美国申办2024年夏季奥运会,波士顿的体育迷欢呼雀跃,好似红袜队又拿下了一场世界系列赛。【译注:美国棒球联盟和全国棒球联盟优胜者之间的年度比赛】 And with good reason. Earlier this year, the USOC had picked Boston to represent America in the Olympics-host sweepstakes. Then the sports-mad fans of the Red Sox, the Bruins, the Celtics, and the Patriots told city fathers—especially Mayor Martin J. Walsh—to pound sand when it came to hosting the Olympic Games with tax dollars. 他们这么高兴是有道理的。今年早些时候,美国奥委会挑选波士顿代表美国参加奥运会主办城市的赌赛。那些红袜队、棕熊队、凯尔特人队和爱国者队的死忠们告诉市府大员们——特别是市长Martin J. Walsh——若是用纳税人的钱来办奥运会,就要把这主意掐死。 How Boston’s rabid sports fans rejected the Olympics—and how chumps in Los Angeles enthusiastically stepped up to potential bankruptcy—is a tale worth understanding, especially the next time your city or state tries selling voters on a new stadium or venue for billionaire sports team owners. 为啥波士顿的狂热体育迷拒绝奥运会,而洛杉矶的呆逼们兴高采烈地踏上潜在的破产之旅,这事值得弄弄明白,特别是下次你的城市或州政府为身家亿万的球队老板们着想,试图向选民们兜售新的体育场馆时。 The Summer Games routinely use billions of taxpayer dollars to throw the equivalent of a three-week-long international party that ends with a trashed house and a financial hangover that lasts for years. Montreal hosted the games in 1976 and built a stadium that was called the Big O. ­­Since it took fully 30 years to pay off the municipal debt that underwrote the Games, locals dubbed it "the Big Owe." 夏奥会一贯会花费纳税人几十上百亿美元,举办为期三周的国际大趴,结局是一地垃圾和延续若干年的财务宿醉症。蒙特利尔1976年承办了夏奥会,建了一座叫Big O的体育场。由于用了整整30年才还清为承办奥运会而发行的市政债,当地居民给这个体育场起了个“Big Owe”的外号【译注:Owe是欠账的意思】。 As sports economist Andrew Zimbalist has noted, the Summer Games might generate $6 billion in total revenue, half of which goes to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) while costing the host city $20 billion (London) or even $40 billion (Beijing). And don’t think that any new stadiums or infrastructure will have much of an economic afterlife. Indeed, the main achievement of the 2004 Athens games was to create modern ruins to match the ancient ones that actually draw tourists to Greece. 体育经济学家Andrew Zimbalist注意到,夏奥会可能产生了60亿美元的总收入,其中一半归国际奥委会,而主办城市会花费200亿美元(伦敦),甚至400亿美元(北京)。不要以为那些新的运动场馆和基础设施在会后能有什么经济效益。实际上,2004年雅典奥运会的主要成就,就是兴建了一批现代废墟来配合真正吸引游客到希腊去的古代废墟。 On top of all that the Olympics have an established reputation for bringing graft, a draconian security state, and horrific traffic and business disruption everywhere they go. "The important thing in the Olympic Games is not to win, but to participate," declared the creator of the modern Games, the Frenchman Pierre de Coubertin, who obviously wasn’t stuck paying any of the bills. 不仅如此,奥林匹克运动已经建立起这样一个名声:它走到哪,哪就会有贪腐、苛刻的安保,以及严重的交通和商务混乱。现代奥林匹克创始人,法国人顾拜旦宣称:“奥运会重在参与而不是取胜。”这人显然不管付账。 Earlier this year, Boston seemed up for the challenge and was selected to be the city that the USOC would put forward to host the 2024 Games. To its slim credit, the IOC had reformed some of its practices after a stunning show of disinterest from western democracies in hosting the 2022 Winter Olympics (an even bigger money-loser than the Summer Games). The reforms, known as Agenda 2020, are designed to make hosting the games less financially burdensome and will be applied for the first time during the bidding for the 2024 Summer Olympics. 今年早间,波士顿看着像要去挑战一下,被美国奥委会选为竞办2024奥运会的城市。得承认,在西方民主国家对举办2022年冬奥会(这是个比夏奥会更能亏钱的玩意)显示了令人震惊的冷淡之后,国际奥委会对其做法进行了一些改革。这些改革称为“2020议程”,将在竞办2024年夏奥会时实施,目的是让承办奥运会的经济负担不至于过分沉重。 After Boston’s bid was initially approved by the USOC, more and more details of the financing started dripping out and the city’s enthusiasm went softer than one of Tom Brady’s footballs. While it’s true that the people of Boston are diehard, always-annoying sports fans you want to punch in the neck, they are not suckers and have a long, proud history of telling team owners and elected official to take a hike when it comes to paying for sports venues. 波士顿的竞办申请被美国奥委会批准后,越来越多的融资细节开始泄露,市民的热情变得比Tom Brady【译注:美式橄榄球四分卫】的某个传球还弱。虽然波士顿人是死硬的、让人讨厌的、欠揍的体育迷,但这些人一点不蠢;如果球队老板和民选官员想让纳税人掏钱建体育场馆,波士顿人对这种想法的回答有着长久的光荣传统:您哪凉快哪呆着去。 In the 1990s the Patriot and Red Sox sought to build waterfront stadiums on the South Boston Waterfront as part of project dubbed the MegaPlex. The plan only required a tiny commitment from taxpayers but it was still too much to placate the dialed-in citizens of Boston. The plan eventually died when late Boston Mayor Thomas M. Menino turned against it. 1990年代,爱国者队和红袜队想在波士顿南部滨水地带兴建滨水体育场,作为名为MegaPlex项目的一部分。这个计划只需要纳税人一点微小的承诺,但仍然不能安抚那些打电话反对的市民。该计划在已故市长Thomas M. Menino转而反对后夭折。 Now, the once vacant area is home to a booming innovation district and soaring residential towers. When the Bruins and Celtics replaced the rat infested Boston Garden with a new building in 1995, it was build with private money after much public handwringing. 现如今,那片原先的空地上建起了生机勃勃的创新产业园区和高高的住宅楼。棕熊队和凯尔特人队在1995年把鼠患猖獗的波士顿花园重建,在公众表示很大关注之后,花的是私人老板的钱。 In 2015, a rag-tag group of activists and young professionals organized against the 2024 bid in an extremely effective manner that put pressure on elected officials to stop the games and created a climate of intense negativity around Boston’s Olympic bid. It was a remarkable display of activism. It pitted the city’s captains of industry against a group of activists with little more than pennies to rub together and smartphones. 2015年,一群由活动分子和年轻的专业人士组成的草根组织了一次非常有效的反申奥活动,使民选官员受到阻止赛会的压力,并为波士顿的申办活动创造了极为负面的气氛。这群除了几块钱和智能手机外啥都没有的活动分子,得以和波士顿的行业大佬们叫阵。 The group pushing the bid had their hands tied by various USOC decrees and limitations. They couldn’t respond quickly and effectively to their opponents and they committed all sorts of unforced errors that stoked the anti-Olympics sentiment: Property owners were caught off guard about venue locations, residents were not contacted before the plan was devised, and community stakeholders were only included in the process when it was all but too late. 支持申办的团体受到美国奥委会各种条例和限制的约束。他们未能及时有效地回应反对者,犯下很多本可避免的失误,使得反奥运情绪如火上浇油:业主们被场馆选址弄得猝不及防,居民们在规划设计之前没有得到通知,而利益相关的社区成员直到时机已过才被纳入进程中去。 The bid’s biggest public supporter, Mayor Martin J. Walsh, was often forced to publicly chastise the USOC and bid organizers for not releasing information in a timely or transparent manner. For many, the announcement that former Governor Deval Patrick was being paid $7,500 a day as a consultant on the project was the straw that broke the camel’s back. 申办活动最大的公共部门支持者,市长Martin Walsh,经常被迫公开批评美国奥委会和申办组织者没有及时透明地公开信息。对很多人来说,前任州长Deval Patrick每天可以得到7500美元的项目顾问费这一消息,是压断骆驼的最后一根稻草。 Opinion poll after opinion poll showed the public just did not trust the organizers to be honest about how much it would all cost locals. Boston’s bid conformed to the reforms outlined in the IOC’s reform agenda but the final sticking point was something that is still Olympic policy: Host cities must take a binding pledge that puts taxpayers on the hook for any cost overruns. 一个接一个的民意调查显示,公众就是不相信组织者对当地人需付总价的估算。波士顿的申办符合国际奥委会做出的改革,但最后胶着点仍然是奥林匹克的这个态度:主办城市必须做出有法律约束的保证,让纳税人为任何成本超支付账。 It wasn’t just Boston-area residents who soured. Elected officials across Massachusetts like Governor Charlie Baker and House Speaker Robert DeLeo balked at the idea of being on the hook and said publicly that they would not sign a taxpayer guarantee for the Olympics. Period. The USOC grew tired of the local reluctance and eventually pulled the bid on July 29, after Walsh said he would not sign a taxpayer guarantee at a hastily called city hall press conference carried live on all local TV stations. 不仅仅是波士顿地区的居民对此不开心,马萨诸塞州各处的民选官员,比如州长Charlie Baker和众议院议长Robert DeLeo,都对做出这种承诺迟疑不决,公开说他们不会为奥运会签署纳税人的担保,这事没得谈。在一场面向所有当地电视台直播的匆忙召集的市府新闻发布会上,Walsh说他不会签署纳税人的保证,美国奥委会受不了波士顿的勉强,最后在7月29日撤回了竞办。 Meanwhile, all the way across the continent, a two-time Olympic host city waited in the wings to pick up the torch as soon as Boston threw it down: Los Angeles. 与此同时,横跨美国大陆的另一边,一个曾经两次举办奥运会、伺机而动的城市在波士顿放弃申办后,马上接棒了。洛杉矶来了。 The City of Angels hosted the Summer Games in 1932 and in 1984. Memories of those latter games are especially warm and fuzzy for Angelenos. In many ways, the ’84 Games were the coming-out party for L.A., a city that had grown rich in post-war America while never quite being taken seriously in America, much less the rest of the world. To this day and despite the city’s standing as the second-largest metropolis in the country, it nurses a cultural inferiority complex bigger than the budget of a Hollywood blockbuster. 天使之城在1932和1984举办过夏奥会。后一次的奥运会对洛杉矶人来说尤其感觉温馨可人。在很多方面,1984年奥运会是洛杉矶的成年派对,这座城市在战后美国富裕了起来,却一直没有被美国人认真对待过,更不要说在全世界了。直到今天,尽管洛杉矶是美国第二大城市,它的文化自卑情结比一场好莱坞大片的预算还要大。 In 1984, the tremendous performances of Carl Lewis, Mary Lou Retton, and both the men’s and women’s swim teams—along with a boycott by the Soviet Union, East Germany, and other Eastern bloc countries—resulted in the U.S. winning more than three times as many medals as any other country. More important to the current debate, the games were supervised by Peter Uberroth, who insisted on using existing facilities whenever possible, exercised ultra-rare but effective financial discipline, and leaned hard on local philanthropies to kick in lots of free money. The result was what is still widely hailed as "the most successful games ever," at least from a public accountant’s point of view. 1984年,美国的Carl Lewis,Mary Lou Retton,男女游泳队发挥卓越,加上苏联和东欧国家的抵制,美国得到的奖牌数比第二名的三倍还多。对于当前争议而言,更重要的是,这次运动会由Peter Uberroth主管,他坚持尽量使用现有设施,表现出少有但有效的财务纪律性,依靠当地的慈善力量,省下很多钱。结果是这届奥运会被称为“最成功的奥运会”,至少从会计角度看是这样。 In the ‘80s, L.A. and California were booming. Things are different this time around. The recession was not kind to Los Angeles and the city continues to amass debt, lose jobs, struggle to provide basic services, and hang on to its middle class. California in general is struggling to pay its bills, too, while keeping the lights on. 在80年代,洛杉矶和加州欣欣向荣,可这次情况不同了。经济衰退对洛杉矶毫不客气,该市一直在堆积债务,流失就业机会,忙于提供基本服务,求助于中产阶级。加州基本上也是在让灯亮着的同时挣扎着付清账单。 Yet this time around, the Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously to support Mayor Eric Garcetti’s pursuit of the Games even though it means putting the city’s taxpayers on the line for any kind of cost overruns. And the state government has a history of coming to the city’s rescue. During their pursuit of the 2016 games, the California legislature set aside $250 million in state funds to help Los Angeles’s bid (it lost out to Rio de Janeiro). California Gov. Jerry Brown has not officially committed to financially backing the games but that did not stop bid organizers in Los Angeles from saying he was on board anyway. 可是这一次,洛杉矶市议会投票一致支持市长Eric Garcetti申办奥运会,尽管这意味着纳税人要为任何成本超支买单。该州政府有搭救市府的传统。在申办2016运动会时,加州议会拨出2.5亿美元州资金来帮助洛杉矶申办(最后不敌里约热内卢)。加州州长没有正式承诺在财务上支持运动会,但这并未阻止洛杉矶的申办者宣称州长和他们站在一起。 The rosy-colored view of the games is not limited to the California political elite. Sports columnists such like Bill Plaschke of the Los Angeles Times tend to be uncritical boosters of Southern California and are enthusiastically on board. In Boston, there was almost uniform opposition to the games in the press and the reception from the sports media was more vicious than the drunks in the Fenway Park bleachers when the Yankees are in town. Even the limited polling on the games shows Los Angeles actually wants the games. Over 81 percent of respondents in a recent poll sponsored by the USOC said they backed the games. 对奥运会玫瑰色的展望并未局限于加州的政治精英,体育专栏作家们,如《洛杉矶时报》的Bill Plaschke,都是南加州不加批评的支持者,对申办全心支持。在波士顿,报界几乎一致反对奥运会,体育媒体的反应,比纽约扬基队来叫阵时,Fenway公园露天看台上醉鬼的骂声更加邪恶。有限的民意测验显示,洛杉矶人确实想申办奥运会。在最近一个美国奥委会组织的调查中,超过81%的受访者说他们支持。 So it seems that Los Angeles and its residents appear far more willing to mortgage their future to host a three-week party in 2024 for the world’s elite than Boston was. Come 2017, when the IOC will announce the winning city from applicants that include Paris, Toronto, Budapest, Hamburg, and Rome, Hollywood may well be breaking ground on yet another boulevard of broken dreams. That is, if Los Angeles is selected to host the game for a third time. 看来洛杉矶和它的居民比波士顿更加愿意把他们的未来抵押在2024年为世界精英们举办一次为时三周的国际派对。2017年奥委会将宣布巴黎、多伦多、布达佩斯特、汉堡、罗马这些申办城市中的胜者。如果洛杉矶第三次获选举办奥运会,好莱坞很可能要为另一条碎梦大道破土动工。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]猪肉产业的政治游戏

A $60 million pork kickback?
一份6千万美金的猪肉回扣?

作者:Danny Vinik @ 2015-8
译者:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:Politico,http://www.politico.com/agenda/story/2015/08/a-60-million-pork-kickback-000210

Unhappy small farmers detect a racket in a pork branding deal—and the USDA signed off on it.
不幸的小农户们从一桩猪肉品牌服务交易中发现了诈骗行为,并且美国农业部还在这上面签了字。

Pork hasn’t been “the other white meat” for years—after a 24-year run as the centerpiece of billboards and the butt of jokes, the slogan was retired in 2011 and replaced with “Pork: Be Inspired,” a logo you might have seen on the apron of Ted Cruz as he grilled pork chops at the Iowa State fair last week.

猪肉已经很多年没有被称作“另一种白肉”【校注:1986年,鉴于当时消费者普遍接受了红肉不利健康(more...)

