2015年发表的文章(230)

[译文]西雅图见识了15美元最低工资法的后果

Seattle sees fallout from $15 minimum wage, as other cities follow suit
西雅图见识了15美元最低工资法的后果,其他城市亦步亦趋

作者:Dan Springer @ 2015-07-22
译者:史祥莆(@史祥莆)
校对:Marcel Zhang(@马赫塞勒张)
来源:FoxNews.com,http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2015/07/22/seattle-sees-fallout-from-15-minimum-wage-as-other-cities-follow-suit/

Seattle’s $15 minimum wage law is supposed to lift workers out of poverty and move them off public assistance. But there may be a hitch in the plan.

西雅图的15美元最低工资法,照理说是为了帮助就业者摆脱贫穷并脱离公共救济体系,但是这个计划可能存在纰漏。

Evidence is surfacing that some workers are asking their bosses for fewer hours as their wages rise – in a bid to keep overall income down so they don’t lose public subsidies for (more...)

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Seattle sees fallout from $15 minimum wage, as other cities follow suit 西雅图见识了15美元最低工资法的后果,其他城市亦步亦趋 作者:Dan Springer @ 2015-07-22 译者:史祥莆(@史祥莆) 校对:Marcel Zhang(@马赫塞勒张) 来源:FoxNews.com,http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2015/07/22/seattle-sees-fallout-from-15-minimum-wage-as-other-cities-follow-suit/ Seattle’s $15 minimum wage law is supposed to lift workers out of poverty and move them off public assistance. But there may be a hitch in the plan. 西雅图的15美元最低工资法,照理说是为了帮助就业者摆脱贫穷并脱离公共救济体系,但是这个计划可能存在纰漏。 Evidence is surfacing that some workers are asking their bosses for fewer hours as their wages rise – in a bid to keep overall income down so they don’t lose public subsidies for things like food, child care and rent. 有证据表明,一些员工在工资提升的同时,正在向他们的雇主要求更短的工作时间——以求压低总收入,这样他们才不会失去食品、育儿和租房方面的公共补贴。 Full Life Care, a home nursing nonprofit, told KIRO-TV in Seattle that several workers want to work less. 一家名为“终身照料”(Full Life Care)的非盈利家庭护理机构告诉西雅图的KIRO-TV电视台,他们的一些员工希望减少工作量。 “If they cut down their hours to stay on those subsidies because the $15 per hour minimum wage didn’t actually help get them out of poverty, all you’ve done is put a burden on the business and given false hope to a lot of people,” said Jason Rantz, host of the Jason Rantz show on 97.3 KIRO-FM. “如果他们因为每小时15美元的最低工资并不能真正帮他们摆脱贫穷而减少他们的工时以保持补贴,那么这一切不过是给企业增加了负担并给了很多人虚假希望,” KIRO-FM 97.3广播节目Jason Rantz show的主持人Jason Rantz如是说。 The twist is just one apparent side effect of the controversial -- yet trendsetting -- minimum wage law in Seattle, which is being copied in several other cities despite concerns over prices rising and businesses struggling to keep up. 这一麻烦只是时下颇为时髦却饱受争议的西雅图最低工资法的明显副作用之一,而该法案正在被其他若干城市复制,尽管有着种种对价格上涨和经营困难的忧虑。 The notion that employees are intentionally working less to preserve their welfare has been a hot topic on talk radio. While the claims are difficult to track, state stats indeed suggest few are moving off welfare programs under the new wage. 员工故意减少工作量以保持其福利的观点一直是电台节目上的热点话题。虽然这些见解很难被追踪核实,但州政府的统计数据确实表明几乎没有人在新工资政策下脱离福利计划。 Despite a booming economy throughout western Washington, the state’s welfare caseload has dropped very little since the higher wage phase began in Seattle in April. In March 130,851 people were enrolled in the Basic Food program. In April, the caseload dropped to 130,376. 尽管整个华盛顿州西部的经济处于繁荣之中,但西雅图的高薪规定自四月生效以来,州政府的待处理福利申请案数量却几乎没有下降。三月份,有130851人被纳入基本食品计划(Basic Food program)之中,这一数字在四月仅仅降低到了130376。 At the same time, prices appear to be going up on just about everything. 与此同时,似乎所有东西的价格都开始上涨。 Some restaurants have tacked on a 15 percent surcharge to cover the higher wages. And some managers are no longer encouraging customers to tip, leading to a redistribution of income. Workers in the back of the kitchen, such as dishwashers and cooks, are getting paid more, but servers who rely on tips are seeing a pay cut. 一些餐馆开始附加15%的额外费用以便补偿更高工资带来的成本。一些管理者不再鼓励顾客支付小费,这导致了一种收入再分配。在后厨工作的员工,例如洗碗工和厨师,将会有更多收入,但依赖小费的服务员的工资将会减少。 Some long-time Seattle restaurants have closed altogether, though none of the owners publicly blamed the minimum wage law. 一些长期经营的西雅图餐馆纷纷关门,尽管这些店主中没有一个将此公开归咎于最低工资法。 “It’s what happens when the government imposes a restriction on the labor market that normally wouldn’t be there, and marginal businesses get hit the hardest, and usually those are small, neighborhood businesses,” said Paul Guppy, of the Washington Policy Center. “当政府给劳动力市场施加正常情况下不应有的限制时,就会发生这种状况,处于边际上的企业受打击最沉重,而通常它们是些小型的社区企业,” 华盛顿政策中心(Washington Policy Center)的Paul Guppy如是说。 Seattle was followed by San Francisco and Los Angeles in passing a $15 minimum wage law. The wage is being phased in over several years to give businesses time to adjust. The current minimum wage in Seattle is $11. In San Francisco, it’s $12.25. 继西雅图之后,旧金山和洛杉矶也出台了15美元最低工资法。法案留出了几年的过渡期以便企业有时间作出调整适应。目前西雅图的最低工资是11美元,旧金山则是12.25美元。 And it is spreading. Beyond the city of Los Angeles, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors this week also approved a $15 minimum wage. 这种做法正在蔓延。不仅仅是洛杉矶市,洛杉矶县管理委员会(Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors)本周也通过了15美元最低工资法。 New York state could be next, with the state Wage Board on Wednesday backing a $15 wage for fast-food workers, something Gov.Andrew Cuomo has supported. 纽约州可能是下一个,和州长Andrew Cuomo一样,州工资委员会(Wage Board)周三也支持了针对快餐业工人的15美元最低工资标准。 Already, though, there are unintended consequences in other cities. 尽管这已经在其他城市造成了意想不到的后果。 Comix Experience, a small book store in downtown San Francisco, has begun selling graphic novel club subscriptions in order to meet payroll. The owner, Brian Hibbs, admits members are not getting all that much for their $25 per month dues, but their “donation” is keeping him in business. 旧金山城区的小书店Comix Experience已开始对图画小说俱乐部收取会费以便应付工资开销。店主Brian Hibbs承认,会员们得到的好处不值每月25美元的会费,但是他们的“赞助”让他能把生意维持下去。 “I was looking at potentially having to close the store down and then how would I make my living?” Hibbs asked. “我想可能要不得不关掉这家店了,那么接下来我将如何谋生呢?” Hibbs问道。 To date, he’s sold 228 subscriptions. He says he needs 334 to reach his goal of the $80,000 income required to cover higher labor costs. He doesn’t blame San Francisco voters for approving the $15 minimum wage, but he doesn’t think they had all the information needed to make a good decision. 迄今为止,他招徕到了228个会员。他说他需要334个才能达到80000美元的收入目标,以补偿抬高了的劳动成本。他并不责备旧金山选民赞成15美元最低工资法,但他并不认为拥有做出良好决策所需要充分信息。 【作者背景*Dan Springer joined Fox News Channel (FNC) in August 2001 as a Seattle-based correspondent. *Dan Springer于2001年8月作为驻西雅图通讯记者加入了福克斯新闻频道(Fox News Channel). (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]纽约时报的创世论