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A $60 million pork kickback? 一份6千万美金的猪肉回扣? 作者:Danny Vinik @ 2015-8 译者:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:Politico,http://www.politico.com/agenda/story/2015/08/a-60-million-pork-kickback-000210 Unhappy small farmers detect a racket in a pork branding deal—and the USDA signed off on it. 不幸的小农户们从一桩猪肉品牌服务交易中发现了诈骗行为,并且美国农业部还在这上面签了字。 Pork hasn't been "the other white meat" for years—after a 24-year run as the centerpiece of billboards and the butt of jokes, the slogan was retired in 2011 and replaced with "Pork: Be Inspired," a logo you might have seen on the apron of Ted Cruz as he grilled pork chops at the Iowa State fair last week. 猪肉已经很多年没有被称作“另一种白肉”【校注:1986年,鉴于当时消费者普遍接受了红肉不利健康的观念,全国猪肉委员会发起了一场旨在让消费者相信“猪肉是另一种白肉”的宣传活动】了——在当了24年的广告牌要点以及笑柄之后,这条广告语在2011年退休,取而代之的则是一条新标语:“猪肉,振奋人心”。你可能看过,Ted Cruz【校注:2016年美国共和党总统提名竞争者之一】上周在爱荷华州博览会上烤猪排时穿的围裙上就有这条标语。 But the National Pork Board, a government-sponsored entity funded by a tax on hog farmers, still writes a check for $3 million every year to license the unused slogan—a bewildering payout that only makes sense, critics say, when you realize the money goes straight to an industrial pork lobby that has long been closely tied to the board. Farmers who pay for the board are crying foul, saying the deal amounts to a scheme to let the board skirt anti-lobbying laws and promote an agenda directly against their interests. 但是,“全国猪肉委员会”,这个资金来源于生猪养殖户所缴税收的政府资助实体,为了让这条已不再使用的广告语获得许可,每年仍会开出300万美元的支票。批评者说,这笔支出乍看的确令人困惑,不过当你意识到这些钱其实直接交给了一个和该委员会联系甚密的猪肉工业游说团体时,一切就都说得通了。给委员会付款的农户骂声一片,他们说这笔交易相当于一个阴谋,想要让委员会绕过反游说法,发起一项直接损害他们利益的议程。 “It’s a shell game,” said Hugh Espey, the executive director of Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement, who has been fighting for years to roll back the mandatory payments to the Pork Board. “这是个骗局,”Hugh Espey说道,他是“爱荷华州社区改善公民组织”的执行主任,多年来一直在努力争取减少缴纳给猪肉委员会的强制性付款。 Saying the U.S. Department of Agriculture should have recognized the deal as corrupt and blocked it, Espey and a group of small hog farmers, along with the Humane Society of the United States, sued the federal government to undo the deal and recoup the millions of dollars already paid for the defunct “other white meat” slogan. Earlier this month a U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit allowed the suit to proceed. 由于认为美国农业部应该认定这笔交易为腐败行为并加以阻止,Espey和一群小型生猪养殖户连同“美国人道协会”一起状告联邦政府,要求撤销这笔交易,并且追回已经花在废弃广告语“另一种白肉”上的数百万美元。本月早些时候,哥伦比亚特区巡回上诉法院受理了这一上诉。 The deal sends $60 million over 20 years from the nonpartisan Pork Board to the slogan’s legal owner, the National Pork Producers Council (NPPC), a lobby with which it once shared an office. Small farmers have long been unhappy about the close relationship between the two groups, and see the rich payments for a defunct slogan as an egregious example of the government taking their money and then letting it be siphoned off to an industry group. 20多年间,上述交易将6000万美元从无党派的“全国猪肉委员会”转移到广告语法定所有人“全国猪肉生产者理事会”(NPPC)这一游说团体手上,而双方曾经共用同一个办公室。小型农户早已对这两个组织的过从甚密心存不满,并且他们认为政府收了他们的钱之后任由其被转移到产业集团手中,而用在这条废弃广告语上的巨额花费就是一个非常恶劣的例子。 Many critics also see the deal as symptomatic of a far broader problem with the "checkoff" programs that have become common across the agricultural world, in which the government requires farmers to make regular payments to promotional boards. Checkoffs exist for dairy farmers, mushroom producers, and even popcorn processors. Critics say they violate economic freedom and distort the market; big corporate farmers, they allege, easily find ways to influence the boards and siphon the money off to push their own causes. 许多批评家还认为,这笔交易也反映了一个更为深远的问题,也就是农业界已经司空见惯的“缴款”方案。通过这一程序,政府要求农户们定期为广告牌支付费用。缴款方案涉及奶农,食用菌生产者,甚至还有爆米花生产者。批评者称这些做法违反了经济自由并扭曲了市场;他们还指控,大型农业公司很容易就能找到方法来影响各委员会,并抽取资金以用于他们自己的事业。 “In one sense, it’s a classic case of the larger producers are the more powerful political forces within these organizations,” said Dan Glickman, the Agriculture Secretary at the end of the Clinton administration who largely supports checkoff programs. “从某种意义上说,这是一个反映大型生产商在这些组织内享有更强大政治力量的典型案例,”Dan Glickman说道,他是克林顿政府后期的农业部长,基本上支持缴款制度。 For the unhappy hog farmers, the current problem started with the 1985 Pork Law, when Congress set up the National Pork Board and required all farmers to contribute. Today, hog farmers must hand over 40 cents out of every $100 in revenue from pork sales. The board uses the money, totaling nearly $100 million a year, to conduct research and promote the pork industry, but is not allowed to lobby. 对于那些不爽的生猪养殖户来说,目前的问题开始于1985年《猪肉法案》,当时国会设立了全国猪肉委员会,并要求所有农民作出缴纳。今天,生猪养殖户必须从每100美元的猪肉销售收入中交出40美分。委员会用这笔每年总额将近1亿美元的款项开展调查研究,促进猪肉产业发展,但不允许进行游说。 The main pork lobby is the National Pork Producers Council, which donated nearly a half million dollars to candidates in the 2014 midterms – mainly, its critics say, to press the interests of big corporate hog farms. Legally, it isn’t supposed to use Pork Board money for its lobbying activities. 主要的猪肉游说团体是全国猪肉生产者理事会,在2014年的中期选举中曾捐赠将近50万美元--根据批评者的说法,这主要是为了推进大型生猪养殖公司的利益。从法律上讲,它不应该将猪肉委员会的资金用于其游说活动。 But critics say the two groups have never been as separate as the law calls for, and now are essentially colluding through a deal that lets the Pork Board funnel money to the NPCC by assigning an absurdly inflated value to the “other white meat” slogan; the money then goes to promote the NPPC’s lobbying agenda. 但是批评者说这两个组织从未像法律规定那样保持分离,而且现在通过这笔为广告语“另一种白肉”设置荒谬天价的交易,猪肉委员会得以向NPPC输送资金,这也使得它们实质上是在串通。NPPC在获取了这笔资金之后便将之用于推动其游说议程。 The Pork Board referred comments about the case to the USDA. A spokesperson for the department said in an email that “the assessments and expenditures by the National Pork Board were proper,” but declined to discuss the case further. 猪肉委员会将关于这桩案件的意见提交给了美国农业部。该部一位发言人在一封电子邮件中表示“由全国猪肉委员会做出的评估和支出是妥当的,”但是他拒绝进一步讨论案情。 The NPPC and NPB have always been very close, so close that a 1999 Inspector General report said that the government had to put more space between the two entities to limit the pork lobby’s influence at the board. NPPC和NPB一直走的很近,以至于1999年的一份监察长报告称,政府需要在这两个实体之间设置更多的隔离,以限制猪肉游说团体对该委员会的影响。 “It's a little bit like these super PACs with campaigns. Same people doing the same thing,” Glickman said about problems with the pork checkoff in the late 1990s. “That wasn't what Congress intended.” “这有一点像竞选中的那些超级政治行动委员会。同样的人做同样的事情,”Glickman谈起1990年代末期的猪肉缴款问题是这么说的。“那并不是美国国会原来设想的。” Espey and Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement have long fought the pork checkoff program, and once came close to eliminating it altogether. In 2000, opponents gathered enough signatures among hog farmers to force a referendum on the checkoff. More than 30,000 hog farmers voted; by 5 percentage points, they chose to kill the program. Espey和爱荷华州社区改善公民组织已经与猪肉缴款方案持续作战很久了,并且曾经一度接近将其彻底消灭。2000年,反对者们从生猪养殖户中收集到了足够的签名,推动发起了一场针对缴款的公投。超过30000名养猪农户参加了投票;以领先5%的优势,他们选择终止这个方案。 Glickman began dismantling it, but the NPPC challenged the referendum in court, and when the Bush administration took office that January, incoming USDA secretary Ann Veneman reversed Glickman’s decision. Instead, she crafted a “separation agreement” that overturned the referendum result but required the NPPC and NPB to adjust their operations so they were independent. Glickman开始着手撤销这个方案,但是NPPC在法庭上质疑了这次公投,而且在那年一月布什政府上台之后,新任农业部长Ann Veneman就推翻了Glickman的决定。相反,她起草了一份“分离协议”,推翻了之前的公投结果,但要求NPPC和NPB必须调整他们的运营方式以保持相互独立。 “It was window dressing. It was bullshit,” Espey said. “Essentially, she was throwing out our vote.” “这根本就是敷衍了事,胡说八道,”Espey说道。“实际上,她完全抛弃了我们的投票。” After the agreement, the NPB and NPPC made some changes. The NPPC could no longer be the NPB’s general contractor, meaning the Board had “to conduct its own programming and coordinate its own activities,” according to the NPB’s own video history. The two groups no longer shared an office and a number of staffers switched from the pork lobby to the board. To the NPB and NPPC, Espey and Co. were simply scapegoating the organizations for their own failures. 在达成协议之后,NPB和NPPC做出了一些改变。根据NPB自己的历史记录片,NPPC不再是NPB的总承包商,这意味着委员会必须“自行进行规划,自行协调其活动”。两个组织不再共用办公室,一部分员工也从猪肉游说团体转到了委员会工作。对于NPB和NPPC来说,Espey及其公司仅仅是在为他们自己的失败寻找替罪羊。 The NPPC, which declined comment for this piece, has always owned the “other white meat” slogan, and as part of the separation agreement, it licensed the slogan to the board for around $1 a year. In 2004, the NPB agreed to increase the annual licensing fee to $818,000 a year. Despite the success of “the other white meat” trademark, an agricultural economist recommended that the board not pay more than $375,000 a year to license the slogan, according to the complaint. 拒绝为本文提供评论的NPPC一直拥有“另一种白肉”这条广告语,根据“分离协议”,它将这条广告语以每年一美元的价格授权给了委员会。到了2004年,NPB同意将每年的授权费用提高到818000美元。控告显示,尽管“另一种白肉”这个标志十分成功,某农业经济学家仍然建议,委员会每年最多只能为这条广告语的授权支付375000美元。 In 2006, the NPB signed a deal to buy the slogan for $3 million a year for 20 years—a four-fold jump in price, even though almost no other group would conceivably have any interest in the slogan. 2006年,NPB签署了一项协议,在几乎没有任何其他组织有可能对这条广告语有任何兴趣的情况下,以每年300万美元——四倍跳价——购买了这条广告语的20年使用授权。 “Are the artichoke producers competing for the slogan "Pork: The Other White Meat"? No, I don't think so.” says Parke Wilde, an associate professor of food science and policy at Tufts University who has written extensively about the $60 million deal and considers it corrupt. “是洋蓟生产商在争夺‘猪肉:另一种白肉’这条广告语吗?不,我不这么认为。”Parke Wilde说道。他是塔夫茨大学的食品科学与政策副教授。关于这一6千万美金的交易,他写了大量文章,并且认为这就是腐败。 According to the plaintiffs, the $60 million valuation came from calculating the cost of creating a new tagline, not on the slogan’s market value. But several specialists contacted for this story suggested that with no other reasonable potential buyers, it’s a mistake to pay the full value. 据原告,这6千万美元的估值,是根据创建一个新的品牌口号的成本来计算的,而不是根据这条广告语的市场价值。但在本文写作过程中联系到的一些专家看来,在没有其他合理的潜在买家的情况下,支付全价是一个错误。 “If you’re the single buyer out there, you’d expect a deep discount and that deep discount would be at least 25 percent, perhaps 50 percent,” said Weston Anson, the chairman of CONSOR Intellectual Asset Management, a firm that specializes in valuing intellectual property. “如果你是市场上的唯一买家,你会期望一个非常高的折扣,而这个折扣至少是25%,或许有50%,”Weston Anson说道,他是CONSOR知识资产管理公司的董事长,这是一家专注知识产权定价的公司。 Even stranger, to observers, is that when the Pork Board retired the slogan five years later, it continued paying the $3 million to the pork lobby—despite having the right to cancel the deal with a year’s notice. 对于观察者来说更奇怪的是,在猪肉委员会将这条广告语停用了将近5年之后,尽管它拥有在提前一年告知的前提下取消这笔交易的权利,它依旧继续支付给了猪肉游说团体3百万美元。 “If they have that out, they should be taking it,” Anson said. “如果他们有抽身的机会,他们应该会把握住的,”Anson说。 The NPB says that the “other white meat” slogan still has value as a “heritage brand,” though Anson disagreed: “As best as we can determine, they are not using this brand at all. If that’s true, then this is not a heritage brand. Then, it’s a fallow brand—one that’s been retired—and would be difficult to value given that it has no income, no market presence and only residual awareness.” NPB表示“另一种白肉”这条广告语依旧具有作为“传承品牌”的价值,但安森并不同意:“即使是往最好的方向揣测,他们也根本没在使用这个品牌。如果这是真的,那这就不是一个传承品牌。这是一个已经退出市场的闲置品牌,给它定价会是一件困难的事情,因为它没有收入,没有市场占有率,只有残留的认知度。” Though the Pork Board is subject to federal oversight, what worries Espey and others is that it really operates like a private organization entitled to take farmers’ money, and then spend it out of view of the public – all with the blessing of the USDA. 虽然猪肉委员会受联邦政府监管,Espey和其他人真正担心的是,它实际上像一个有权收取农民金钱的私人组织那么运作,并且它还在公众的视野之外使用这些资金——这些都拜美国农业部所赐。 “The real problem with all of these check-offs is they depend on strict USDA oversight in order to achieve their purpose,” Matthew Penzer, a lawyer for the Humane Society, said. “In this case, that oversight has failed.” The Humane Society has long been critical of the pork lobby and the farming techniques of large pork producers. “这些缴款方案真正的问题在于,如果想要达到其目标,那将有赖于美国农业部的严格监督,” Matthew Penzer说道,他是人道协会的一名律师。“在这桩案件中,监管失效了。” 人道协会长期以来一直批评猪肉游说活动和大型猪肉生产者的养殖技术。 The suit, filed in 2012, was dismissed for lack of standing in 2013 but the appeals court reversed that dismissal on August 14. The government now has 45 days to appeal the circuit court ruling, before the case returns to the D.C. District Court for a ruling on its substance. In the meantime, the payments continue. 2012年提出的该诉讼在2013年由于缺乏诉讼资格被驳回,但是上诉法院在8月14日推翻了这次驳回。在案件返回到哥伦比亚特区地方法院裁定其实质内容之前,政府现在有45天时间对巡回法院裁决提出上诉。在此期间,支付在继续。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]花花公子为何告别裸体?

The fascinating economics behind Playboy’s decision to drop nudes from its magazine
花花公子杂志做出取消裸的决定背后迷人的经济学

作者:Timothy B. Lee @ 2015-10-13
译者:混乱阈值(@混乱阈值)
校对:小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子)
来源:Vox,http://www.vox.com/2015/10/13/9523879/playboy-nudity-no

On Monday, the New York Times reported on a development that sounds like an April Fool’s joke: Playboy magazine is going to stop publishing images of naked women.

周一,《纽约时报》报道了一条听起来像愚人节笑话的新闻:《花花公子》杂志将不再刊登裸女照片了。

But Playboy CEO Scott Flanders is serious. He believes the Playboy brand can transcend its salacious origins and become a lucrative vehicle for selling mainstream products. There’s already a wide variety of Playboy-branded clothing and jewelry out there, and the Playboy brand is particularly popular in China, where pornography is officially illegal.

然而花花公子的CEO Scott Flanders是认真的。他相信花花公子品牌能够超越自己的色情业出身,通过销售主流产品而获利。花花公子品牌的服装和珠宝早就款式繁多了。而且花花公子品牌在中国特别受欢迎,尽管色情业在中国是非法的。

Playboy tested this strategy out with the Playboy.com website, which has been free of explicit nudity since last year. The company says it’s been a big success, attracting a much bigger and younger audience. Now it’s hoping to expand on that success with what used to be the country’s most popular pornographic magazine.

花花公子已经开始在它的网站Playboy.com上试行这一新策略,该网站从去年开始就已经没有露骨的裸体照片了。公司声称此举已经获得了巨大成功,吸引到了比以前多得多且年轻得多的用户。现在公司正希望将成功扩展到这份一度是全国最具人气的色情杂志上。

Playboy is dropping explicit nudity from its flagship magazine
花花公子正把露骨的裸体从它的旗舰杂志中去除