Creationism at the New York Times
纽约时报的创世论

作者:Scott Sumner @ 2015-04-08
译者:思考一下名字
校对:小册子
来源:TheMoneyIllusion,http://www.themoneyillusion.com/?p=29171

The New York Times does not believe in creationism.  They believe in evolution. They look down their noses at people who do believe in creationism.  But when it comes to the social sciences, the Times believes in creationism, that is, they believe in theories that appeal to kindergarden-level intellects.

《纽约时报》(The New York Times)不相信创世论(creationism)。他们相信进化论。他们看不起相信创世论的人。但是当说到社会科学的时候,时报却相信创世论了:他们相信相当于幼儿园智力水平的理论。

One of those “theories” is the idea that California faces a severe water shortage because lots of people have moved to an area with a dry climate.  All thoughtful economists (on both the left and the right) view this theory as being preposterous. The California water shortage has almost nothing to do with population growth.

这些“理论”之一便是:加州面临严重缺水,是因为太多人在这样一个气候干燥的地区生活。所有经过思考的经济学家,无论左右,都认为这个理论是荒唐的。加州缺水几乎和人口增长毫无关系。

Roughly 80% of the water is used by farmers, who squander vast quantities of water each year by employing extremely wasteful irrigation techniques in order to export crops like almonds.  And that occurs because the price at which water is sold to farmers is absurdly low.  Period. End of(more...)

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Creationism at the New York Times 纽约时报的创世论 作者:Scott Sumner @ 2015-04-08 译者:思考一下名字 校对:小册子 来源:TheMoneyIllusion,http://www.themoneyillusion.com/?p=29171 The New York Times does not believe in creationism.  They believe in evolution. They look down their noses at people who do believe in creationism.  But when it comes to the social sciences, the Times believes in creationism, that is, they believe in theories that appeal to kindergarden-level intellects. 《纽约时报》(The New York Times)不相信创世论(creationism)。他们相信进化论。他们看不起相信创世论的人。但是当说到社会科学的时候,时报却相信创世论了:他们相信相当于幼儿园智力水平的理论。 One of those “theories” is the idea that California faces a severe water shortage because lots of people have moved to an area with a dry climate.  All thoughtful economists (on both the left and the right) view this theory as being preposterous. The California water shortage has almost nothing to do with population growth. 这些“理论”之一便是:加州面临严重缺水,是因为太多人在这样一个气候干燥的地区生活。所有经过思考的经济学家,无论左右,都认为这个理论是荒唐的。加州缺水几乎和人口增长毫无关系。 Roughly 80% of the water is used by farmers, who squander vast quantities of water each year by employing extremely wasteful irrigation techniques in order to export crops like almonds.  And that occurs because the price at which water is sold to farmers is absurdly low.  Period. End of story. 加州农民为了出口像杏仁这样的农作物,每年通过极其浪费的灌溉技术挥霍了大量的水,其用水量大约占加州总用水量的80%。而这是因为卖水给农民的价格低得可笑。就这么简单。 This is EC101 economics, and I’ve never met an economist who did not understand this problem.  But the Times can’t be bothered to talk to economists, they rely on historians: 这可是经济学的101(即入门常识),我从没见过不懂这个的经济学家。然而时报却懒得去找找经济学家,他们倚仗的是历史学家:
“Mother Nature didn’t intend for 40 million people to live here,” said Kevin Starr, a historian at the University of Southern California who has written extensively about this state. “This is literally a culture that since the 1880s has progressively invented, invented and reinvented itself. At what point does this invention begin to hit limits?”California, Dr. Starr said, “is not going to go under, but we are going to have to go in a different way.” “大自然没打算让四千万人住在这里,”Kevin Starr,一位就加州写过许多著作的南加州大学历史学家说道。“这完全是一个从1880年代开始被一而再,再而三的不断反复自我创造出来的文化。这种创造发明什么时候是个头儿呢?”Starr博士说:“加州不会倾覆,但我们必须有所改变。”
That makes about as much sense as the Times asking a Christian fundamentalist preacher whether dinosaurs were warm-blooded. 这事的可笑程度,大概和时报去请教基督教原教旨主义牧师恐龙是不是温血动物有得一拼。 The Times is a relatively good newspaper.  But to reach the elite level of papers like The Economist, they need to become familiar with good economic research.  And that means figuring out what economics is capable of telling us about the world, and what it cannot. 时报算是一家还不错的报纸。但想要像《经济学人》那样做到精英级别,他们还得熟悉一些入流的经济学研究。这就意味着能够分辨什么问题是经济学能够解决的,什么不是。 Economists don’t know how to solve very many problems.  But one of the very few we do know how to solve is the California water shortage. Instead the Times is more likely to ask economists to explain complex problems like unemployment, financial instability and inequality, issues where we are not very strong. 很多问题经济学家都不知道如何解决,然而加州缺水却是我们知道如何解决的少数问题之一。但时报却更喜欢问经济学家复杂的问题,比如失业,金融不稳定和不平等;而这些问题我们其实并不是很确定。 The problem is simple to explain and (in a technical sense) simple to solve.  Of course the politics are complex, and thus far have prevented a solution. However, even dysfunctional California will eventually have to work out a political compromise. (加州缺水)这个问题很好解释,而且从技术角度容易解决。当然政治是复杂的,所以到现在也还没个解决方案。当然了,即使运作失常的加州最终也能搞出个政治妥协来。 PS.  The water used in irrigating just that portion of California’s almond cropthat is exported is more than twice as much as the entire water consumption of San Francisco and Los Angeles combined.  The New York Times should be ashamed of itself. PS:灌溉加州出口杏仁作物所用的水就比旧金山和洛杉矶用水总和的两倍还多。《纽约时报》应该感到丢脸才是。 Screen-Shot-2015-04-08-at-12.18.23-PM图内文字由上至下依此是: 标题:每年各个项目的耗水量 旧金山市家居及商业用水 加州出口开心果种植 洛杉矶家居及商业用水 加州出口核桃种植 加州出口杏仁种植 加州所有杏仁种植 (单位:十亿立方米)】 PPS.  Steven Johnson has an excellent reply to the above quote about “Mother Nature.” PPS:对于上述有关“自然之母”的言论,Steven Johnson有一段精彩的回应:
First of all, Mother Nature didn’t intend for 2 million people to live on Manhattan Island either. Mother Nature would also be baffled by skyscrapers, the Delaware Aqueduct, and the Lincoln Tunnel. Anyone living anywhere in the United States — apart from the most radical of the off-the-gridders, most of whom are probably in northern California anyway — is dependent on a vast web of human engineering designed specifically to mess with Mother Nature’s intentions. 首先,大自然也没打算让两百万人住在曼哈顿岛上。摩天大楼,特拉华引水渠(Delaware Aqueduct)和林肯隧道(Lincoln Tunnel)也会让大自然感到困惑。住在美国任何地方的任何人——除了最激进的“脱网离群主义者”(off-the-gridders),其中大部分可能还就住在加州北部——都依赖于由诸多专为和自然之母对着干而设计的人类工程产物所构成的巨大网络。 The question is whether that engineering is sustainable. What the Times piece explicitly suggests is that California has been living beyond its means environmentally. That’s the point of those extraordinary overhead photographs of lush estates, teeming with greenery, bordering arid desert. You see those images and it’s impossible not to feel that something shameful is happening here. 问题是这些工程产物是不是可持续的。时报的那篇文章明显认为,加州发展超出了其环境限制。这就是那些与不毛沙漠为邻的绿化豪宅的高空俯拍照片的用意吧。你一看到那些照片就很自然觉得有些事情不对劲。 And yet, picture a comparable view of Manhattan sometime in the depths of January, with a thermal imaging filter applied. The boundary between Man and Mother Nature would be just as stark: frigid air surrounding artificial islands of heat. It’s true that New York City distributes that artificial heat much more efficiently than the rest of the country, thanks largely to its density, but it’s still artificially engineering your environment, whether you want to make a dry place wet, or a cold place warm. 但是呢,请想象一幅一月寒冬时曼哈顿的景象,通过热成像滤镜的那种。这里人类和大自然的疆界一样鲜明:寒冷空气包围着人工热岛。得益于其密度,纽约市的供暖效率远胜于国内其它地区,但这还是人工改变环境,无论变干为湿,还是变冷为热。 And while the Northeast has an advantage over California in terms of rainwater, California has a decided advantage in terms of temperature and sunlight, particularly the coastal regions where almost all the people live. Coastal California enjoys one of the most temperate climates anywhere in the world, which allows its residents to consume far less energy heating or cooling their homes. California is dead last in the country in terms of per capita electricity use. 尽管和加州相比,东北部有更多雨水,但加州,特别是聚集了几乎所有加州人的沿海地区,有着明显的温度和日照优势。加州海岸有着全世界最温和适宜的气候之一,这使得居民只用很少的能源来取暖或制冷。加州人均用电量是全国最低。 Thanks to the state’s abundant sunshine (and pioneering environmentalism) there are more home solar panels installed in California than in all the other states combined. If you’re trying to find a sustainable place for 40 million people to live, there are plenty of environmental reasons to put them in California. 得益于充足的阳光(和环保主义先锋),加州的家居太阳能面板比其他所有州加起来还要多。如果你想为四千万人找一个可持续的居住地,其实加州有很多环境优势。
(编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