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The fascinating economics behind Playboy's decision to drop nudes from its magazine 花花公子杂志做出取消裸的决定背后迷人的经济学 作者:Timothy B. Lee @ 2015-10-13 译者:混乱阈值(@混乱阈值) 校对:小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子) 来源:Vox,http://www.vox.com/2015/10/13/9523879/playboy-nudity-no On Monday, the New York Times reported on a development that sounds like an April Fool's joke: Playboy magazine is going to stop publishing images of naked women. 周一,《纽约时报》报道了一条听起来像愚人节笑话的新闻:《花花公子》杂志将不再刊登裸女照片了。 But Playboy CEO Scott Flanders is serious. He believes the Playboy brand can transcend its salacious origins and become a lucrative vehicle for selling mainstream products. There's already a wide variety of Playboy-branded clothing and jewelry out there, and the Playboy brand is particularly popular in China, where pornography is officially illegal. 然而花花公子的CEO Scott Flanders是认真的。他相信花花公子品牌能够超越自己的色情业出身,通过销售主流产品而获利。花花公子品牌的服装和珠宝早就款式繁多了。而且花花公子品牌在中国特别受欢迎,尽管色情业在中国是非法的。 Playboy tested this strategy out with the Playboy.com website, which has been free of explicit nudity since last year. The company says it's been a big success, attracting a much bigger and younger audience. Now it's hoping to expand on that success with what used to be the country's most popular pornographic magazine. 花花公子已经开始在它的网站Playboy.com上试行这一新策略,该网站从去年开始就已经没有露骨的裸体照片了。公司声称此举已经获得了巨大成功,吸引到了比以前多得多且年轻得多的用户。现在公司正希望将成功扩展到这份一度是全国最具人气的色情杂志上。 Playboy is dropping explicit nudity from its flagship magazine 花花公子正把露骨的裸体从它的旗舰杂志中去除 Starting in March 2016, there won't be any explicit nude images of women in the US edition of Playboy magazine. 从2016年3月开始,美国版《花花公子》杂志将不会再有任何露骨裸照了。 In 1953, Playboy made its mark by being one of the first mainstream magazines to feature pictures of nude women. In the pre-internet era, porn was a lot harder to obtain, so there was a big market for pornographic magazines. The magazine grew to more than 5 million subscribers by the 1970s and attracted a bunch of competitors. 在1953年,《花花公子》作为最早以裸女图为特色的主流杂志之一而名留史册。在前互联网时代,获得色情内容比现在要困难得多,因此色情杂志有很大的市场。到1970年代,《花花公子》已拥有超过五百万订户,并吸引了一堆竞争者。 But the internet has totally transformed the pornography industry. Today, any kind of porn you can imagine is just a Google search away, and in most cases is available for free. So over the past couple of decades, the value proposition of paying $19.95 a year to have a few dozen nude images delivered in dead-tree format each month has become less and less compelling. Today the magazine only has around 800,000 subscribers. 然而互联网彻底改变了色情业。如今,只需google搜索一下就能找到各种你能想到的色情内容,而且多数是免费的。因此,为了每月几十张纸质裸体图片而每年花19.95美元这种买卖,在过去几十年里越来越没吸引力了。现在《花花公子》只剩下大约80万订户了。 On the other hand, Playboy has always aspired to be more than just a pornographic magazine. Over the decades, those 5 million subscribers allowed Playboy to do interviews with a wide variety of famous people, including Martin Luther King Jr., Jimmy Carter, and Steve Jobs. 另一方面,一直以来《花花公子》所追求的都不仅仅是做一本色情杂志。过去数十年间,五百万的订户量让《花花公子》得以采访到众多名人,其中包括马丁·路德·金、吉米·卡特和史蒂夫·乔布斯。 There's a long-running joke about people "reading Playboy for the articles," but Playboy's non-pornographic content really has been pretty good over the years. Now it won't be such a joke anymore. Playboy will replace its explicit nude images with the kind of PG-13 images found in men's magazines such as Maxim and Stuff, and will beef up its coverage of other topics, including a new sex column and expanded coverage of the liquor business. “为了读文章而看《花花公子》”是个长盛不衰的老笑话,然而这么多年来《花花公子》的非色情内容确实非常不错。现在这笑话将不再是笑话了。《花花公子》将使用诸如《Maxim》和《Stuff》这样的男士杂志中的PG-13(13岁以下未成年人需在家长指导下阅读)级图片来替代露骨裸照,并将丰富其它话题的内容,这其中包括一个新的性爱专栏和增加对酒水生意的报道。 Cutting nudity from Playboy.com was a big success 将裸体从Playboy.com上移除获得了巨大成功 Playboy used to look like a conventional media company with a stable of magazines, websites, television stations, and so forth. But that business model hasn't done well in the internet age, and it reached its nadir in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. 花花公子曾经看起来像传统的媒体公司一样,拥有一批杂志、网站、电视台等。但这样的商业模式在互联网时代不太玩得转,并随着2008年的金融危机落到最低谷。 So the company began downplaying its media properties and focusing instead on promoting and licensing its iconic brand. And Flanders started to wonder whether distributing pictures of naked women was becoming a business liability. "You could argue that nudity is a distraction for us and actually shrinks our audience rather than expands it," he argued last year. 因此公司开始把重心从媒体资产中转移,转而将注意力集中在推广其偶像品牌及品牌授权使用。Flanders开始怀疑发布裸女图片是否成了公司的商业负累。“可以说,裸体内容让公司分心,事实上还减少而非增大了我们的读者数量”,去年Flanders如是说。 Lots of people are attracted to the risqué vibe of the Playboy brand, but there are situations in which outright pornography isn't allowed. Apple's App Store, for example, doesn't allow apps to have sexually explicit imagery, for example, nor do Facebook and Instagram. 很多人被花花公子品牌性感暧昧的气质吸引,但有些地方禁止直白的色情内容。例如苹果公司的应用商店不允许带有露骨性爱图像的应用上架,Facebook和Instagram也一样。 So last year, Playboy overhauled its primary website, Playboy.com, and took out all the explicit nudity (there are still plenty of racy near-nude shots of the type you'll find in other men's magazines). Playboy executives told the New York Times that this was a huge success: Traffic quadrupled, and the average age of readers fell from 47 to 30. 因此,花花公子去年对其主网站Playboy.com做了次大扫除,移除了所有露骨的裸体内容(网站上依然还有大量那种你会在别的男士杂志里看到的近乎裸体的火爆图片)。花花公子的管理层告诉《纽约时报》,此举获得了巨大成功:网站流量翻了四倍,读者的平均年龄从47岁下降至30岁。 In other words, young people who grew up in the porn-saturated world of the internet aren't that interested in Playboy.com as a place to get porn. And the existence of naked women on the site made it awkward to read Playboy articles at work — where many people spend time goofing off online — or share Playboy content on social media sites. Dropping the naked women dramatically expanded the potential audience for Playboy.com without significantly reducing its appeal. 换句话说,在充斥着色情内容的互联网世界中成长起来的年轻人们对通过Playboy.com获得色情内容这件事不感兴趣。网站上的裸女使得在工作场所阅读网站的文章——很多人在工作的时候偷闲上网——或在社交媒体网站上分享花花公子网站的内容变得很尴尬 。去除裸女这招在不严重影响网站吸引力的同时大幅扩展了Playboy.com的潜在用户群。 Playboy is trying to become a mainstream consumer brand 花花公子正努力成为一个主流消费品牌 More traffic and a younger audience are big successes in their own right, but even more importantly, the shift helps make the Playboy brand more mainstream. There's already a large demand for Playboy-branded merchandise, and Flanders is betting that that demand will grow even more if Playboy becomes less associated with explicit pornography in the minds of the public. 更大的网站流量和更年轻的用户,本身就是一个巨大的成功,而更重要的是,公司的转变使得花花公子品牌更加主流。花花公子品牌的商品本来就拥有很大的市场需求,而Flanders深信,如果在大众心目中花花公子与露骨色情联系不那么紧密的话,市场需求将获得更大增长。 The decision to drop nudity from the magazine is best seen in this light. The goal isn't so much to make the magazine itself more successful — though presumably its owners would like to do that — but to make the magazine a more effective sales tool for the Playboy brand more generally. 最好从这样的角度来看待将裸体从杂志中去除的决定:该举措的主要目标并非为了让杂志本身更成功——尽管杂志的所有人想必希望如此——而是为了使杂志成为更有效的营销工具,在更广范围内推动花花公子品牌商品的销售。 Playboy's magazine hasn't been a big money maker in years. Flanders told the New York Times that the US edition of the magazine lost around $3 million last year. But Playboy's efforts to cash in on its brand — and particularly its famous bunny logo — is paying big dividends. 花花公子的杂志已经有些年头没怎么赚钱了。Flanders告诉《纽约时报》,去年杂志的美国版亏损了大约3百万美元。但花花公子通过品牌——特别是公司著名的兔子商标——创收的努力目前正在带来巨额红利。 Playboy's brand is not only widely known in the West, but it's also surprisingly popular in China. Last year, Playboy-branded products generated $1.5 billion in revenues in China, about a third of the worldwide total. Playboy merchandise is available in 3,500 retail outlets in China — which is particularly remarkable because pornography is officially illegal there. 花花公子品牌不但在西方广为人知,在中国也出乎意料地受欢迎。去年,花花公子品牌产品在中国卖出了15亿美元,大约是其全球总收入的三分之一。花花公子的商品在全中国的3500个零售直营店有售——考虑到色情作品在中国并不合法,该业绩就特别值得称道。 Flanders hopes that making the magazine less porny and more mainstream will help make the Playboy-branded products more mainstream as well — and dramatically expand the market for them. Flanders希望杂志不那么色情并且变得更加主流,能使得花花公子品牌的产品也变得更主流——并为产品大幅扩展市场。 Playboy-branded pornography isn't going away 花花公子品牌的色情产品并未离开 There will no longer be naked ladies in Playboy magazine or at Playboy.com, but that doesn't mean we'll stop seeing explicit imagery distributed under the Playboy brand. 裸女将不再出现在《花花公子》杂志和Playboy.com网站上,但我们依然可以在花花公子的品牌之下,看到露骨图像。 In 2011, Playboy signed a deal with the internet porn company Manwin, since renamed MindGeek, to manage many of the company's online properties and television channels. Playboy later regained control over the Playboy.com site, but the rest of Playboy's pornographic empire, including the Playboy Plus subscription service and Playboy TV, continues to be operated by MindGeek. 2011年,花花公子与互联网色情公司Manwin签约,Manwin自此改名为MindGeek,并负责管理花花公子公司的网上资产和电视频道。后来花花公子又收回了Playboy.com网站的控制权,但花花公子色情帝国的其它资产包括Playboy Plus会员服务和Playboy TV将继续由MindGeek运营。 This might mean that Playboy can have the best of both worlds: It could enjoy the commercial benefits of a more mainstream image while continuing to profit indirectly from its pornography business. 这或许意味着花花公子将鱼与熊掌两者兼得:它将从一个更主流的形象获取商业收益,同时继续从其色情产业上间接获利。 On the other hand, if dropping pornography from its website pays big dividends for its licensing business, it's possible that Playboy will seek to shut down its other pornographic properties as well. That might be tricky, since Playboy's licensing agreement with MindGeek runs for 15 years (meaning Playboy might not get control back until 2026). But if Playboy becomes determined to separate itself fully from the pornography business, it might be able to cut a deal with MindGeek to end the deal early, or to choose a new brand name for its pornographic content. 另一方面,倘若将色情内容从网站去除能为其品牌授权业务带来巨大红利,那花花公子也可能关闭其它的色情产业。但这可能有些棘手,因为花花公子与MindGeek达成的授权协议有效期为15年(意味着花花公子在2026年之前可能无法取回控制权)。但假如花花公子决心剥离色情产业,他们或许可以和MindGeek商量提早终止协议,或者为其色情内容选择一个新品牌。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]沃尔玛正在转变雇佣策略

Walmart Is Changing Its Labor Model: How Many Workers Will Lose Their Jobs?
沃尔玛正在改变其劳工模式:有多少工人会因此而失业?

作者:Tim Worstall @ 2015-9-06
译者:黑色枪骑兵(@忠勇仁义诚实可靠小郎君)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:福布斯,http://www.forbes.com/sites/timworstall/2015/09/06/walmart-is-changing-its-labor-model-how-many-workers-will-lose-their-jobs/

Walmart is quite significantly changing its labor model. Moving from a near hire any live body and let them get on with it one to something where people are well trained, well paid and presumably of rather higher productivity.

沃尔玛正在对其劳工模式进行大刀阔斧的改革。从之前的“几乎是个活人就愿意雇佣,并让他们一直干下去”逐步转变为“让员工接受更好的培训,拿到更高的薪水,以期带来更高的生产率”。

This is what many have been crying out for the company to do for years of course: move to something closer to the Costco model than the one that Walmart has traditionally pursued.

当然,许多人一直就迫切呼吁沃尔玛采取这些行动:从沃尔玛的传统模式转向更类似于Costco的模式。

However, as some like me have been pointing out all along there is a flip side to that change in models. Which is that the end aim is of course to employ fewer of those more productive people at those higher wages.

然而,一些人,比如我,自始至终认为这一模式改变存在负面影响。这种改革的最终目的,是以更高的工资雇佣数量更少但是生产率更高的员工。

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Walmart Is Changing Its Labor Model: How Many Workers Will Lose Their Jobs? 沃尔玛正在改变其劳工模式:有多少工人会因此而失业? 作者:Tim Worstall @ 2015-9-06 译者:黑色枪骑兵(@忠勇仁义诚实可靠小郎君) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:福布斯,http://www.forbes.com/sites/timworstall/2015/09/06/walmart-is-changing-its-labor-model-how-many-workers-will-lose-their-jobs/ Walmart is quite significantly changing its labor model. Moving from a near hire any live body and let them get on with it one to something where people are well trained, well paid and presumably of rather higher productivity. 沃尔玛正在对其劳工模式进行大刀阔斧的改革。从之前的“几乎是个活人就愿意雇佣,并让他们一直干下去”逐步转变为“让员工接受更好的培训,拿到更高的薪水,以期带来更高的生产率”。 This is what many have been crying out for the company to do for years of course: move to something closer to the Costco model than the one that Walmart has traditionally pursued. 当然,许多人一直就迫切呼吁沃尔玛采取这些行动:从沃尔玛的传统模式转向更类似于Costco的模式。 However, as some like me have been pointing out all along there is a flip side to that change in models. Which is that the end aim is of course to employ fewer of those more productive people at those higher wages. 然而,一些人,比如我,自始至终认为这一模式改变存在负面影响。这种改革的最终目的,是以更高的工资雇佣数量更少但是生产率更高的员工。 The point being that if one can raise productivity levels by more than the increase in cost then of course profits will rise: that being the end goal for all shareholder owned companies. 这个观点的核心在于:如果提升的生产率超过所增的花费,收益就会提升——这是所有股份制公司的终极目标。 The interesting question is going to be how many people either lose or don’t get jobs as a result of this strategic change: and I’ll suggest a method by which we can calculate this a little later. 那么一个有趣的问题就来了:有多少人会由于这种战略性转变而失去或者得不到工作呢?稍后我会推荐一个计算这个数值的方法。 There’s two prongs to Walmart’s new approach. The first is to take a leaf from Henry Ford’s book with that $5 a day thing: 沃尔玛的新方案包括两部分。第一部分是照着亨利·福特的“每天五美元”画葫芦:
One motive is better public relations at a time when inequality is a hot-button political issue. But bottom-line calculations also play a role. 当分配不均成为一个热点政治话题的时候,更好的公共关系就成了动机之一。但实际利益计算也发挥了作用。 Employee turnover costs money—by industry estimates as much as $5,000 per front-line worker, or 20% to 30% of an entry-level salary. 员工的流动替换是要花钱的——按业内估计,每位一线工人的流动所费多达5000美元,也就是入门级薪水的20%到30%。 Standard turnover in retail is 50% in the first six months. If Wal-Mart can reduce this churn, persuading people to stay at least 12 to 18 months, it will save “tens of millions of dollars a year,” according to Ms. Oliver. 零售业员工在工作头六个月内的流动率通常是50%。如果沃尔玛能减少这种流动,劝说员工至少工作12到18个月,照Ms. Oliver 的估计,“每年能省下数千万美元”。
As I explained way back here, Henry Ford’s $5 a day was not what most people think it was. It was most certainly not, as all too many would have it, so that the newly richer workers could all buy a Model T. 我老早之前就已说过,亨利·福特的“每天五美元”并不是大多数人想象的那个样子。这么做的目的,根本就不是许多人所理解的那样,要让那些新富工人都能买T型轿车。 That would have been a great way to lose lots of money. A company cannot pay its own workers more, then see profits rise as they spend that cash on the company’s products. 想大把亏钱的人才会那么干。一个公司不能向他的员工支付更多薪水,并期待员工会把钱花到自家公司的产品上,然后公司利润会增加。 This is trying to raise yourself by your bootlaces. It also wasn’t about trying to create a vibrant midle class. What it was about was reducing the job churn on the assembly line. 这相当于是要拎着自己的靴带把自己提起来。这么做,也不是为了塑造一个有活力的中产阶级。它要做的,只是减少装配线上的人员流动。 Ford was getting through 50,000 workers a year in order to have 13,000 working on the line at any one time. That had vast recruitment and training costs. 福特每年雇佣50000名工人,以保证生产线上时刻都有13000名工人工作。这需要庞大的招募和训练费用。 So, that’s what Walmart is doing here. Let’s see if we can reduce those costs by having less churn. 所以,这就是沃尔玛现在要做的事。让我们看看减少人员流动能否减少这些花费。 That, in turn, means perhaps not bottom fishing in the labor market but improving pay relative to others so that people will stick around a little longer. 这反过来意味着,也许不再从劳动市场底层招人,而是比别家支付更高的工资,以期员工能待得更久。 This could well be a good move too but only time will tell. 这可能是一招好棋,但是效果只能交给时间检验了。 There’s also a second prong to the new strategy: 这项计划还有另一部分。
Front-line employees—cashiers, cart pushers and sales associates—will now spend their first months at the company in a supervised on-the-job training program. 现在,一线员工,比如收银员、手推车整理员和销售助理,入职后的头几个月会在公司接受有人指导的在职训练计划。 In the past, they sat through a few days of orientation and safety drills, many of them focused on compliance with environmental and health regulations. 过去,他们会耐着性子接受几天新人指导和安全训练,这些训练大多数集中在遵守环境条例和卫生条例上。 The only real job training happened in the store—knowledge passed on by more experienced employees. 在店里接受的唯一真正的工作培训是由更有经验的员工传授的知识。
There’s two sides to this. One is the obvious point that if you’re expecting your workers to stick around longer then you’re also going to be willing to invest in them rather more. 这件事是有两面性的。一方面很明显,那就是如果你预期你的雇员会待得更久,那么同样,你也将会更加乐于在他们身上投资。 Because you’ll be able to amortise your investment in them over that longer period that they’re working for you. 因为你在他们身上的投资会随着他们为你工作时间的增长而分期收回。 And there’s the more obvious point of that end goal: better trained workers will be, ceteris paribus, more productive. And thus we can see that Walmart is trying to move from one labor model to another: 另一个更为明显的作用就是终极目标的实现:训练更好的员工,让他们在相同条件下生产率更高。因此我们能明白沃尔玛正在推进劳工模式的转变:
Economists who study retail distinguish between “low-road” and “high-road” employers. One group keeps labor costs down, the other invests more in workers and reaps the benefits in higher productivity. Cost-conscious Wal-Mart is trying to move toward the high road. 研究零售的经济学家区分“低端”和“高端”雇主。前者压底劳工成本,后者会给员工更多的投资,然后通过更高的生产率获益。注重节约成本的沃尔玛正在向“高端”的方向靠拢。
This is all entirely traditional labor economics by the way, there’s nothing mysterious about any of it. However, there is a sting in the tail here. 顺便说一下,这全部都是传统劳动经济学的内容,没什么神秘的。然而,这里有一个令人始料未及的缺陷。 For well over a decade now I’ve been pointing out that yes, sure, Costco pays its workers very much better than Walmart does. But it also uses, per unit of sales, about half the labor that Walmart does. 十多年来,我一直在说,是的,没错,Costco支付给员工的薪水比沃尔玛要多很多。但是达成单位销量时,它用的劳动力大约是沃尔玛的一半。 Thus the shouting that Walmart can and should pay its workers like Costco does comes with that sting in that tail: for moving to the same pay structure would entail at least attempting to move to the same productivity levels. 因此“沃尔玛能够且应该像Costco一样支付工资”这种呼吁就有个意料之外的缺陷:因为采取相同的工资结构就意味着至少需要尝试把生产率拉到相同的水平。 Meaning that Walmart would employ about half the number of people per unit of sales than it currently does. 这就意味着,将来沃尔玛单位销量的雇工数量将只有目前数量的一半。 And now we’re seeing that Walmart is taking at least baby steps to that higher road labor model. And the interesting thing is going to be, well, is the prediction about employment levels going to come true too? 现在我们正目睹沃尔玛在向着“高端”劳工模式蹒跚学步。值得关注的事情将是,关于雇佣水平的预期真的会实现吗? Just in a little more detail. Productivity is the amount of work (really, the amount of value added) that we get from one hour of labor. Raising productivity thus means getting more value added from one hour of labor. 再说得详细一点。生产率是劳动力每小时的工作量(实际上,是增加的价值量)。那么提高生产率就意味着从单位劳动量里得到更多的增加值。 And if sales are static that then obviously also means using less labor per unit of sales. 如果销售不变,那么这就明显意味着用更少的劳动力达成单位销量。 Thus raising productivity is the very same thing as saying that less labor is going to be used. This still holds even if sales or output rise: there’s still less labor going to be used than there would have been at the earlier, lower, level of labor productivity. 那么提高生产率就等同于使用更少的劳动力。销量或者产出上升的时候,这一点依然成立:需要用到的劳动力比之前劳动生产率水平更低的时候更少。 And the way to test it is pretty simple, because we can find the numbers we need to measure labor productivity in the Walmart accounts. 验证的方式很简单,因为我们能从沃尔玛的账目中找到所需的用来衡量劳动生产率的数字。 We know the number employed in the US….some 1.4 million….and we know what sales are in the US…$288 billion….so labor productivity is $205,000 and change per worker. 我们知道沃尔玛在美国的雇员数量,大约一百四十万,我们也知道它在美国境内的销售额,2880亿美元,所以劳动生产率是大约是每个员工205000美元多一点。 That’s actually sales not value added but that still gives us what we want, a number to compare over time (Costco’s sales per employee are about double this). 这个数据事实上是销售额而不是增加值,但是我们还是能从中得到我们想要的,即可以进行跨时段对比的数据。(Costco的每位雇员销售额大约是这个数字的两倍) As labor productivity rises as a result of more training and lower churn from the pay rises then we would expect to see this number rise. 当劳动生产率随着培训增加以及工资提升导致的流动率降低而增长时,我们可以预期上述数字会增加。 More sales per employee. And then we will also be able to calculate how many jobs have been lost to this rise in productivity. 每个员工将对应更多的销售量。然后我们就能计算出有多少工作岗位会由于生产率的上升而减少。 For, say, that sales rise to $250k per employee. We can then calculate how many employees would have been needed if productivity was still the old, lower, number. 因为,假设人均销量上升至25万美元。我们可以计算,如果生产率还是之前的老的、比较低的数值,那将需要多少雇员。 The number of jobs lost will therefore be the difference between the number actually employed and the number who would have been without the productivity gain. 工作岗位的流失量就是实际雇佣员工数和生产率增加之前本该雇佣的人数的差额。 Yes, obviously, we would need to discount this for the general inflation rate. 当然,我们要给这个数字打个折,因为存在通胀因素。 My prediction is that productivity will indeed rise at Walmart in the coming years. And also that sales per employee will rise, meaning that the number employed will fall. 我的预期是,沃尔玛的生产率确实会在未来几年逐步上升,人均销售额也会提升,这就意味着被雇佣的人数会减少。 Not fall necessarily from the current absolute level, but fall relative to where it would have been absent the productivity increase. 这种减少不是说其绝对值一定会低于当前水平,而是说它会相对地低于生产率没有增加时本该达到的水平。 Anyone want to bet against that prediction? 有人想跟我赌赌这个预测吗? (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]山羊为自己赢得了就业机会

And There Shall be an Über for Everything … Including Goats
无处不Uber,山羊亦如是

作者:Michelle Martin @ 2015-8-26
译者:Drunkplane (@Drunkplane-zny)
校对:张三(@老子毫无动静地坐着像一段呆木头),小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子)
来源:花花公子,http://www.playboy.com/articles/uber-goats-rental

Tammy Dunakin sits in a lawn chair in the shade of her R-pod camper trailer watching her brush-removal team at work. Her crew of 60 is spaced haphazardly across a weedy hillside that rises to meet Highway 99 in downtown Seattle.