内华达、州权与制度竞争

【2015-08-05】

@海德沙龙 作为自由理念对政治现实的一种妥协,老弗里德曼提出了教育券方案,并不遗余力加以推行,以84岁高龄创立了弗里德曼教育选择基金会,如今这一长期努力终于结出了一批果实,教育券制度已在美国多个州得以施行,内华达最近通过的方案,是其中走得最远的一个 http://t.cn/RLjWul8

@海德沙龙:在主张限制政府权力的古典自由主义者(更不用说自由意志主义者了)看来,像教育这种直接关系到思想与宗教自由、传统维护和地方/群体文化独特性之保有的事情,尤其不能让政府插(more...)

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【2015-08-05】 @海德沙龙 作为自由理念对政治现实的一种妥协,老弗里德曼提出了教育券方案,并不遗余力加以推行,以84岁高龄创立了弗里德曼教育选择基金会,如今这一长期努力终于结出了一批果实,教育券制度已在美国多个州得以施行,内华达最近通过的方案,是其中走得最远的一个 http://t.cn/RLjWul8 @海德沙龙:在主张限制政府权力的古典自由主义者(更不用说自由意志主义者了)看来,像教育这种直接关系到思想与宗教自由、传统维护和地方/群体文化独特性之保有的事情,尤其不能让政府插手,然而在当代政治现实之下,要做到这一点已非常困难,教育券方案不失为一种可行的折中妥协。 @whigzhou: 内华达时常冷不丁给那些认为州权无用的人扇一个大耳光 @whigzhou: 内华达是美国各州之间制度竞争的一个缩影,她在历史上常常扮演制度实验室的角色,从婚姻法、博彩业、性交易、自动驾驶车……到现在的普适教育券,在许多自由化改革中都走在前面 @whigzhou: 内华达甚至在公司法改革上也曾引领潮流,早先,注册股份公司是要从州议会拿到特许状的,是内华达的率先改革迫使各州跟进,至少大大加速公司自由注册制在美国的发展 @whigzhou: 有关西部各州为吸引移民而展开的制度竞争和创新实验,特别是内华达的案例,可参见布尔斯廷《美国人》第三卷第七章 @whigzhou: 内华达为世人演示了,自由甚至在沙漠里也可以带来繁荣  
[译文]内华达州颁布普适择校法案

Nevada Enacts Universal School Choice
内华达州颁布普适择校法案

作者:Lindsey M. Burke @ 2015-6-8
翻译:乘风(@你在何地-sxy)
校对:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha)
来源:National Review,http://www.nationalreview.com/article/419438/nevada-enacts-universal-school-choice

On Tuesday night, Nevada governor Brian Sandoval signed into law the nation’s first universal school-choice program. That in and of itself is groundbreaking: The state has created an option open to every single public-school student. Even better, this option improves upon the traditional voucher model, coming in the form of an education savings account (ESA) that parents control and can use to fully customize their children’s education.

6月2日晚,内华达州普适择校方案经州长Brian Sandoval签署后成为法律,这是全国第一个普适(more...)

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Nevada Enacts Universal School Choice 内华达州颁布普适择校法案 作者:Lindsey M. Burke @ 2015-6-8 翻译:乘风(@你在何地-sxy) 校对:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha) 来源:National Review,http://www.nationalreview.com/article/419438/nevada-enacts-universal-school-choice On Tuesday night, Nevada governor Brian Sandoval signed into law the nation’s first universal school-choice program. That in and of itself is groundbreaking: The state has created an option open to every single public-school student. Even better, this option improves upon the traditional voucher model, coming in the form of an education savings account (ESA) that parents control and can use to fully customize their children’s education. 6月2日晚,内华达州普适择校方案经州长Brian Sandoval签署后成为法律,这是全国第一个普适择校方案。这本身是一个创举:每位公立学校的学生都将获得一个全新的选择。更妙的是,这一选择自由是对传统的教育券模式的进一步改良,家长将拥有一个教育储蓄账户(education saving account, ESA),可以完完全全地量身定制子女的教育。 Yes, school choice has often advanced through the introduction of vouchers and charter schools — which remain some of the most important reforms for breaking up the government education monopoly. But vouchers were, to quote researcher Matthew Ladner, “the rotary telephones of our movement — an awesome technology that did one amazing thing.” States such as Nevada (and Arizona, Florida, Mississippi, and Tennessee) have implemented the iPhone of choice programs. They “still do that one thing well, but they also do a lot of other things,” Ladner notes. 是的,教育券和特许学校的引入推进了教育选择计划,而且这项改革仍然属于破除政府教育垄断的最重要的改革之列。但是,用研究人士Matthew Ladner的话来说,教育券是“我们事业中的拨盘式电话——一项令人称奇的出色技术,”内华达(以及亚利桑那、佛罗里达、密西西比及田纳西)等州则已经安装上了择校方案中的iPhone。如Ladner所言,它们“仍能发挥以前的作用,但同时也增加了许多新功能”。(见:http://excelined.org/news/icymi-5-questions-matthew-ladner-foundation-excellence-education/) As of next year, parents in Nevada can have 90 percent (100 percent for children with special needs and children from low-income families) of the funds that would have been spent on their child in their public school deposited into a restricted-use spending account. That amounts to between $5,100 and $5,700 annually, according to the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice. 从明年起,Nevada将把拟用于公立学校学生的资金中的90%存入家长的指定用途消费账户(对于有特殊需求或贫困家庭的学生,转存比例是100%)。据Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice说,资金数额约在每年5100-5700美元之间。 Those funds are deposited quarterly onto a debit card, which parents can use to pay for a variety of education-related services and products — things such as private-school tuition, online learning, special-education services and therapies, books, tutors, and dual-enrollment college courses. It’s an à la carte education, and the menu of options will be as hearty as the supply-side response — which, as it is whenever markets replace monopolies, is likely to be robust. 