在露营车旁边的阴凉地里放一把草坪躺椅,Tammy Dunakin悠闲地坐在上面,看着她正在工作的灌木清除队。她的60位伙计地散布在一片杂草丛生的山坡上。山坡向上延伸,同西雅图市中心的99号公路相接。

At least half of the workers are napping or resting in the shade. The others are wandering about or snacking. It’s typical for this crew. They’re goats.

然而,此时至少有一半的伙计在树荫下打瞌睡或休息,其他的不是在闲逛就是在吃零食。但这其实是这个团队的常态。因为——他们毕竟是山羊啊:)

People walking by are surprised and delighted. They ask questions and snap photos th(more...)

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And There Shall be an Über for Everything … Including Goats 无处不Uber,山羊亦如是 作者:Michelle Martin @ 2015-8-26 译者:Drunkplane (@Drunkplane-zny) 校对:张三(@老子毫无动静地坐着像一段呆木头),小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子) 来源:花花公子,http://www.playboy.com/articles/uber-goats-rental Tammy Dunakin sits in a lawn chair in the shade of her R-pod camper trailer watching her brush-removal team at work. Her crew of 60 is spaced haphazardly across a weedy hillside that rises to meet Highway 99 in downtown Seattle. 在露营车旁边的阴凉地里放一把草坪躺椅,Tammy Dunakin悠闲地坐在上面,看着她正在工作的灌木清除队。她的60位伙计地散布在一片杂草丛生的山坡上。山坡向上延伸,同西雅图市中心的99号公路相接。 At least half of the workers are napping or resting in the shade. The others are wandering about or snacking. It’s typical for this crew. They’re goats. 然而,此时至少有一半的伙计在树荫下打瞌睡或休息,其他的不是在闲逛就是在吃零食。但这其实是这个团队的常态。因为——他们毕竟是山羊啊:) People walking by are surprised and delighted. They ask questions and snap photos through the fence. They stop. They look. They linger. 路过的人们都露出了惊讶和兴奋的表情。隔着栅栏,他们问这问那,又忙着拍照。他们停下来,围观,久久不愿离去。 “Seriously? This is pretty awesome,” one man says to Dunakin before continuing on his way. “不是逗我吧?这可真酷毙了。”一个路人停下脚步对Dunakin说。 “Goats out of context,” says Dunakin, the owner of Rent-a-Ruminant, which is based on nearby Vashon Island. “It grabs people’s attention. People absolutely love goats. Everyone—and I mean every single person who sees them—leaves with a smile on their face. It makes them happy. It makes my day.” “想不到是山羊吧,呵呵。”Dunakin说道,她是“租个反刍动物回家”公司的老板,公司位于附近的瓦雄岛(Vashon Island)。“这成功地抓住了人们的眼球,人们超爱山羊的。所有人——我是说每一个看到这些山羊的人——离开时都会面带笑容。这带给他们快乐,也让我非常开心。” When Dunakin started her clients were private landowners. Eleven years later, goats are in high demand and getting more popular all the time. Now she also has requests from planned communities, transportation departments and even police departments for clearing shrubbery in high-crime areas. Dunakin刚开始这门营生时,顾客都是私有土地主。11年过去了,山羊越来越受欢迎,需求旺盛。现在Dunakin也会收到来自规划型社区、交通部门的订单,甚至警察局也会请她去清理罪案多发地区的灌木丛。 In March, Amazon Home Services launched with goats as a top offering. “My email exploded,” says Dunakin. “I got hundreds of requests. No one was expecting that kind of response.” 三月份,亚马逊推出“家庭服务”主页的时候高榜热推了“山羊”服务。“我的邮箱都被挤爆了!” Dunakin说,“我收到数以百计的订单,真没想到市场反应竟然这么热烈。” This is Uber, but with goats, and more proof that thanks to technology meeting ingenuity meeting demand, there will soon be an “Uber” for everything. 这其实就是山羊除草服务的Uber模式。越来越多的事例表明,有赖科技,创意和需求的结合,用不了多久,什么东西都可以来“Uber”一把。 Dunakin’s herd has grown to 115 working goats, and she now has more than enough work to keep them all busy from April to October. Livestock-loving entrepreneurs are stepping up to fill the growing demand. Dunakin has trained and licensed 10 others through her affiliate license program, and she plans to franchise in 2016. More than 50 grazing providers across the United States and Canada can be found here. Dunakin的羊群已经增加到了115头,而且已经有足够的活儿让它们从四月一直忙到十月。网站“Livestock-loving”上的企业家们正纷纷加入进来,去满足不断增长的需求。通过其“成员认证计划”,Dunakin已经培训了十家公司并给它们颁发了证书,而且她打算在2016年开始进行特许经营。美国和加拿大已有50多家提供吃草服务的商家。 Goats are browsers as opposed to grazers. Unlike cows, which mostly stick to munching grass, goats prefer a variety of plants. They’ll eat thorny Himalayan blackberries, stinging nettles, ivy – it’s a long list. Goats are the high school boys of the animal kingdom. 山羊是食草动物里的“扫货客”。同基本只吃草的牛不同,山羊喜欢的植物多种多样。它们能吃带刺的喜马拉雅黑莓、叶子上长满刺人蜇毛的荨麻、常青藤——这份菜单长着呢。山羊是动物王国里的高中男生。 They like to climb. They traverse steep slopes with ease. Their digestion destroys some weed seeds such as blackberry seeds, and they fertilize the soil as they go. They also help to keep fire danger low. 它们还喜欢攀爬,陡峭的山坡也能轻松越过。它们的消化系统能破坏掉诸如黑莓等植物的种子,而且它们会沿路给土地“施肥”。它们还能降低火灾的风险。 If they are deployed at the right time of year and contained—not always an easy task—using livestock such as goats is arguably one of the best, greenest ways to remove pesky weeds and unwanted vegetation. And best of all, you don’t have to own a goat to reap the benefits—you can rent. 在一年中的适当时候将畜群“分派”出去,而且让它们安分守己,有时并不是件容易的事。但如果做到了,那用像山羊这样的牲畜来清除讨厌的杂草和不想要的植被,可以说是最好、最绿色环保的方式了。而且最棒的是,眼下你不用实际拥有一头山羊就能享有这些好处——你可以租了。 It’s not a solution for everyone. I received an estimate through Amazon Home Services for a tenth-of-an-acre parcel. At $650 it seemed a bit steep for a mow. I get it, though. The goats have to be transported to the property, the wrangler stays with them the entire time, and she has to set up electric fencing to keep the goats out of the garden beds and any plants that are toxic to them. 这一解决方案也并不是能适用于每个人。之前我通过亚马逊家庭服务网站收到了一份为十分之一英亩土地提供除草服务的估价,是650美刀,作为割草服务,这个要价似乎贵了点。但我也可以理解,毕竟山羊们得先被运到这里,然后牧羊人得同它们一直呆在一起,她还必须拉起一个电栅栏以便把山羊同花坛和对它们有毒的植物分开。 I’ll stick with a push mower, but goats make a lot of sense for people with some combination of steep slopes, gnarly weeds, significant acreage, restoration goals or a desire to do good for the planet. 我还是会选择手推式剪草机。不过对于那些拥有大片土地,土地上有陡峭山坡和粗硬扭结杂草,希望恢复土地的肥力,或者想保护环境的人来说,山羊还是很不错的选择。 Mark Stranahan has all but the steep slopes. He hired Dunakin’s goats in June to come out to his land on Vashon Island for the second year in a row. 除了没有陡坡,Mark Stranahan 在瓦雄岛的土地符合以上所有条件。他六月时请Dunakin的羊来给他的土地除草,而这已是连续第二年了。 “What goats eat, it’s incredible. I had a huge nasty thicket of blackberry bramble with branches an inch thick, and they ate it all. It’s amazing what they can accomplish in terms of clearing,” says Stranahan, who is an architect and consultant who has been living in Ann Arbor, Mich., for part of the year. “山羊这吃货可真是让人难以置信。我有一大片讨厌的茂密黑莓林,枝丫都有一英寸粗,可山羊把它们都吃光了!说到清理,它们的能力简直令人惊异。”Stranahan说道。Stranahan是一位建筑师和顾问,每年都有部分时间生活在密西根州的安娜堡(Ann Arbor, Mich.)。 Last year the goats worked his four acres of meadows and alder forests for nine days, and this year they cleared the weeds in a week. How did they shave three days off? More experience? Better pay? Cloud-based solutions? Actually, the land starts to recover, and it becomes easier to maintain. 去年,山羊群在他四英亩的牧场和桤树林里足足干了九天,而今年在一周之内就搞定了。它们是怎么省下三天时间的呢?更有经验了?薪水更多了?还是用了云计算?事实上,只是土地开始恢复了而已,这让保养工作变得容易了。 “It’s nice to wander out with a hot cup of coffee and see the goats,” Stranahan says. “端着一杯热咖啡到地里散步,看看羊,真是一种享受。”Stranahan 说。 Not so entertaining is when the goats get out. Set free, they will eat gardens and ornamental plants (and get sick goat bellies or worse), and they will clamber up onto anything they can, including the roof of your car or home. This is why hiring is the best way to go. 可当山羊跑出去时,可就没有这么惬意了。要是放任不管,山羊们会吃掉花园和装饰植物(这会让他们拉肚子,甚至更糟),它们能爬就爬,包括你的车顶和房顶。所以租用(而不是自己养)是最好的方式。 “I lived with a couple of goats in a previous era on a previous hippie farm,” Stranahan said. “They are damned difficult roommates. The clickety-clack of little goat hooves on your Alfa Romeo will piss you right off.” “早年在一个嬉皮士农场,我曾同几只羊一起生活过,” Stranahan 说,“它们真是超级难处的室友。小羊蹄子在你的阿尔法·罗密欧牌爱车上的踢踏声,能把你当场气疯。” Stranahan likes a good goat-based solution because, well, it’s cool. Stranahan喜欢一个不错的“羊方案”,嗯,因为这很酷。 “Local vegan food is cool, roller-derby is cool, and goats are cool,” he said. “当地的纯素食很酷,轮滑阻拦赛(roller derby)很酷,还有山羊也很酷。”他说。 Having them quickly graze off weed populations every few seasons is an excellent way to encourage re-vegetation and restoration of natural plant succession. And it’s more fun. People don’t come visiting with a picnic if you’re spraying pesticides. 让山羊们每隔几个季节就来啃食田间杂草,是促进植被恢复和自然植物更替的好办法,而且也更有乐趣。要是你喷洒除草剂的话,人们是不会来野餐的。 Russ Ayers might agree. He’s the landscape manager of the 2,200-acre Issaquah Highlands, a master-planned community in the foothills of the Cascade Mountain Range. He has hired goats to come eat weeds on about 18 acres of the steepest, toughest terrain—land where the community tried using human crews before discovering it was just too rough and risky. Goats have been coming for five years. They are born to take on steep hillsides where weed-eaters wear out and where men grow weary and get injured. Russ Ayers大概也会同意的。他管理着2200英亩的伊瑟阔高地(Issaquah Highlands),这是卡斯克德山脉(Cascade Mountain Range)脚下一片精心规划的社区。Russ Ayers已经雇山羊来为其中最陡峭、最艰难的18英亩土地清除杂草。之前社区是用人力来完成这项工作的,但发现那样太艰难,风险太高了。山羊们已经连续过来五年了。它们天生就是爬陡坡的好手——那些地方会让除草机报废,让人累坏,而且容易受伤。 “They do a great job,” Ayers says. “它们干得很棒。”Ayers 说。 When they’re done, the fire fuel load is virtually zero. They chomp it down and fertilize the fields and by early fall the grass is green and about six inches tall. The goats cost a quarter of what a human crew costs. 山羊们清理完后,土地上的可燃物基本就没有了。它们嚼完那些可燃物,还给土地施肥。等到了早秋时节,绿草就有6英寸高了。雇佣山羊的费用只有雇佣工人的四分之一。 To accomplish the same tasks, a human crew would need to cut, bag, haul, dump and fertilize—each step with a cost and carbon footprint that the goats obliterate in the game of who’s greener. 要完成同样的工作,一个工人需要先修剪,再打包拖走,然后倒掉,最后再施肥——每一步都有成本并产生碳排放。山羊可不会产生碳排放,在绿化环保的比拼里稳操胜券。 if you’re in the market for a goat rental, Dunakin has a few tips. Find an outfit that stays with the goats, unless you want to end up on the news. If the animals escape, a speedy response is essential. Check the company’s rating with the Better Business Bureau as well as reviews from previous clients and on sites such as Angie’s List. Make sure they are insured and that they provide water and shelter for the animals. 如果你正打算从市场上挑选山羊租赁服务,Dunakin有几条建议给你。为山羊配齐整套控制装备【译注:大概是指前面提到的控制山羊活动范围的电网之类设施】,除非你想上新闻。如果动物们逃跑了,快速反应是必须的。从非盈利点评组织Better Business Bureau那里查看该公司的评级,同时从以前的客户那里或类似Angie’s List这样的网站上了解该公司的服务水平。确保他们是买了保险的,并会为动物们提供饮水和栖身之所。 If restoration of native vegetation is your goal, An Peischel, a small ruminant extension specialist at Tennessee State University, suggests making sure the herd you hire has experience with your particular types of vegetation. There is a lot of science around what goats can do, naturally, and factors such as time of year, elevation and even sex of the goats can make a difference in what the goats will eat when. With the right timing, goats can eradicate certain weeds and promote native plants. 田纳西州立大学的小型反刍动物推广专家An Peischel建议,如果你的目标是想恢复当地植被,那你要搞清楚你所雇佣的畜群是否对你想处理的特定植物有经验。关于山羊天生可以做什么有许多科学研究,诸如季节、海拔甚至性别等因素,都会对山羊什么时候吃些什么产生影响。选对了时间,山羊就可以清除特定的杂草,促进当地植被的生长。 Dunakin’s adorable employees have perennial appeal. She and her goats have been highlighted in The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek and “The Colbert Report,” among other places, but Dunakin says she has at least one more goal. “I know that when I get on ‘Ellen,’ I have arrived.” Sigh. We hope Playboy will do for now. Dunakin可爱的伙计们一年到头都那么受欢迎。她和她的山羊们已经在包括《华尔街日报》、《新闻周刊》和“科尔伯特报告”节目在内的许多媒体中被重点报道过了。但Dunakin说她至少还有一个目标:“要是有朝一日能上艾伦秀,那就圆满了。”哎,其实此刻上《花花公子》也不赖啊,我希望。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

经销商地位

【2015-10-27】

@海德沙龙 【产业故事】《汽车推销员之死》汽车销售是个很特别的业态,不仅商业模式独特,经销商的政治势力也很强大,以至能让美国各州通过成文法将这一商业模式固化了下来,不然,这种模式原本很可能只适合于汽车业发展的特定阶段,那么,在如今产业变迁大潮中,它是否会幸存下来?

@whigzhou: 1)汽车巨头年产量几百上千万,面向数亿消费者,厂商-消费者社会关系距离十分遥远(基于邓巴限制,这一距离至少四层),2)汽车购买是重大决策。——在传统零(more...)

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【2015-10-27】 @海德沙龙 【产业故事】《汽车推销员之死》汽车销售是个很特别的业态,不仅商业模式独特,经销商的政治势力也很强大,以至能让美国各州通过成文法将这一商业模式固化了下来,不然,这种模式原本很可能只适合于汽车业发展的特定阶段,那么,在如今产业变迁大潮中,它是否会幸存下来? @whigzhou: 1)汽车巨头年产量几百上千万,面向数亿消费者,厂商-消费者社会关系距离十分遥远(基于邓巴限制,这一距离至少四层),2)汽车购买是重大决策。——在传统零售模式下,同时满足这两个条件的产业,经销商的地位就会较强,我猜。 @闲中隐:房地产为什么这么需要中介呢 @whigzhou: 中介和经销商不同,二级房地产是供需两端皆为海量参与者的市场,此类市场若商品为无差异类型,会倾向于形成集中式交易中心,若为高差异类型,则形成中介模式 @whigzhou: 修正:同为高差异商品,若购买行为非重大决策,则形成超市/商场模式,若为重大决策,则形成中介模式  
[译文]汽车推销员之死

Death of a car salesman
汽车推销员之死

日期:2015-8-22
译者:迈爸(@麦田的字留地)
校对:Ghost(@Ghostmarine)
来源:The Economist,http://www.economist.com/news/business/21661656-no-one-much-likes-car-dealers-changing-system-will-be-hard-death-car-salesman

No one much likes car dealers. But changing the system will be hard
没人喜欢汽车经销商,但改变销售体系很难。

THE internet was supposed to do away with all sorts of middlemen. Yet house sales are mostly conducted by estate agents, and car sales are still finalised in cavernous showrooms that smell of tyres. Technology is diminishing the role of car dealers, however.

互联网会让各种中间商消失。然而,房屋销售大多是通过房地产中介进行的,汽车销售仍然在弥漫着轮胎味的空旷展厅完成。但是,技术正在削弱汽车经销商的作用。

Customers are using the internet for much of the process of choosing a new car, and are increasingly getting loans and insurance online rather than buying them from the dealer who se(more...)

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Death of a car salesman 汽车推销员之死 日期:2015-8-22 译者:迈爸(@麦田的字留地) 校对:Ghost(@Ghostmarine) 来源:The Economist,http://www.economist.com/news/business/21661656-no-one-much-likes-car-dealers-changing-system-will-be-hard-death-car-salesman No one much likes car dealers. But changing the system will be hard 没人喜欢汽车经销商,但改变销售体系很难。 THE internet was supposed to do away with all sorts of middlemen. Yet house sales are mostly conducted by estate agents, and car sales are still finalised in cavernous showrooms that smell of tyres. Technology is diminishing the role of car dealers, however. 互联网会让各种中间商消失。然而,房屋销售大多是通过房地产中介进行的,汽车销售仍然在弥漫着轮胎味的空旷展厅完成。但是,技术正在削弱汽车经销商的作用。 Customers are using the internet for much of the process of choosing a new car, and are increasingly getting loans and insurance online rather than buying them from the dealer who sells them their car. Some carmakers are seeking ways to bypass dealers too. 顾客们开始在互联网上完成新车挑选过程的很大部分,并且越来越多地通过网络获得贷款、购买保险,而不在销售汽车的经销商那里掏腰包。一些汽车制造商也正在寻求绕过经销商的途径。 In the motor industry’s early days, a century ago, manufacturers tried selling their vehicles at the factory gate, in shops they owned themselves, by mail order and through travelling salesmen. But eventually they settled on a system of franchising, in which independent dealers mostly sell just one maker’s models. 在一个世纪以前,汽车工业的早期,生产商试图在工厂门口、在自己拥有的商店里、通过邮件订购,或者通过旅行推销员来销售汽车。但最终,生产商选择了特许经销体系,在这一体系中,独立的经销商大多只卖一家制造商的车型。 Now, almost all of the 90m motor vehicles sold worldwide each year cross dealers’ forecourts. In America, the second-largest car market, their total revenues reached $806 billion in 2014. China’s car market, the largest, has rapidly come to resemble the West’s, with all its faults . 今天,全世界每年卖出的9000万辆车中,绝大部分都要经过经销商之手。2014年美国,这个世界第二大汽车市场,汽车经销商的总收入达到了8060亿美元。最大的汽车市场,中国,已经迅速效仿了这一西方模式,连同它的全部毛病。 Surveys show that car buyers find the experience of visiting a dealer boring, confrontational and bureaucratic, notes Nick Gill of Capgemini, a consulting firm. No wonder they try to avoid them. Ten years ago Americans visited five dealers before making a purchase, according to McKinsey, another consulting outfit, but now they visit 1.6 on average. The trend is similar elsewhere in the world. Nick Gill of Capgemini咨询公司的调查显示,购车者发现造访经销商的经历无趣,富有对抗性,还充满官僚习气。难怪顾客总是试图避开经销商。而另一个咨询机构麦肯锡的调查表明,十年前美国人在购车前要转五个经销商,但现在他们平均访问1.6个。世界其他地方的趋势是相似的。 In many cases car buyers turn up having already decided which model and which options they require; and, having checked price-comparison websites, how much they will pay. Almost all cars these days have decent performance and handling, so test drives are less important than ever. 很多情况下,购车者已经决定了他们所需要的型号和选配,并且,通过价格对比网站,他们也知道需要支付多少钱。今天几乎所有的汽车,都有着不错的操控和性能,所以试驾相比以往显得不是那么重要了。 Styling and branding—things that can be assessed without visiting a dealer—figure more prominently in buyers’ minds. The role of traditional car salesmen, geared for the hard sell, is waning. 客户越来越看重风格和品牌,而这些信息不需要访问经销商即可获得。需要一张铁嘴的传统销售岗位,正在逐渐消逝。 What motorists do want, though, is someone to talk them through all the features that cars come with these days—entertainment systems, navigation services, automated parking and so on. Carmakers are beginning to respond. 然而,驾驶者真正想要的是,有人来告诉他们现在车上的所有功能,比如娱乐系统、导航服务、自动泊车等等。汽车制造商正开始做出反应。 Since 2013 BMW, taking Apple Stores as its model, has been installing “product geniuses” in some larger showrooms, to talk potential buyers through its cars’ features without pressing them to close a sale. Daimler Benz, another German premium carmaker, and even Kia, a mass-market South Korean firm, have begun similar initiatives. 自2013以来,宝马向苹果商店学习,在一些较大的展厅设置了“产品天才”,与潜在买家讨论其汽车的特性,而不是催着顾客买辆车。另一家德国高级汽车制造商戴姆勒奔驰,甚至还有面向大众市场的韩国起亚,也开始了类似的举措。 Apple’s softer sell, which stresses its products’ design and whizzy features, helps to persuade customers to pay premium prices. Its selling methods have also succeeded in training customers to accept that the list price is the final price. 苹果的软推销,强调其产品的设计和新奇特性,有助于说服客户支付溢价。这种销售方法还成功地使客户接受标价即是最终售价。 In contrast, the motor industry has spent more than a century training buyers to expect haggling, followed by discounts. Yet customers say having to argue about the price is one of the things that puts them off dealers. 相比之下,汽车工业已经花了一个多世纪使客户希望讨价还价,目的就是为了折扣。然而,顾客们说,不得不讨价还价是他们避开经销商的原因之一。 Some firms are offering them ways to avoid it. Costco, a discount retailer, sold 400,000 new and used cars in America last year, using its buying power to get good deals, doing the haggling on behalf of motorists. Lexus, Toyota’s premium brand, is experimenting with haggle-free pricing in a handful of its American dealerships. 一些公司正提供避免这一困扰的办法。折扣零售商Costco,去年在美国销售四十万辆新车和二手车,利用其购买力代客户讨价还价,取得了不错的业绩。丰田的高端品牌雷克萨斯,正在一些美国经销商那里尝试免议价策略。 Some dealers are experimenting with selling cars online, or opening temporary “pop-up” showrooms in shopping centres. Others are offering to bring cars to a potential buyer’s home or workplace for a test drive. 一些经销商开始尝试在网上卖车,或在购物中心开临时“弹出”展厅。还有的给潜在购买者提供在家里或工作地试驾的机会。 But the most controversial experiment is the one that Tesla, a maker of expensive electric cars, is trying: cutting out the dealers altogether and selling directly to motorists. Two decades ago Ford and General Motors tried to revive this idea from the industry’s early days, but they were deterred by resistant dealers and restrictive laws in some American states. 但最具争议性的尝试是特斯拉,这样一个高价电动汽车制造商,正在努力完全踢开经销商,直接向驾车者销售。二十年前,福特和通用汽车试图重现这个汽车工业早期的想法,但由于美国一些州的法律限制和经销商的阻挠而被迫放弃。 The legislation, enacted in the 1950s to protect dealers from onerous terms that carmakers were trying to impose on them, is now being used to put the brakes on Tesla. It has battled to open stores in several states where direct sales are banned or restricted. 这项立法,于20世纪50年代颁布,以防止汽车制造商强加给经销商繁重的条款,现在却被用来阻止特斯拉。在禁止或限制直销的几个州,特斯拉的开店之战已经开始。 And it is winning most of its fights. New Jersey and Maryland recently overturned bans, though the struggle continues in Arizona, Michigan, Texas, and West Virginia. 特斯拉赢得了大部分的战斗。新泽西和马里兰州最近推翻了禁令,但在亚利桑那,密歇根,德克萨斯,西弗吉尼亚的抗争还在继续。 In other countries, although carmakers face no legal hurdle to selling directly, they certainly would face resistance from their dealer networks. Nonetheless, Hyundai, Daimler Benz, BMW and Volvo have set up small experiments in Europe to sell cars through their company websites. 在其他国家,尽管汽车制造商们的直销模式没有面临法律障碍,但肯定会面临来自经销商网络的阻力。尽管如此,现代、戴姆勒奔驰、宝马和沃尔沃已经开始尝试在欧洲通过其公司网站销售汽车。 Customers can use the sites to configure their new cars and pay a deposit. Volvo sold all 1,900 of a special version of a sports-utility vehicle it offered online last year, and it now wants to get its entire line-up for sale online by 2016. 客户可以使用网站配置他们的新汽车,并支付定金。去年,沃尔沃的某款定制版SUV,1900辆全部在网上出售,现在公司希望到2016年时,能够在网上销售全系列产品。 Daimler is mulling an expansion of pilot schemes in Hamburg and Warsaw. GM’s premium Cadillac brand plans to open several test-drive centres and virtual dealerships across Europe. 戴姆勒正在考虑对华沙和汉堡的试点方案扩展。通用汽车公司的高端品牌凯迪拉克,计划在欧洲增设几个试驾中心和虚拟商店。 In all these cases except that of Tesla, the final stage of the transaction is handled offline, by a dealer. Even so, such selling methods strengthen customers’ relationships with carmakers, so they may steadily weaken the case for having dealers. 除了特斯拉,在其他这些案例中,交易的最后阶段还是由经销商处理的。即便如此,这样的销售方法也加强了客户与汽车制造商之间的关系,因此可能会持续削弱经销商的地位。 This trend is set to be reinforced anyway, since most new cars will soon come with built-in mobile-internet connections that, among other things, will stream data directly to the manufacturer. 无论如何,这一趋势将得到加强,比如,大多数新汽车将很快内建移动互联网连接,数据将直接流向制造商。 By offering motorists such things as remote diagnostics and automatic updates to the software installed in their cars, the makers will have a ready-made excuse to stay in touch. 通过向驾驶者提供远程诊断,自动更新安装在他们汽车上的软件,制造商将有一个现成的借口与消费者保持联系。 If carmakers did eventually cut out the middlemen, it could mean higher profits for them, lower prices for buyers, or both. Daron Gifford of Plante Moran, a consulting firm, notes that the potential savings could run from a few hundred to a few thousand dollars per car. Since mass-market carmakers’ margins are so slim, it could have a striking effect on their profitability. 如果汽车制造商最终绕过了中间商,则可能意味着给制造商更高的利润,给购买者更低的价格,或两者兼具。咨询机构Daron Gifford of Plante Moran指出,每辆车能节约几百到几千美元。由于大众消费市场汽车制造商的利润很薄,这可能对他们的盈利能力产生显著的影响。 Aside from the prospect of capturing the retail margin, and building direct links with buyers, carmakers’ shareholders have another reason to support the idea of eliminating dealers. That is because many manufacturers have got into the bad habit of overproducing, and of using dealers’ forecourts as dumping-grounds for their excess stock. 除了获得零售利润,与买家建立直接联系,汽车制造商的股东有另一个理由来支持消除经销商的想法。因为许多制造商已经养成了过度生产的坏习惯,并利用经销商来消化多余库存。 In the trade it is called “channel-stuffing”: manufacturers twist dealers’ arms to take on their surplus cars, with a combination of juicy discounts and the threat of holding back more sought-after models. If cars were sold directly by the maker, and production were constantly tailored to match sales, the industry’s fortunes could be transformed. 在贸易中,这种做法被称为“渠道充塞”:制造商诱以利润丰厚的折扣,结合限制畅销车型供应的威胁,迫使经销商接收他们过剩的汽车。如果汽车是由制造商直接销售,生产不断适应销售,行业际遇则有望改变。 Dealers, predictably, are desperate to remain the source of new cars even though they often make little or no money flogging them. In Britain, typically two-thirds of revenues but less than a quarter of profits come from that part of the business. 可以预见的是,经销商渴望保持新车的供应,即使他们从新车销售中很少或根本没有赚到钱。在英国,新车业务通常在销售收入中占三分之二,却只带来不到四分之一的利润。 However, selling new cars is the engine that drives the rest of their business—finance, insurance, warranties and other aftermarket products. Buyers often bring their cars back for repairs and servicing. 然而,新车销售却能够带动其他业务,金融、保险、担保,以及其他售后产品。买家通常还会回来进行维修和保养。 Trade-ins provide dealers with a stock of used cars, another important source of income. In America, such ancillaries helped dealers survive in the six years to 2011, when they were selling new cars at a loss. 而以旧抵新能够为经销商带来大量二手车,这是另一个重要的收入来源。在美国,从2006到2011年这六年中,当经销商亏本销售新车时,二手车帮助他们度过了难关。 Online firms are replicating these services and chipping away at dealers’ local monopolies. Websites such as Edmunds and TrueCar in America, Carwow in Britain and Mobile.de in Germany let buyers quickly gather quotes from multiple dealers. 在线企业同样提供这些服务,并正在打破经销商的地方垄断。如美国的Edmunds,TrueCar,英国的Carwow和德国的Mobile.de,能让买家快速收集来自多个经销商的报价。 Likewise, cheap insurance, finance and warranties are easy to find online. Motorists may get a better price for their old cars from a site like webuyanycar.com in Britain than by doing a trade-in with a dealer. 同样,便宜的保险,金融和担保服务,很容易从网上找到。英国的车主可以从一个叫webuyanycar.com网站为旧车找到更好的价格,远比去经销商那里以旧抵新划算。 But just as some tourists still like to buy package holidays, there may always be some motorists who prefer a one-stop-shop that provides everything, and some who prefer to buy face-to-face rather than over the internet. 但正如一些游客仍然喜欢让旅行社包办一切,总有人还是喜欢提供一切的一站式商店,还有人更喜欢面对面购物,而不是通过互联网。 America’s National Automobile Dealers’ Association puts forward two other reasons why motorists are better off with things the way they are. First, it argues, the competition among dealers to sell any given model helps to keep the retail profit margin low—and if carmakers captured the retail margin for themselves, there is no guarantee that any of it would be passed on to customers. 就为什么驾车者应该通过经销商购车,美国的全国汽车经销商协会提出了两条理由。首先,他们认为,经销商之间的竞争,使得销售任何车型的利润率都很低,如果汽车制造商自己获得这部分零售利润,将无法保证其中部分利润返还给客户。 Second, when a model has to be recalled because of a safety problem, dealers have an incentive to contact owners of that model promptly, since they usually get paid by the carmaker to correct the fault. 其次,当某个车型因为安全问题被召回时,由于制造商经常会向经销商支付维修纠偏的费用,经销商也更有动力及时联系该车型的拥有者。 In America especially, car dealers are a forceful lobby, and unlikely to remain silent if carmakers try cutting them out of the picture. But their grip on the industry is loosening. The all-purpose dealership, encompassing sales of new and used cars, finance, insurance, servicing and parts, once made sense. 尤其在美国,汽车经销商是一个强有力的游说团体,如果汽车制造商试图脱离他们,经销商们不可能保持沉默。但他们对行业的控制正在松动。囊括新车和二手车销售,集金融,保险,维修和配件于一身的全能经销商,已经大势不再。 Now this business model is being squeezed. If car buyers take to online buying in large numbers, it may not be long before a mass-market carmaker follows Tesla’s lead and tries to muscle aside the dealers. If customers are happy to buy direct from the manufacturer, lawmakers certainly should not stand in their way. 现在,这个商业模式正在被挤压。如果购买汽车的人大量在线购买,不消太久,在大众市场方面,制造商就会追随特斯拉的步伐,尝试边缘化经销商。如果顾客很乐意直接从制造商那里购买,立法者当然不应该妨碍他们。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]市场正在让教育挣脱枷锁

Learning unleashed
挣脱枷锁的教育

来源:The Economist @ 2015-8-1
译者:sheperdmt([email protected]),易海([email protected]
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
网址:http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21660063-where-governments-are-failing-provide-youngsters-decent-education-private-sector

Where governments are failing to provide youngsters with a decent education, the private sector is stepping in

在政府不能为青少年提供像样教育的地方,私人力量正着手发挥作用。

cover

THE Ken Ade Private School is not much to look at. Its classrooms are corrugated tin shacks scattered through the stinking streets of Makoko, Lagos’s best-known slum, two grades to a room. The windows are glassless; the light sockets without bulbs. The ceiling fans are still.

Ken Ade私立学校并不起眼,他们的教室是波纹铁皮窝棚,分布在拉各斯最为知名的贫民窟Makoko的发臭街道上,一个教室里有两个年级。窗户上没有玻璃,灯座上没有灯泡,吊扇也不转动。

But by mid-morning deafening chants rise above the mess, as teachers lead gingham-clad pupils in educational games and dance. Chalk-boards spell out the A-B-Cs for the day. A smart, two-storey government school looms over its ramshackle private neighbour. Its children sit twiddling their thumbs. The teachers have not shown up.

但每到上午,这堆烂摊子里会传来震耳欲聋的声音,因为老师们会带着那些穿着方格花布衣服的学生进行有教育意义的游戏和舞蹈。教室的黑板上会写明当日的功课。一个整洁的两层公立学校就矗立在这家摇摇欲坠的私立学校旁边。公立学校的孩子在那坐着摆弄他们的手指,老师并没有出现。

Recent estimates put the number of low-cost private schools in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital, as high as 18,000. Hundreds more open each year. Fees average around 7,000 naira ($35) per term, and can be as low as 3,000 naira. By comparison, in 2010-11 the city had just 1,600 government schools. Some districts, including the “floating” half of Makoko, where wooden shacks stand on stilts above the water, contain not a single one.

最近的调查估计,尼日利亚商业之都拉各斯有将近1.8万所低成本的私立学校,而且每年会新增几百所。学费平均为每学期7000奈拉(约合35美元),有时甚至低至3000 奈拉。与此形成鲜明对比的是,在2010-11年,这个城市只有1600所公立学校。在有些地区,包括 Makoko 的“漂浮区”——搭在水中立柱之上的木棚子——一所公立学校也没有。

In the developed world private schools charge high fees and teach the elite. But Ken Ade is more typical of the sector, not just in Nigeria but worldwide. In 2010 there were an estimated 1m private schools in the developi(more...)