资金分季度打入一张借记卡,父母可将其用于购买多种多样与教育相关的服务和产品,如私立学校学费、线上学习、特殊教育服务及治疗、书本、家教、双学分大学课程。这是一种点菜式教育,菜单选项的丰盛度将视乎供应方对此作出的响应而定——任何时候,只要市场取代垄断,供方的响应总是相当活跃的。 Notably, families can roll over unused funds from year to year, a feature that makes this approach particularly attractive. It is the only choice model to date that puts downward pressure on prices. Parents consider not only the quality of education service they receive, but the cost, since they can save unused funds for future education expenses. 值得注意的是,家庭可以将尚未使用的资金连年转存,这一点使得上述办法特别具有吸引力。这是迄今为止唯一能对价格施压的选择模式。家长们不但会考虑孩子所受教育的质量,还会考虑价格,因为存下来的资金能用于未来的教育开支。 Accountability is infused throughout the ESA option. Funding is distributed into the accounts quarterly, and parents provide receipts for expenditures to the state. In the event there is a misuse of funds, the subsequent quarter’s distribution can be withheld and used to rectify it. Students must also take a national norm-referenced test in math and reading, a light touch that doesn’t dictate students take a uniform state test. ESA方案设置了充分的问责机制。资金按季发放至各个账户,家长们则需向州里提供消费收据。一旦出现资金滥用,就可以扣留下一季度的分配资金用于纠正此前的滥用。学生们还必须参加数学和阅读常模参照测验(norm-referenced test)【译注:一种考评方式,评价的是被测者在同类人中的相对水平,而非知识或技能的绝对掌握程度,后一种测量通常要求采用标准参照测验(criterion-referenced test)】,这是一种轻规制(light touch)模式,不要求学生参加全州统考。 So imagine now what the future of education could look like in Nevada. Instead of being assigned to brick-and-mortar schools based on their parents’ ZIP codes, students can instead have their state funds deposited into an ESA. Parents can then craft a learning plan that matches best to the unique learning styles and needs of their children. 现在你可以想象未来内华达州的教育会是何种情形了。学生们不会再根据其父母的邮政编码被分派到传统实体校园里面,取而代之的是拥有一个储存州教育资金的ESA账户。家长们可以根据其子女独特的学习方式和需求,精心拟定最为合适的学习计划。 Perhaps that means Johnny spends the morning at a private school, and then in the afternoon gets private instruction in algebra from a tutor who meets him at home. At night, Johnny takes a dual-enrollment college course online. 这可能意味着强尼上午会在一个私立学校学习,下午在家里接受代数家教的单独辅导,晚上则选修一门双学分大学网络课程。 The future of education financing is here. And the future is about separating the financing of education from the delivery of services. ESAs don’t dismantle public financing of education; they just recognize that education, although publicly financed, doesn’t have to be delivered through government schools. 教育财政的未来已经到来。这个未来就是,教育财政将与教育服务的提供相分离。ESA并不会削弱教育的公共财政性质,它只是承认,公共财政支持的教育并不是非得由公办学校提供不可。 Nevada understands that, and understands it to such an extent that state policymakers and Governor Sandoval went all-in with a universal option. In other words, families in the Silver State have struck gold. 内华达州充分理解了这一点,该州政策制订者们和Sandoval州长已经把赌注全部押在了普适择校方案上。换句话说,银山州【译注:这是内华达州的别称】的家家户户都找发现了金矿。 *Lindsey M. Burke is the Will Skillman Fellow in Education Policy at the Heritage Foundation. *Lindsey M. Burke是美国传统基金会教育政策方向Will Skillman研究员。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]八千年前,17名女性为1名男性传宗接代

8,000 Years Ago, 17 Women Reproduced for Every One Man
八千年前,17名女性为1名男性传宗接代

作者:Francie Diep @ 2015-03-18
来源:Pacific Standard
译者:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha)   校对:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到)
网址:http://www.psmag.com/nature-and-technology/17-to-1-reproductive-success

【编者按:原谅我不得不写一段长长的按语。本文所报道的研究非常有意思,但报道本身写得很差。这项研究所揭示的其实是这样一个事实:从大约一万年前开始,也就是农业诞生后不久,人类男性中留下后代的比例经历了一次急剧下降,这段下降期为时约四千年,接着又迅速回升。对此,研究者作出的猜测是:在此期间男性的性竞争强度剧增,原因可能是财富和权势积累并集中在少数人手里。所面临的性选择压力。当然,男性之间的性竞争强度历来很高,而且远远高于女性,对比两幅图可以看出,在历史上大部分时间,留下后代的男性数量大概只有女性的1/4,但农业起源后,这一比例突然跌到1/17,这是极不寻常的。】

An analysis of modern DNA uncovers a rough dating scene after the advent of agricult(more...)