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Learning unleashed 挣脱枷锁的教育 来源:The Economist @ 2015-8-1 译者:sheperdmt([email protected]),易海([email protected]) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 网址:http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21660063-where-governments-are-failing-provide-youngsters-decent-education-private-sector Where governments are failing to provide youngsters with a decent education, the private sector is stepping in 在政府不能为青少年提供像样教育的地方,私人力量正着手发挥作用。 cover THE Ken Ade Private School is not much to look at. Its classrooms are corrugated tin shacks scattered through the stinking streets of Makoko, Lagos’s best-known slum, two grades to a room. The windows are glassless; the light sockets without bulbs. The ceiling fans are still. Ken Ade私立学校并不起眼,他们的教室是波纹铁皮窝棚,分布在拉各斯最为知名的贫民窟Makoko的发臭街道上,一个教室里有两个年级。窗户上没有玻璃,灯座上没有灯泡,吊扇也不转动。 But by mid-morning deafening chants rise above the mess, as teachers lead gingham-clad pupils in educational games and dance. Chalk-boards spell out the A-B-Cs for the day. A smart, two-storey government school looms over its ramshackle private neighbour. Its children sit twiddling their thumbs. The teachers have not shown up. 但每到上午,这堆烂摊子里会传来震耳欲聋的声音,因为老师们会带着那些穿着方格花布衣服的学生进行有教育意义的游戏和舞蹈。教室的黑板上会写明当日的功课。一个整洁的两层公立学校就矗立在这家摇摇欲坠的私立学校旁边。公立学校的孩子在那坐着摆弄他们的手指,老师并没有出现。 Recent estimates put the number of low-cost private schools in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital, as high as 18,000. Hundreds more open each year. Fees average around 7,000 naira ($35) per term, and can be as low as 3,000 naira. By comparison, in 2010-11 the city had just 1,600 government schools. Some districts, including the “floating” half of Makoko, where wooden shacks stand on stilts above the water, contain not a single one. 最近的调查估计,尼日利亚商业之都拉各斯有将近1.8万所低成本的私立学校,而且每年会新增几百所。学费平均为每学期7000奈拉(约合35美元),有时甚至低至3000 奈拉。与此形成鲜明对比的是,在2010-11年,这个城市只有1600所公立学校。在有些地区,包括 Makoko 的“漂浮区”——搭在水中立柱之上的木棚子——一所公立学校也没有。 In the developed world private schools charge high fees and teach the elite. But Ken Ade is more typical of the sector, not just in Nigeria but worldwide. In 2010 there were an estimated 1m private schools in the developing world. Some are run by charities and churches, or rely on state subsidies. But the fastest-growing group are small low-cost schools, run by entrepreneurs in poor areas, that cater to those living on less than $2 a day. 在发达国家,私立学校会收取高昂的学费,并且学生多为精英。但是Ken Ade在私立学校中更为典型,不仅在尼日利亚是这样,在全世界范围内都是如此。据估计,2010年发展中国家有大约一百万所私立学校,其中有些由慈善机构和教会运营,或者依靠国家补贴。但增长最快的部分,是由贫困地区的企业家经营的低成本小型学校,服务于那些每日生活费低于两美元的人。 Private schools enroll a much bigger share of primary-school pupils in poor countries than in rich ones: a fifth, according to data compiled from official sources, up from a tenth two decades ago (see chart 1). Since they are often unregistered, this is sure to be an underestimate. 私立学校在贫穷国家招收到小学生(占学生总数)的比重远高于富裕国家的相应比例:根据官方统计数据,这一数字为五分之一,20年前为二十分之一(见图一)。由于很多私立学校并未登记注册,所以这一数据存在低估。 1 A school census in Lagos in 2010-11, for example, found four times as many private schools as in government records. UNESCO, the UN agency responsible for education, estimates that half of all spending on education in poor countries comes out of parents’ pockets (see chart 2). In rich countries the share is much lower. 例如,2010-11年拉各斯的一项学校普查表明,实际存在的私立学校数量是政府登记数量的四倍。负责教育的联合国机构UNESCO估计,在贫穷国家,全部教育经费中有一半由孩子的父母承担(见图二)。而在富裕国家,这一比率要低很多。 2 One reason for the developing world’s boom in private education is that aspirational parents are increasingly seeking alternatives to dismal state schools. In south and west Asian countries half of children who have finished four years of school cannot read at the minimum expected standard (see chart 3). In Africa the share is a third. 私立教育在发展中国家迅速兴起的一个原因是很多父母望子成龙,越来越多地在无能的公立学校之外寻找替代选择。在南亚和西亚国家,半数上了四年学的学生阅读能力达不到最低的预期标准(见图3)。在非洲这一比率为三分之一。 3 In 2012 Kaushik Basu, now at the World Bank but then an adviser to India’s government, argued that India’s rapidly rising literacy rate was mostly propelled by parents spending on education to help their children get ahead. “Ordinary people realised that, in a more globalised economy, they could gain quickly if they were better educated,” he said. 2012年,当时身为印度政府顾问的Kaushik Basu(现供职于世界银行)认为,印度的识字率迅速上升得益于印度父母为帮助孩子取得成功而在教育上花费的投入。他说:“普通民众意识到,在一个更加全球化的经济环境下,得到更好的教育赚钱就会更快”。 Many poor countries have failed to build enough schools or train enough teachers to keep up with the growth in their populations. Half have more than 50 school-age children per qualified teacher. And though quite a few dedicate a big share of their government budgets to education, this is from a low tax base. 许多贫穷国家没能建立起足够多的学校或者培养出足够多的老师,以跟上其人口增长。其中的半数国家中,每位合格教师需要带超过50个学龄儿童。尽管有少数国家在教育方面投入了很大部分的政府预算,但其税收基础本来就不高。 Some money is siphoned off in scams such as salaries for teachers who have moved or died, or funding for non-existent schools. Since 2009 Sierra Leone has struck 6,000 fake teachers off its payroll by checking identities before paying salaries. A national survey in Pakistan recently found that over 8,000 state schools did not actually exist. 有些钱还被骗走了,比如发放给了离职或已过世的教师当薪水,或者对一些根本不存在的学校提供资金支持。从2009年至今,通过发薪前的身份核查,塞拉利昂已经从其工资名册上砍掉了600名假老师。巴基斯坦的一项全国调查最近发现,有8000多所公立学校实际上根本不存在。 State schools are often plagued by teacher strikes and absenteeism. In a slum in eastern Delhi where migrants from north-east India cluster, pupils split their days between lessons in small private schools in abandoned warehouses that charge 80-150 rupees ($1.25-2.35) a month, and a free government school around the corner, which supplies cooked midday meals and a few books, but little teaching. When researchers visited rural schools in India in 2010 they found that a quarter of teachers were absent. 教师罢工和缺勤经常困扰着公立学校。在德里东部有一个由来自印度东北部的移民聚居的贫民窟,学生们在一个小型私立学校与一个免费公立学校之间穿梭。私立学校建在一个废弃工厂里,每月学费是80-150卢比(约合1.25-2.35美元);而公立学校就在附近拐角处,提供午饭和一些书,但几乎没什么教学。2010年当调查人员访问印度乡村学校时,发现有四分之一的教师缺勤。 A study by the World Bank found that teachers in state-run primary schools in some African countries were absent 15-25% of the time. “The public teachers don’t feel obligated coming to school,” says Emmanuel Essien, a driver who hustles day and night to send his youngsters to a private school in Alimosho, a suburb of Lagos. “If they come, they might just tell the student to go hawking. They tell you that your children have to attend an extra class, or buy an extra book, just so they can make money in their own pocket.” 世界银行的一项研究发现,非洲一些国家的公立小学教师有15-25%的时间缺勤。Emmanuel Essien是一名司机,他日夜奔忙、拼命赚钱来把他的孩子送到位于拉各斯郊区Alimosho的一所私立学校,他说,“公立学校的教师对于去学校并没有很强的责任感。如果他们去了,或许会让学生出去兜售东西。他们会说你的孩子必须参加额外的补习,或者额外买一些书,只是为了从你身上赚更多的钱。” Privatising Parnassus 教育私有化 Given the choice between a free state school where little teaching happens and a private school where their children might actually learn something, parents who can scrape together the fees will plump for the latter. In a properly functioning market, the need to attract their custom would unleash competition and over time improve quality for all. 公立学校免费但几乎学不到东西,而在私立学校上学的孩子或许可以真真正正地学到一些东西,当面临这两种选择时,那些能凑够学费的家长会坚决选择后者。在一个运转正常的市场里,为了吸引顾客,会引起竞争,随着时间推移可以提高所有服务者的质量。 But as a paper by Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das and Asim Ijaz Khwaja published by the World Bank explains, market failures can stop that happening. Choosing a private school can be a perfectly rational personal choice, but have only a limited effect on overall results. 但世界银行发表的一篇由Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das 和Asim Ijaz Khwaja三人撰写的论文显示,市场失灵会阻止上述情况的发生。选择私立学校对于个人来说也许是完全理性的选择,但对于整体来说只有很有限的影响。 One such failure is that parents often lack objective information about standards. Countries where state schools are weak rarely have trustworthy national exam systems. To attract clients, private schools may exaggerate their performance by marking generously. Mr Essien says he has taken to testing his children himself to cross-check their progress. Though paying customers like him can hold private-school teachers to account, making them more likely to turn up and try hard, good teachers cannot be conjured out of thin air. 其中的一个失灵是,父母通常缺乏关于评价标准的客观信息。公立学校较弱的国家很少有值得信任的国家考试系统。为了吸引到学生,私立学校也许会通过宽松评分的方式来夸大学生的成绩。Essien说他已经开始自己动手测试他的孩子,以便对学习成效进行交叉评测。尽管像他这样的付费家长可以促使私立学校的老师承担责任,让他们更有可能勤快并努力地教学,但好老师不是凭空就能变出来的。 Matters are further complicated by the fact that education is to a great extent a “positional good”: the aim is to get a job or university place, for which it is enough to beat the other candidates, rather than reach the highest possible absolute standard. Especially in rural areas where there is unlikely to be much choice, being just a bit better than public schools is enough to keep the clients coming, says Joanna Harma of the Centre for International Education at the University of Sussex. And sheltered from market forces, those public schools have no incentive to improve. 实际上问题要更复杂一点,因为教育在很大程度上是一种“排位商品”:它的目的是找到一份工作或者考上一所大学,因此只要能击败其他候选人就足够了,而不是去达到可能的最高绝对标准。特别是在乡村地区,那里没有更多的选择,只要比公立学校好一点就足够吸引到学生了,Sussex大学国际教育中心的Joanna Harma说道。由于避开了市场的力量,这些公立学校没有动力去提高自身的教学水平。 That means school choice can “sort” children into different types of schools: the most informed and committed parents colonise the better ones, which may then rely on their reputations to keep their position in the pecking order. 这意味着择校过程会把学生“分到”不同的学校中去,那些消息最灵通和最负责任的家长蜂集于好学校,然后这些学校就可以依靠它们的名声来保持其在等级排序中的位置。 Research from several parts of Africa and south Asia finds that children in low-cost private schools are from families that are better-off, get more help from parents with homework and have spent more time in pre-school. 非洲和南亚的一些研究发现,低成本私立学校的学生多来自富裕家庭,他们在家庭作业上能得到父母更多的帮助,并在学前教育方面花费了更多时间。 A round-up of research, much of it from south Asia, found that their pupils did better in assessments, though often only in some subjects. In the few studies that accounted for differences in family background and so on, their lead shrank. 一项主要在南亚进行的汇总研究显示,那里的学生在考核中成绩更好,尽管通常只是在几个学科。在少量将家庭背景差异等因素考虑进去的研究中,这种优势就缩小了。 Chile’s voucher scheme, which started in 1981 under the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, aimed to enable poor students to move from bad public schools to good private ones and to raise standards by generating competition between the two. Today 38% of pupils are in state schools, 53% in private ones that accept vouchers and 7% in elite institutions that charge full fees. In the 1990s a post-Pinochet centre-left government allowed subsidised schools to charge top-up fees. They can also select their pupils by ability. 智利的教育券计划,开始于1981年奥古斯托·皮诺切特将军独裁时期,目的是让贫穷的孩子有机会从差劲的公立学校转移到好一点的私立学校,并通过两者间的竞争来提高标准。现在38%的孩子在公立学校,53%的孩子在可以用教育券的私立学校,7%在收取全额费用的精英机构。在1990年代,后皮诺切特的中左派政府允许受补贴的学校收取“补充”学费。他们还可以根据能力来选择学生。 Chile does better than any other Latin American country in PISA, an international assessment of 15-year-olds in literacy, mathematics and science, suggesting a positive overall effect. But that is hardly a ringing endorsement: all the region’s countries come in the bottom third globally. 智利在PISA中比其他拉美国家做得都好,PISA是一份针对15岁学生的读写、数学和科学能力的国际评估,这显示智利政策整体效果积极。但这并非什么强有力的证据,因为这一地区的国家排名都在全球的倒数第三位。 And once the relatively privileged background of private-school pupils is taken into account, says Emiliana Vegas of the Inter-American Development Bank, state schools do better, especially since they serve the hardest-to-teach children. 美洲开发银行的 Emiliana Vegas说,一旦把私立学校学生相对优越的家庭背景考虑在内,公立学校做得更好,特别还要考虑到,他们教的是最难教的学生。 Where private schools trounce state ones is in cost-effectiveness. A recent study in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh gave vouchers for low-cost private schools to around 6,000 randomly chosen pupils. Four years later they were compared with applicants who did not receive the vouchers. Both groups did equally well in mathematics and Telugu, the local language. But private schools had spent less time on these subjects in order to make space in the curriculum for English and Hindi, in which their pupils did better. And spending on each pupil was only around a third that in the state sector. Lagos state spent at least $230 on each child it put through primary school between 2011 and 2013, public data suggest, around twice as much as a typical private school charges. 私立学校稳胜于公立学校的地方是在成本效益方面。在印度安得拉邦进行的一项调查,给随机挑选的约6000学生发放了可用于低成本私立学校的教育券。四年之后,把他们和没拿到教育券的学生进行对比。两组人在数学和Telugu(一种当地语言)上表现得一样好。但是私立学校的学生在这些学科上花费的时间更少,以便腾出时间来学习英语和印地语,在这两个学科上私立学校的学生做的更好。每个孩子的培养费用仅为公立学校的三分之一。公开数据显示,在2011至2013年间,(尼日利亚)拉各斯州在每个完成小学学业的孩子身上花费了约230美元,大约是一个典型的私立学校索费的两倍。 Marks for effort 努力的成绩 A centre-left government in Chile is now unwinding Pinochet’s reforms. One of its changes is to bar for-profit schools from the voucher scheme. The new standard-bearer for market-based education reform is the Pakistani province of Punjab. Nationally, 25m children are out of school, and reformist politicians are turning to the private sector to expand capacity quickly and cheaply. To make the market work better, they are exploring ways to give parents more information about standards and to help successful schools grow. 智利现有的中左政府正在颠覆皮诺切特改革,其举措之一是将盈利性学校踢出教育券计划。于是,这场教育市场化改革中的旗手角色,已让位于巴基斯坦的旁遮普省。巴基斯坦全国共有2500万名失学儿童,改革派政治家把目光投向私人部门,以期快速而廉价地扩大教育容量。为帮助市场更好运行,他们正采取措施,给予学生家长更多学业水平的相关信息,并帮助已获成功的学校良好发展。 Authority over education is devolved to Pakistan’s four provinces, and Punjab’s energetic chief minister, Shahbaz Sharif, the brother of the prime minister, Nawaz, has decreed that the government will not build any of the new schools needed to achieve its 100% enrolment target for school-age children by 2018. Instead money is being funnelled to the private sector via the Punjab Education Foundation (PEF), an independent body with a focus on extremely poor families. 巴基斯坦已将教育事务的管理权下放给四省的地方政府。精力旺盛的旁遮普省首席部长,总理纳瓦兹·谢里夫的弟弟沙巴兹·谢里夫宣布,实现2018年前学龄儿童100%入学目标所需的学校,政府一座都不会修建。相反,借由关注极端贫困家庭的独立组织旁遮普教育基金会(PEF),资金会被输送至私人部门。 One scheme helps entrepreneurs set up new schools, particularly in rural areas. Another gives vouchers to parents living in slums to send children who are not in school to PEF-approved institutions. All the places in some schools have also been bought up. Those schools cannot charge fees and must submit to monitoring and teacher training. 其中一项计划旨在帮助企业家开办新学校,特别是在乡村地区办学。另一项计划则通过向家长分发教育券,使贫民窟的失学儿童能够进入PEF认可的机构学习。一些学校的招生名额被全部买断。这些学校不能收费,且必须接受教学管理和教师培训。 Although the funding per pupil is less than half of what is spent by state schools, results are at least as good, says Aneela Salman, PEF’s managing director. “The private sector can be much more flexible about who it hires, and can set up schools quickly in rented buildings and hire teachers from the local community.” 据PEF总经理Aneela Salman说,尽管这些学校在每位学生身上花费的资金不足公立学校的一半,结果却并不比公立学校差。“私人领域的雇用更具弹性,可以租用校舍快速组建学校,还可从当地居民中招募教师。” Crucially, the province is also improving oversight and working out how to inform parents about standards. It has dispatched 1,000 inspectors armed with tablet computers to conduct basic checks on whether schools are operating and staff and children are turning up. They have begun quizzing teachers, using questions from the exams they are meant to be teaching their pupils to pass. The early results, says one official grimly, are “not good”. 殊为关键的是,旁遮普省还在改善监管,并想方设法告知家长学业水平。全省派出了1000名配备平板电脑的检查员,针对学校是否正常运行、员工与学生是否在校的问题进行基本的检查。他们使用本应由教师教授并用于测试学生的考试题目,开始对教师进行测试。一位官员阴沉地表示,早期结果“并不乐观”。 In a joint study by the World Bank, Harvard University and Punjab’s government, parents in some villages were given report cards showing the test scores of their children and the average for schools nearby, both public and private. A year later participating villages had more children in school and their test scores in maths, English and Urdu were higher than in comparable villages where the cards were not distributed. The scheme was very cheap, and the improvement in results larger than that from some much pricier interventions, such as paying parents to send their children to school. 在由世界银行、哈佛大学和旁遮普省政府联合开展的一项研究中,学生的成绩报告被分发到一些村庄的家长手中,与之一同下发的还有附近各公私立学校的平均成绩。一年后,与没有分发成绩报告的可比村庄相比,受调查村庄的入学率得到了提高,当地学生的数学、英语和乌尔都语成绩也都更高。这些举措花费很少,但相比其他昂贵的干预措施,比如付钱要求家长送子女入学,其结果却更优。 PEF now educates 2m of Punjab’s 25m children, a share likely to grow by another million by 2018. Meanwhile the number of state schools has fallen by around 2,000 as some have been merged and others closed. 在旁遮普省2500万名儿童中,已有200万人通过PEF获得了教育,到2018年,这个人数很可能再增加100万。与此同时,公立学校的数量已减少了约2000家,一些被合并,还有些已经关门。 Such a wholesale shift to private-sector provision would create a storm of protest in Britain, whose Department for International Development is backing Punjab’s reforms. But there are few signs of anxiety in a country where many parents aspire to send their children to a private school and the country’s recent Nobel laureate, the education activist Malala Yousafzai, is the daughter of a private-school owner. 尽管英国国际发展部是旁遮普改革的幕后推手,但如此大规模地转向私人部门如果发生于英国,结果只会是一场抗议浪潮。然而在巴基斯坦,焦虑情绪则几乎看不到,因为该国的许多父母正在为将子女送入私立学校积极努力。这个国家最近的诺贝尔奖得主,教育活动家马拉拉·优素福扎伊本人,就是一名私立学校老板之女。 Schooling on tick 贷款办学 NGOs and education activists often oppose the spread of private schools, sometimes because they fear the poorest will be left behind, but often because of ideology. In October Kishore Singh, the UN special rapporteur on the right to education, told the UN General Assembly that for-profit education “should not be allowed in order to safeguard the noble cause of education”. Others, seemingly more reasonably, demand greater oversight of the sector: in a resolution on July 1st the UN Human Rights Council urged countries to regulate and monitor private schools. NGO和教育活动家群体往往反对私立学校扩张,部分出于对底层人群无法获得入学机会的担心,更多则是观念差异。十月,联合国受教育权特别调查员Kishore Singh向联合国大会报告称,盈利性教育“应被禁止,否则将无法保卫崇高的教育事业。”另外一些貌似更为合理的意见,则提出对这一部门开展更严厉的监管:在7月1日的一份决议中,联合国人权理事会要求各国监管私立学校。 [caption id="attachment_6013" align="alignnone" width="290"]Crammed in, cramming Crammed in, cramming[/caption] But where governments are hostile to private schools, regulation is often a pretext to harass them. And many of the criteria commonly used, such as the quality of facilities, or teachers’ qualifications and pay, have been shown by research in several countries to have no bearing on a school’s effectiveness. In recent years many poor countries staffed state schools with unqualified teachers on temporary contracts, paying them much less than permanent staff. In India, Kenya, Pakistan and Mali their pupils learn at least as much as those taught by permanent teachers. 然而,如果一地政府对私立学校持否定态度,此时的监管就成为了骚扰的借口。数国开展的研究显示,许多常用的评价标准,诸如设施质量、教师资格和收入,与教学成果之间无甚关联。近年来,许多贫困国家为填补公立学校的人员短缺,与资历不足者签订临时合同,以远低于编内员工的薪水雇用了一批教师。在印度、肯尼亚、巴基斯坦和马里,相比编内教师,由临时教师教授的学生并未产生知识短缺的问题。 Many small private schools do not try to get on any official register, knowing that they have no chance of succeeding, not least because of widespread corruption. A federal law from 2009 means that all private schools in India must be registered. This means satisfying onerous conditions, to which states have added their own. 许多小型私立学校已知没有可能得到官方注册,干脆放弃尝试,这其中,腐败是一个很重要的原因。印度2009年颁布的一项联邦法律规定,所有私立学校都必须注册。这意味着各式各样的苛刻条件,以及各邦独特的额外规定。 They must have access to playgrounds (immediately barring almost all those in urban slums), and qualified teachers who are paid salaries that match government-run schools. The state of Uttar Pradesh limits tuition-fee increases to 10% every three years. The main effect of this blizzard of bureaucracy has been to provide corrupt officials with a new excuse to seek bribes. 注册条件之一是有能力提供操场(几乎所有城市贫民区的学校都被立即排除),另一条则要求已获资格认证、薪酬达到公立学校水平的教员。北方邦规定三年内学费增长不得超过10%。这场官僚风暴的主要成就,是为腐败官员提供了索贿的新途径。 The need to fly under the radar means that schools lack access to credit and cannot grow or reap economies of scale. One small study in rural India found that a quarter of private schools visited by researchers had closed down when they returned a year later. Some will have been sound businesses brought down by cash-flow problems, as parents with precarious, low-paid jobs struggled to pay the fees. Others will have been run by people with an enthusiasm for education, but no business acumen. 被迫在监管刀口下求存,使得学校无从取得贷款,无力发展,更难以实现规模经济。一项针对印度乡村的小型研究显示,受调查的私立学校中有四分之一在一年后关门。一些本应健康发展的学校因现金流问题而倒闭,其资金来源是无稳定工作、收入颇低的学生家长。另一些学校的经营者空有投身教育的热情,却无商业头脑。 Another study in Punjab shows how much the lack of credit hamstrings private schools. All those in some randomly selected villages were given a $500 grant and asked to submit proposals for using the money to improve, just as a bank might demand a business plan in return for a small loan. Audits a year later found that the grants had been entirely spent on school improvements and test scores had risen more than in a control group of villages. 开展于旁遮普省的另一项研究则显示了,贷款短缺如何妨碍私立学校的发展。随机选择一些村庄,向其中所有私立学校给予500美元的赞助,然后如同银行提供小额贷款时索要商业计划书一样,要求其提供这笔钱的用途。一年后,审计发现赞助金完全被用于改善学校条件,考试成绩也与作为对照组的另一村庄相比有更大进步。 A promising development is the spread of low-cost for-profit school chains in big cities in Africa and south Asia. Some started by catering to better-off families and are now moving into the mass market. Their founders have more in common with the highly educated young enthusiasts who start charter schools in America than the owners of the single institutions that dominate the sector, says Julia Moffett of the Future of Learning Fund, which backs education entrepreneurs in Africa. 在非洲和南亚,一些大城市出现了廉价的盈利性连锁学校,这让人看到了未来的希望。其中一些学校一开始以富裕家庭为受众,现在也已进入大众市场。“学习的未来”基金会的Julia Moffett说,与在该领域内占主导地位的独体机构的拥有者相比,这些学校的创办者更像在美国创办特许学校的年轻人,他们受过高等教育,对教育事业充满热忱。“学习的未来”基金会旨在向非洲的教育企业家提供援助。 Bridge International Academies, which runs around 400 primary schools in Kenya and Uganda, and plans to open more in Nigeria and India, is the biggest, with backers including Facebook’s chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, and Bill Gates. Omega Schools has 38 institutions in Ghana. (Pearson, which owns 50% of The Economist, has stakes in both Bridge and Omega.) Low-cost chains with a dozen schools or fewer have recently been established in India, Nigeria, the Philippines and South Africa. 桥国际连锁学院在肯尼亚和乌干达经营有约400家小学,正打算进军尼日利亚和印度。这是诸多廉价连锁学校中规模最大的一家,其支持者包括Facebook首席执行官马克·扎克伯格以及比尔·盖茨。Omega Schools在加纳拥有38家机构。(拥有《经济学人》50%股份的Pearson集团,在上述两家企业都有股份。)近来,一些连锁数量在10个左右甚至更少的廉价连锁学校,已经在印度、尼日利亚、菲律宾和南非出现。 Bridge’s cost-cutting strategies include using standardised buildings made of unfinished wooden beams, corrugated steel and iron mesh, and scripted lessons that teachers recite from hand-held computers linked to a central system. That saves on teacher training and monitoring. 在桥国际学院,校舍以半成品木梁、波纹钢和铁网为建筑材料,依照标准统一建造;教师使用手持电脑连通中央系统,下载预定的课程内容背诵备用。这些举措不仅缩减了开支,还省去了对教师的培训和监管。 An independent evaluation is under way to find out whether such robo-teaching is better than the alternative—too often ill-educated teachers struggling through material they do not understand themselves. The potential of technology to transform education is unlikely to be realised in state institutions, where teachers and unions resist anything that might increase oversight or reduce the need for staff. 学业不精的老师为了备课费尽心思,这种情况常有;与其如此,是否照本宣科的教学方式更为优越?为了解答这一问题,一项独立研究正在进行当中。在公立学校,任何加强监管或减少人员需求的举措,都会遭到教师和工会的抵制,因此技术改变教育的潜能难以在公立学校发挥。 Another trend, says Prachi Srivastava of the University of Ottawa, is the emergence of providers of auxiliary services for private schools, including curriculum development, science kits and school-management training. Credit facilities are also cropping up. The Indian School Finance Company, funded by Grey Ghost Ventures, an Atlanta-based impact investor, has expanded to six Indian states since it started in 2009. 渥太华大学的Prachi Srivastava说,面向私立学校提供辅助服务的行业正在兴起,服务内容包括课程安排、教学用具以及学校管理方面的训练。信贷服务也在悄然出现。创立于2009年的印度学校金融公司,由总部位于亚特兰大的影响力投资商Grey Ghost Ventures投资,现已扩展至印度六个邦。 The IDP Rising Schools Programme, a small-loans programme in Ghana, also offers its clients teacher training. Private schooling may turn out to be good business for these firms and their investors—and, if governments allow it to flourish, for pupils, too. 出现于加纳的一项小额借贷项目,IDP Rising Schools Programme,同时也向其客户提供教师培训服务。对于企业和投资者来说,私立学校这一行可能前途光明;如果各国政府允许其充分发展,学生群体也将从中受惠。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]坟墓竟然不是永久的?