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8,000 Years Ago, 17 Women Reproduced for Every One Man 八千年前,17名女性为1名男性传宗接代 作者:Francie Diep @ 2015-03-18 来源:Pacific Standard 译者:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha)   校对:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到) 网址:http://www.psmag.com/nature-and-technology/17-to-1-reproductive-success 【编者按:原谅我不得不写一段长长的按语。本文所报道的研究非常有意思,但报道本身写得很差。这项研究所揭示的其实是这样一个事实:从大约一万年前开始,也就是农业诞生后不久,人类男性中留下后代的比例经历了一次急剧下降,这段下降期为时约四千年,接着又迅速回升。对此,研究者作出的猜测是:在此期间男性的性竞争强度剧增,原因可能是财富和权势积累并集中在少数人手里。所面临的性选择压力。当然,男性之间的性竞争强度历来很高,而且远远高于女性,对比两幅图可以看出,在历史上大部分时间,留下后代的男性数量大概只有女性的1/4,但农业起源后,这一比例突然跌到1/17,这是极不寻常的。】 An analysis of modern DNA uncovers a rough dating scene after the advent of agriculture. 一项对现代DNA的分析揭示了农业出现以后人类两性关系的大致图景。 Threshing wheat in ancient Egypt. 古埃及的打麦场面(Photo: Carlos E. Solivérez/Wikimedia Commons) Once upon a time, 4,000 to 8,000 years after humanity invented agriculture, something very strange happened to human reproduction. Across the globe, for every 17 women who were reproducing, passing on genes that are still around today—only one man did the same. 很久以前,在农业诞生之后4000到8000年间,人类繁衍活动中发生了一些非常奇怪的事情。全世界每17名女性进行生育繁衍、从而得以将其基因留传至今的同时,却仅1名男性有这样的机会。 "It wasn't like there was a mass death of males. They were there, so what were they doing?" asks Melissa Wilson Sayres, a computational biologist at Arizona State University, and a member of a group of scientists who uncovered this moment in prehistory by analyzing modern genes. “看来并不像是男性经历了大规模死亡,他们都安然地活着。可既然如此,他们到底怎么啦?”Melissa Wilson Sayres问道,她来自亚利桑那州立大学的一位计算生物学家,包括她在内的一群科学家,正试图通过分析现代基因来解密这一史前现象。 Another member of the research team, a biological anthropologist, hypothesizes that somehow, only a few men accumulated lots of wealth and power, leaving nothing for others. These men could then pass their wealth on to their sons, perpetuating this pattern of elitist reproductive success. 该研究团队的另一名成员,一位生物人类学家,提出了这样一个假设:只有少数男性能够积累大量财富与权势,而其他男性则一无所有。这些有钱有势的男性将他们的财富传给自己的子孙,以保持世世代代精英繁衍的模式。 Then, as more thousands of years passed, the numbers of men reproducing, compared to women, rose again. "Maybe more and more people started being successful," Wilson Sayres says. In more recent history, as a global average, about four or five women reproduced for every one man. 如此过了几千年之后,有繁殖机会的男性的比例(相对于女性)再次升高。“也许是成功男士越来越多了。”Wilson Sayres说。在较晚近的历史时期,全球范围内平均4到5名女性为1名男性传宗接代。 These two graphs show the number of men (left) and women (right) who reproduced throughout human history. (Chart: Monika Karmin et al./Genome Research) 这两幅图展示了人类历史上进行了生育的男性数量(左)与女性数量(右) Physically driven natural selection shaped many human traits.Ethnic Africans and Europeans had to evolve to digest milk, for example, while most ethnic Tibetans have adaptations to deal with the lower oxygen levels at high altitudes. But if Wilson Sayres' team's hypothesis is correct, it would be one of the first instances that scientists have found of culture affecting human evolution. 针对生理方面的自然选择塑造了人类的种种特性。例如(民族意义上的)非洲人和欧洲人进化得能够消化牛奶,而多数西藏人则拥有了对付高海拔地区稀薄氧气的适应器。可是假如Wilson Sayres团队提出的假说是正确的,这将是科学家找到的第一批人类文化影响自身进化的例证之一。 The team uncovered this dip-and-rise in the male-to-female reproductive ratio by looking at DNA from more than 450 volunteers from seven world regions. Geneticists analyzed two parts of the DNA, Y-chromosome DNA and mitochondrial DNA. These don't make up a large portion of a person's genetics, but they're special because people inherit Y-chromosome DNA exclusively from their male ancestors and mitochondrial DNA exclusively from their female ancestors. 研究团队观察分析了来自全球7个地区450多名志愿者的DNA后,发现男女生育比例的这一大起大落。遗传学家分析了DNA的两个部分——Y染色体DNA和线粒体DNA。它们只占个体遗传物质的一小部分,但其特殊之处在于,Y染色体DNA只能继承自父系祖先,而线粒体DNA只能继承自母系祖先。 By analyzing diversity in these parts, scientists are able to deduce the numbers of female and male ancestors a population has. It's always more female. 通过分析不同个体间Y染色体DNA和线粒体DNA的多样化程度,科学家得以此推测一个种群中男性祖先和女性祖先的数量。女性祖先总是多于男性祖先。 So much for what our DNA can tell us. This study, published last week in the journal Genome Research, can't directly account for why the dip occurred. Instead, the team members tried to think through other explanations. "Like was there some sort of weird virus that only affected males across the whole globe, 8,000 years ago?" Wilson Sayres asks—a hypothesis the team found unlikely. 我们的DNA能告诉我们的就这么多了。上周在Genome Research期刊上发表的这项研究,并不能直截了当的解释上述大起大落的原因。研究团队也在努力寻找其他可能的解释。“比如说8000年前全球爆发了一种只感染男性的奇怪病毒?”Wilson Sayres说道——但这个假设大家都觉得不太可能。 To further test the wealth-and-power idea, the researchers plan to look for other genetic markers that would indicate that something cultural, not physical, kept those early male farmers from reproducing. Team members could also collaborate with anthropologists and archaeologists, to see if they have any clues. 为了进一步验证“财富与权势”假说,研究者们计划寻找适当的遗传标记,能够揭示某些妨碍早期男性农耕者生育繁衍的文化而非生理因素。他们也希望与人类学家和考古学家开展合作,看看他们能否提供什么线索。 Nature is a harsh taskmaster, but so, it seems, is human culture. Although the popular notion is that farming and settlement cushioned people against "survival of the fittest," this study shows that's not true. Something cultural happened 8,000 years ago that's marked us even today. 大自然是个严酷的工头,但现在看来,人类文化似乎也是。尽管流行观点认为,农耕与定居已将人类从“最适者生存”的法则中解放,但这项研究却告诉我们真相并非如此,8000年前的某些文化条件留在我们身上的印迹至今仍在。  
农业与性竞争强度