Losing the plot: death is permanent, but your grave isn’t
青山难留:死亡是永恒的,但你的坟墓不是

作者:Lynley Wallis ; Alice Gorman ; Heather Burke @2014-11-6
译者:Drunkplane
校对:带菜刀的诗人(@带菜刀的诗人_),林翠(@cwlinnil)
来源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/losing-the-plot-death-is-permanent-but-your-grave-isnt-33459

SONY DSC

Space can be at a premium in cemeteries … and when it runs out, reusing old graves is an option.

Headstones at the Dudley Park cemetery in Payneham, South Australia, were recently bulldozed as part of the ongoing “recycling” of more than 400 graves. Some people were shocked to realise that gravesites are not permanent and many have expressed their “disgust” and concern over the practice.

南澳大利亚佩纳姆镇,达德利公园墓地里的墓碑最近全被推土机清理掉了。这只是400多个正被“循环利用”的墓地之一。有些人震惊地发现墓地居然不是永久的,许多人感到“恶心”并表达了对此种做法的关切。

The reuse of graves is far from a modern phenomenon, caused by exponential population growth and overcrowding in towns and cities. Reusing the same place for burials is a tradition that has been repeated time and again in different cultures across the world, for thousands of years.

因为人口指数式增长,城镇过度拥挤,重复利用墓地早已不是什么现代才有的现象。几千年来,在全世界不同的文化里,重复利用墓地时常可见,成了一种传统。

Over the entirety of human history, around 108 billion people have lived – and died. That’s a lot of bodies that need disposing of in some way.

整个人类历史上,大约一千零八十亿人曾降临人世——又死去。那可是许许多多的尸体,总得以某种方式处理。

In the early centuries of the Common Era (AD), people in northern Europe reused burial mounds from the earlier Bronze Age and Neolithic periods. The catacombs beneath Paris were an 18th century solution to cemeteries that were so overcrowded bodies were stacked on top of one another.

在公历纪元的最初几个世纪,北欧人将早前青铜时代和旧石器时代留下的坟冢重新利用。18世纪巴黎的地下墓穴,便是为了解决地上墓地过度拥挤,尸体层叠堆放的难题。

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In the 19th century, the garden cemetery movement arose to create more spacious burial grounds — usually on what were then the outskirts of towns and cities. These new cemeteries doubled as places where one could picnic on a Sunday, with children playing games amon(more...)

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Losing the plot: death is permanent, but your grave isn’t 青山难留:死亡是永恒的,但你的坟墓不是 作者:Lynley Wallis ; Alice Gorman ; Heather Burke @2014-11-6 译者:Drunkplane 校对:带菜刀的诗人(@带菜刀的诗人_),林翠(@cwlinnil) 来源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/losing-the-plot-death-is-permanent-but-your-grave-isnt-33459 [caption id="attachment_6004" align="alignnone" width="335"]SONY DSC Space can be at a premium in cemeteries ... and when it runs out, reusing old graves is an option.[/caption] Headstones at the Dudley Park cemetery in Payneham, South Australia, were recently bulldozed as part of the ongoing “recycling” of more than 400 graves. Some people were shocked to realise that gravesites are not permanent and many have expressed their “disgust” and concern over the practice. 南澳大利亚佩纳姆镇,达德利公园墓地里的墓碑最近全被推土机清理掉了。这只是400多个正被“循环利用”的墓地之一。有些人震惊地发现墓地居然不是永久的,许多人感到“恶心”并表达了对此种做法的关切。 The reuse of graves is far from a modern phenomenon, caused by exponential population growth and overcrowding in towns and cities. Reusing the same place for burials is a tradition that has been repeated time and again in different cultures across the world, for thousands of years. 因为人口指数式增长,城镇过度拥挤,重复利用墓地早已不是什么现代才有的现象。几千年来,在全世界不同的文化里,重复利用墓地时常可见,成了一种传统。 Over the entirety of human history, around 108 billion people have lived – and died. That’s a lot of bodies that need disposing of in some way. 整个人类历史上,大约一千零八十亿人曾降临人世——又死去。那可是许许多多的尸体,总得以某种方式处理。 In the early centuries of the Common Era (AD), people in northern Europe reused burial mounds from the earlier Bronze Age and Neolithic periods. The catacombs beneath Paris were an 18th century solution to cemeteries that were so overcrowded bodies were stacked on top of one another. 在公历纪元的最初几个世纪,北欧人将早前青铜时代和旧石器时代留下的坟冢重新利用。18世纪巴黎的地下墓穴,便是为了解决地上墓地过度拥挤,尸体层叠堆放的难题。 2 In the 19th century, the garden cemetery movement arose to create more spacious burial grounds — usually on what were then the outskirts of towns and cities. These new cemeteries doubled as places where one could picnic on a Sunday, with children playing games among the headstones and elegant ladies and gentlemen promenading along the avenues. 到了19世纪,花园墓地运动兴起,促使更多宽敞墓园出现——这些墓园往往坐落于城镇的郊区。新式墓园同时也成了一个你可以周日来野餐的地方,孩子们在墓碑间玩耍,优雅的淑女和绅士在大道上徜徉。 By romanticising the relationship between the living and the dead the Victorians repurposed the idea of a graveyard from a functional to a recreational space that allowed for continual remembrance of loved ones as part of everyday activities. 通过柔化生者和死者之间的关系,维多利亚那代人重塑了墓地的概念,将之从一个功能性地点变成了一个休闲场所。在这里每天都可以缅怀自己爱的人。 Grave concerns 墓园的隐忧 In the contemporary world grave recycling is often driven by economic imperatives rather than purely spatial concerns. If the sole source of a cemetery’s income derives from the leasing of plots — as is the case with many independent cemetery trusts — how are they to remain financially viable when all the spaces are filled? 现如今,经济利益的需要取代了单纯的空间考量,成为驱动墓地回收利用的强大动力。如果场地租赁是墓园的唯一收入来源——许多独立墓园信托公司正是如此——当墓园的所有空间都填满了,它们还怎么保持盈利? Cemeteries must serve the burial needs of contemporary local communities, and often this can only be accomplished through destroying older graves so that newer interments can take place. 墓园必须满足当代地方社群的丧葬需求,而这往往只能通过毁掉旧的墓地才能实现。只有这样,后来者才能得以埋葬。 But what is the boundary between a “grave” and a “heritage site”? This varies across jurisdictions. Under the Burial and Cremations Act 2013 of South Australia, a site may be reused once an interment right expires — usually after a set period has elapsed and if no relative or other party can be found to take on the right (and the payment for it). 但是,又如何区分普通墓地和遗迹呢?不同的司法辖区有不同规定。依照南澳州于2013年颁布的《丧葬与火化法案》,当一处墓地的安葬权到期,则该地便可被重新利用。这种情况往往发生在一段时间后仍无亲属或其他当事人被找来行使该权利(并为之付费)时。【译注:有别于对安葬地的所有权,安葬权特指一个人被安葬于此地的权利。】 In such a case the burial and its headstone are given the “lift and deepen” treatment. The existing burial is removed and replaced lower down in the grave so that another burial can be included on top. The headstone is either smashed and buried with them, or removed to an inconspicuous place. 当这种情况发生时,坟墓和墓碑便会被作“挖起-深埋”处理。现有的坟墓被重新安置到墓地下方更深的地方,这样新的坟墓才能被放在上面。而墓碑要么一并粉碎深埋,要么就被移到一个隐秘的地方。 [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NmwFB-bUf2E[/embed] Before reusing any site, though, the Act requires that details of both the grave and the memorial are recorded photographically and in writing for posterity. Technological advances in recent years means that laser scanning is now a viable option for the recording process and, in all cases, digitisation of the data enables it to be easily made publicly available. 按照该法案的规定,在重复利用墓园前,都必须将坟墓和墓碑的细节拍照和记录,以留给墓主人的子孙。近些年,科技的进步让激光扫描成为了一种可能的记录方式,不管什么情况吧,数字化总是让数据更易于被公众获得。 This, at least, retains some of the historical information that contributes to the heritage and social value of these places that would otherwise be destroyed. 这样,那些经历了历史风霜,有传承和社会价值的信息至少有一部分被保留了下来,否则就只能眼看它们灰飞烟灭了。 If a grave is considered a heritage site, however, different legislation takes precedence. Section 27 of the South Australian Heritage Places Act 1993 affords blanket protection for all archaeological artefacts, whether known or unknown. Any disturbance then requires a permit. Sometimes archaeologists become involved in the process of reclaiming land in cemeteries. 然而,如果一个墓地被当作遗迹,那不同的法律都会给予优先保护。1993年颁布的《南澳遗迹法案》第27节为所有有考古价值的文物提供了全面的保护,无论它们是否为人熟知,且任何扰动都必须得到批准。有时考古学家会加入到对墓地的改造进程中来。 Reuse, recycle, research 再利用,循环使用,研究 Famous Australian examples of the reuse of historical cemeteries in conjunction with archaeological excavation and analysis include the site of Lang Park in Brisbane, the Queen Victoria Market in Melbourne and Town Hall in Sydney. 对有历史价值墓园的再利用,结合了考古挖掘和研究分析,澳大利亚的著名例子包括布里斯班的Lang Park、墨尔本的Queen Victoria Market和悉尼的Town Hall。 In Adelaide, the archaeological study of the Maesbury cemetery in Kensington, and the St Mary’s cemetery in the suburb of St Mary’s, have led to unique insights into the burial practices and lifestyles of South Australia’s earliest European settlers. 在阿德莱德,对肯辛顿的梅斯布里墓园和位于圣玛丽郊区的圣玛丽墓园的考古研究,赋予我们独特的视角,让我们对南澳大利亚最早一批欧洲移居者的丧葬情况和生活方式能一探究竟。 [caption id="attachment_6006" align="alignnone" width="112"]3 The Kippist headstone.[/caption] At Maesbury, only one headstone remained to mark hundreds of bodies now under parkland. This was before a Flinders University archaeology team began work at the site. 弗林德斯大学考古队来到梅斯布里墓园开展工作之前,只有一座墓碑被保留了下来,这座墓碑是地底下数百具尸体唯一的标示。 It was an exciting day when a neighbour came forth with a headstone they had found while digging in their garden (pictured right) making it only the second headstone to survive. 考古队在墓园挖出另一块墓碑的当天令人振奋,这意味着发现了死者们的旧邻,于是它就成了侥幸被保存下来的第二块墓碑。 Research revealed that it had marked the grave of three children from one family who died between 1850 and 1863, in the first few decades of the settlement of South Australia. 研究显示,这块墓碑属于来自同一个家庭的三个孩子,他们死于1850年至1863年之间,那正是南澳大利亚刚刚被开拓的一段岁月。 Infant mortality was scandalously high in 19th century Adelaide but the causes were mysterious. The gravestone speaks to a grief both public and private, when thousands of children died from the vague disease of “debility”. 19世纪的阿德莱德有着骇人的婴儿死亡率,但具体原因仍是个谜。当成百上千的孩子因为说不清的“虚弱”症而死去,墓碑悲伤地述说着往事,既是对世人也是对亲人。 At the St Mary’s Anglican Cemetery, archaeologists from Flinders University were invited by the Church to carry out excavations to recover the bodies from a pauper’s area before the land was reused. 弗林德斯大学的考古学家当初受教堂邀请参与了圣玛丽的圣公会墓园的挖掘,以便在土地再利用前恢复贫民区墓地的骸骨。 This study told us much about the nutritional and health standards of the urban poor. Contrary to expectations, they ate lots of meat (approximately 60% of their diet), but hardly any carbohydrates (wheat or barley). The majority were younger than 15 when they died, probably from infections. Most adult skeletons indicated a hard-working, physically active lifestyle. 考古学家的研究向我们揭示了许多有关城市贫民的营养和健康状况的信息。同原有估计相反的是,当时的城市贫民摄入了大量的肉(大约占到他们饮食的60%),但却很少摄入碳水化合物(小麦和大麦)。死去的人多数不到15岁,也许是因为传染病。大部分成年人的骸骨表明他们依靠艰苦的体力劳动而生活。 As the only study of its kind in South Australia, St Mary’s also highlighted how little we know about the living conditions and lifestyles of South Australia’s early settlers more generally. 作为南澳州唯一此类研究,圣玛丽墓园也向我们强调了,我们对于南澳早期开拓者的生活条件和生活方式是多么的无知。 All graves contain a story; some touch us more than others, but none of them should be subject to the disrespect of a bulldozer. As George Eliot reminds us, our dead are never dead to us until we have forgotten them. 每块墓地都藏着一个故事,有些故事更能打动我们,但没有哪个应该被交给那不敬的推土机。正如乔治·艾略特提醒我们的:逝去者并未真正死去,除非我们已将他们遗忘。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]母乳市场

The Human Breast Milk Market
母乳市场

作者:Timothy Taylor @ 2015-08-24
译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy),慕白(@李凤阳他说)
来源:Conversable Economist, http://conversableeconomist.blogspot.com/2015/08/the-human-breast-milk-market.html

The market for human breast milk starts with demand from hospitals for pre-term infants. The American Academy of Pediatrics writes:

母乳市场起源于医院早产儿对母乳的需求。美国儿科学会写道:

The potent benefits of human milk are such that all preterm infants should receive human milk. … Mother’s own milk, fresh or frozen, should be the primary diet, and it should be fortified appropriately for the infant born weighing less than 1.5 kg. If mother’s own milk is unavailable despite significant lactation support, pasteurized donor milk should be used.

“母乳具有诸多益处,所有早产儿都应当接受母乳喂养。……母亲自身的乳汁,无论新鲜的还是冷冻的,都应该是婴儿的主要食物,而且对于出生时体重低于1.5千克的婴儿,应该在其饮用的母乳中适当添加营养成分。如果在相当程度的泌乳帮助之后,母亲仍无法给婴儿提供母乳,那么就应当使用他人捐献的经过巴氏杀菌法消毒的母乳。”

The demand then continues with a belief that human milk might have properties that are useful to adults as well. Some biomedical companies are involved in research, and there is apparently a subculture of bodybuilders who believe that consuming human milk helps them build muscle.

有些人相信,母乳的某些特性可能对成年人同样有益,这使得对母乳的需求进一步扩大。一些生物医药企业参与了对母乳的研究,同时,在健美圈有种亚文化,认为母乳有助于增强肌肉。

What are the sources of supply to meet this demand? One source is donations that happen through the 19 locations of the Human Milk Banking Association of North America, as well as other donor organizations. But there are also for-profit co(more...)

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The Human Breast Milk Market 母乳市场 作者:Timothy Taylor @ 2015-08-24 译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy),慕白(@李凤阳他说) 来源:Conversable Economist, http://conversableeconomist.blogspot.com/2015/08/the-human-breast-milk-market.html The market for human breast milk starts with demand from hospitals for pre-term infants. The American Academy of Pediatrics writes: 母乳市场起源于医院早产儿对母乳的需求。美国儿科学会写道:
The potent benefits of human milk are such that all preterm infants should receive human milk. ... Mother’s own milk, fresh or frozen, should be the primary diet, and it should be fortified appropriately for the infant born weighing less than 1.5 kg. If mother’s own milk is unavailable despite significant lactation support, pasteurized donor milk should be used. “母乳具有诸多益处,所有早产儿都应当接受母乳喂养。……母亲自身的乳汁,无论新鲜的还是冷冻的,都应该是婴儿的主要食物,而且对于出生时体重低于1.5千克的婴儿,应该在其饮用的母乳中适当添加营养成分。如果在相当程度的泌乳帮助之后,母亲仍无法给婴儿提供母乳,那么就应当使用他人捐献的经过巴氏杀菌法消毒的母乳。”
The demand then continues with a belief that human milk might have properties that are useful to adults as well. Some biomedical companies are involved in research, and there is apparently a subculture of bodybuilders who believe that consuming human milk helps them build muscle. 有些人相信,母乳的某些特性可能对成年人同样有益,这使得对母乳的需求进一步扩大。一些生物医药企业参与了对母乳的研究,同时,在健美圈有种亚文化,认为母乳有助于增强肌肉。 What are the sources of supply to meet this demand? One source is donations that happen through the 19 locations of the Human Milk Banking Association of North America, as well as other donor organizations. But there are also for-profit companies emerging like Prolacta Bioscience and International Milk Bank which buy breast-milk, screen and test it, sometimes add additional nutrients, and then sells it to hospitals. There are also websites that facilitate buying and selling breast-milk. 有哪些供给源来满足这些需求呢?来源之一是北美母乳银行协会19个驻地以及其他一些捐赠机构所得到的捐赠。但现在也出现了一些新兴的营利性公司,如“Prolacta生科”和“国际母乳银行”,他们收购母乳,在进行筛选、测试(有时还会添加一些额外的营养成分)后出售给医院。此外,还有一些方便母乳买卖的网站。 This market is one where prices are fairly clear: the for-profit companies typically offer moms $1.50- $2 per ounce for breast milk, and end up selling it to hospitals for roughly $4 per ounce. Quantities are less clear, although for a rough sense, the nonprofit Human Milk Banking Association of North America dispensed 3.1 million ounces of breast milk in 2013, while a single for-profit firm, Prolacta, plans to process 3.4 million ounces this year. 这是个价格相当透明的市场:那些营利性企业通常为每盎司母乳向妈妈们支付1.50-2美元,最后以大约每盎司4美元的价格出售给医院。但市场上母乳的数量就没那么透明了,不过从以下数据中可以得到一个大致的概念,非营利组织北美母乳银行协会在2013年配发了310万盎司母乳,然而,今年仅Prolacta一家营利性企业就计划处理340万盎司。 Any product that involves a mixture of donated and paid-for elements is going to be a source for controversy, and when the product involves fluids from the human body, the controversy is going to ramp up one more level. Here are some of the issues: 任何同时涉及捐赠和有偿元素的产品都会引来争议,而且,当产品包含来自人体的液体时,争议便会再上一个层次。相关问题包括: Many people have a gut-level reaction that human breast milk for neonatal children is the sort of product that should be run on the basis of donations. But two concerns arise here, as enunciated by Julie P. Smith in "Market, breastfeeding and trade in mother's milk," which appears earlier this year in the International Breastfeeding Journal (10:9). 许多人都有一种直觉反应,他们认为提供给新生儿的母乳应当是一种基于捐赠的产品。但正如Julie P. Smith在今年早些时候发表于《国际母乳喂养期刊》(10:9)上的文章《母乳的市场、喂养和交易》所表明的,这会带来两个问题。 As Smith writes: "Human milk is being bought and sold.Commodifying and marketing human milk and breastfeeding risk reinforcing social and gender economic inequities. Yet there are potential benefits for breastfeeding, and some of the world’s poorest women might profit. How can we improve on the present situation where everyone except the woman who donates her milk benefits?" There are a number of ideas to unpack here. Smith写道:“人们买卖母乳。将母乳和母乳喂养商品化、市场化,存在加剧社会不平等和性别间经济不平等的风险。然而,母乳喂养有潜在的益处,而且一些世界上最贫困的妇女也可能因此获益。现状是,除了捐赠母乳的女性外,人人都会受益,我们如何才能改善这种状况?”这里面有一些观点可供探讨。 First, a substantially expanded supply of breast-milk would improve the health prospects of pre-term infants. Donated breast-milk doesn't seem able to fill the need. 首先,母乳供给的大量增加将提升早产儿的预期健康水平。捐赠的母乳数量似乎供不应求。 Second, it's not clear why mothers should be expected to pump, save and donate breast milk for free, when the rest of the health care system is getting paid. In some practical sense, the social choice may come to paying the health care system to address the sicknesses that infants experience from a lack of breast milk, or paying mothers for breast milk. 第二,你很难解释清楚,为何在医疗保健系统的其余参与者都能得到报酬的情况下,母亲们却要挤出乳汁保存起并进行捐赠,而这一切都是无偿的。从实践意义上说,社会选择可能是:要么向医疗保健系统付钱,以解决婴儿因缺乏母乳而导致的疾病,要么向提供母乳的母亲们付钱。 Third, there are real issues here involving social inequalities. Earlier this year in Detroit, a company called Medolac announced a plan to purchase breast milk. It received a hostile open letter with a number of signatories, starting with the head of the Black Mothers' Breastfeeding Association. The letter read, in part: 第三,这里涉及了社会不平等这个大问题。今年早些时候,在底特律,一家名为Medolac的公司宣布了一项收购母乳的计划。它收到了一封联名反对的公开信,牵头者是黑人母亲母乳喂养协会负责人。信中提到:
[W]e are writing to you in the spirit of open dialogue about your company’s recent attempts to recruit African-American and low-income women in Detroit to sell their breast milk to your company, Medolac Laboratories. We are troubled by your targeting of African-American mothers, and your focus on Detroit in particular. We are concerned that this initiative has neither thoroughly factored in the historical context of milk sharing nor the complex social and economic challenges facing Detroit families. ... Around the country, African-American women face unique economic hardships, and this is no less true in our city. In addition, African American women have been impacted traumatically by historical commodification of our bodies. Given the economic incentives, we are deeply concerned that women will be coerced into diverting milk that they would otherwise feed their own babies. “我们本着公开对话的精神写这封信,谈谈贵公司近期的计划,你们在底特律招募非洲裔美国女性和低收入女性,让其出售母乳给贵公司——Medolac实验室。你们把目标对准非洲裔美国母亲,并且专注于底特律地区,这些让我们倍感困扰。我们担心这一举措既没有全面考虑母乳共享的历史背景,也没有考虑到底特律家庭所面临的复杂的社会和经济挑战。……全国非洲裔美国女性都面临着巨大的经济困难,我们这座城市中的情形也是如此。此外,历史上对我们非洲裔美国女性身体的商品化,已经让我们遭受过巨大的创伤。我们对女性将出于经济利益而被强迫出售本将用来喂养自己孩子的母乳深感担忧。”
Medolac withdrew its proposal. Without getting into the language of the letter ("commodification" and "coercion" are not being used in the sense of an economics class), the basic public health question remains: Given the very substantial health benefits of breast milk for infants, can it make sense to offer mothers a financial incentive to sell their breast milk? Especially knowing that this incentive will have greater weight for mothers in lower income groups? Medolac收回了计划。不去深究这封信的措辞(“商品化”和“强迫”不是在经济学课堂里的意义上使用的),也还有基本的公共卫生问题:鉴于母乳对婴儿健康所起到的至关重要的作用,向母亲们提供金钱上的激励,让她们出售母乳是否合理呢?尤其是当知道这些激励将会对较低收入群体的母亲们产生更大的影响时,其合理性又如何呢? Fourth, the economic choices involves in breastfeeding are inevitably intertangled with other choices that face nursing mothers. Julie Smith points out that there are a variety of incentives to encourage early weaning of infants, like the promotion of infant formula and baby food products, combined with laws and rules affecting how quickly new mothers will re-enter the workforce. Reconsidering these incentives in a broader context, with an eye to encouraging breastfeeding in all contexts, could potentially lead both to more breastfeeding and to greater supplies of donated breast milk. Smith writes; 第四,母乳喂养中的经济选择不可避免地与摆在哺乳期母亲们面前的其他选择复杂地交织在一起。Julie Smith指出,有多种不同因素鼓励母亲们给婴儿提早断奶,例如婴儿配方奶粉和婴儿食品的广告,同时,还有影响产后母亲重回劳动力市场的法律法规。在更全面的背景下反思这些激励,同时着眼于全面鼓励母乳喂养,这可能会在带来母乳喂养增加的同时,也带来母乳捐献供给的增加。Smith写道:
‘The market’ fails to protect breastfeeding, because market prices give the wrong signals. An economic approach to the problem of premature weaning from optimal breastfeeding may help prioritise global maternity protection as the foundation for sustainable development of human capital and labour productivity. It would remove fiscal subsidies for breast milk substitutes, tax their sale to recoup health system costs, and penalise their free supply, promotion and distribution. By removing widespread incentives for premature weaning, the resources would be available for the world to invest more in breastfeeding. “在保护母乳喂养问题上市场失灵是因为市场价格给出了错误的信号。解决过早断奶与最优母乳喂养时间这一问题的经济学方法可能有助于优先考虑全球母道保护,将它作为人力资本及劳动生产力可持续发展的基础。这一方法将消除对母乳替代品的财政补贴,对其征收消费税以补贴医疗系统的成本,并对免费供应、促销和分发母乳替代品的行为进行处罚。通过消除普遍的过早断奶的激励因素,全社会的资源将被更多地用在母乳喂养投资上。”
Finally, in an internet-based economy that excels at connecting decentralized suppliers and buyers, there is no chance that the paid market for breast milk is going away. At least some of the market--say, the demand from body-builders--is likely to remain shadowy. But for neonatal infants and research purposes, it is useful for the bulk of the breast-milk market to come out of the shadows so that it can be subject to basic regulations, assuring that the breast milk isn't adulterated by cow's milk, microbes, or worse. 最后,在一个以互联网为基础的经济体系中——它特别善于将分散的供应商和买家联系起来——购买母乳的市场不可能会消失。至少一部分市场很可能仍会处于灰色地带,比如来自健美者的需求。然而对新生儿和研究而言,让母乳市场的主体走出阴影是有益的,这样它就能受到基本的监管,以确保母乳中不被掺入牛奶、微生物或者其他更不该加入的物质。 If you'd like another example of the potential for economic markets in bodily fluids, I discuss the arguments concerning how to increase the supply of blood in "Volunteers for Blood, Paying for Plasma" (May 16, 2014). A proposal for using the recently dead as a source of blood donations is here. 如果你想了解有关体液的潜在经济市场的另一个例子,我在《无偿献血,有偿使用血浆》(2014年5月16日)一文中对如何增加血液供应的各种观点做了讨论。一个关于采用新近死亡者的血液作为捐献来源的提议在此:http://www.realclearscience.com/blog/2015/07/a_simple_solution_to_end_blood_shortages.html。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

     
细软跑和配套优势

【2015-08-26】

@whigzhou: 现在做个细软基金正是时候。

@小野猪君:可人民币都跌了呀

@whigzhou: 跌这点算什么,而且美股跌的更多啊,足偿有余

@whigzhou: 宏观经济学是很不靠谱,各种预测也是胡扯居多,但有一条还是非常确定的:每次炸坑的时候大家都往美国逃,这个不会错

@鬼Dora:美中现在强捆绑,一条船上的蚂蚱,不存在谁崩盘谁独善其身。

@whigzhou: 没那么强,今天的产业生态和过去很不同了(more...)

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【2015-08-26】 @whigzhou: 现在做个细软基金正是时候。 @小野猪君:可人民币都跌了呀 @whigzhou: 跌这点算什么,而且美股跌的更多啊,足偿有余 @whigzhou: 宏观经济学是很不靠谱,各种预测也是胡扯居多,但有一条还是非常确定的:每次炸坑的时候大家都往美国逃,这个不会错 @鬼Dora:美中现在强捆绑,一条船上的蚂蚱,不存在谁崩盘谁独善其身。 @whigzhou: 没那么强,今天的产业生态和过去很不同了,有了像富士康这么强大的供应链组织者,产业搬家已变得很容易,全球市场会受点冲击,但很快会缓过来 @whigzhou: 在经历集装箱革命和供应链革命之后,跨国公司在全球重新配置产业链的能力已大幅提升,转移起来很快,比多数人想象都要快