【2015-08-03】

@海德沙龙 人类男性间的性竞争强度历来很高,而且远远高于女性,在历史上大部分时间,留下后代的男性数量大概只有女性的1/4-1/3,不过这份最新研究显示,农业起源之后不久,男性间的性竞争强度突然急剧提高,背后原因引人深思……

@侯杨方: 根据明朝徽州的户口册,我算出临终时,只有三分之一成年男子有男性后代。

@whigzhou: 哇~

@大音希声声声:貌似黑非洲没有经历过长时期的农业文明,是否他们的基因就还比较多样性…所以…接下去就有点政(more...)

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【2015-08-03】 @海德沙龙 人类男性间的性竞争强度历来很高,而且远远高于女性,在历史上大部分时间,留下后代的男性数量大概只有女性的1/4-1/3,不过这份最新研究显示,农业起源之后不久,男性间的性竞争强度突然急剧提高,背后原因引人深思…… @侯杨方: 根据明朝徽州的户口册,我算出临终时,只有三分之一成年男子有男性后代。 @whigzhou: 哇~ @大音希声声声:貌似黑非洲没有经历过长时期的农业文明,是否他们的基因就还比较多样性…所以…接下去就有点政治不正确了…… @whigzhou: 下撒哈拉非洲的农业历史并不短,班图语系各族有很长农耕史,尼罗-撒哈拉语系各族则有很长畜牧史,后者甚至已独立发展出了乳糖耐受 @whigzhou: 非洲的基因多样性最高,是因为她是智人的发源地,发源地多样性最高,这是进化的普遍现象,包括文化进化也是,比如波利尼西亚语在其发源地台湾的多样性,比台湾以外的全部波利尼西亚语加起来还高 @whigzhou: 班图大扩张就是农业民族从西非向东向南扩散的过程,和东亚类似,尼罗语牧民也在不断向南侵袭,但不同的是,非洲的热带雨林(及其孳生的病原体)构成了此类大规模扩张/替代的巨大屏障,所以欧亚大陆那种规模和频率的大清洗就较少发生,这大概也为非洲保留了更多多样性  
[译文]中国会未富先胖吗?

Will China Get Fat Before It Gets Rich?
中国会未富先胖吗?

作者:Jonathan Woetzel @ 2015-4-20
翻译:bear
校对:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到)
来源:McKinsey China,http://www.mckinseychina.com/will-china-get-fat-before-it-gets-rich/

The rising wave of obesity around the world and its health and economic costs cannot be ignored—even in China. This is no longer a “western” problem. Today, 62 percent of the world’s obese people are in developing countries.

这波全球范围内愈演愈烈的肥胖浪潮,以及它导致的健康和经济损失,无法被忽视——即便是在中国。这不再只是个“西方的”难题。如今,发展中国家拥有了世界上60%的肥胖症患者。

Global scourge
全球性灾难

More than 2.1 billion people—nearly 30 percent of the global population—are overweight or obese today. That’s nearly two and a half times the number of adults and children who are undernourished. Obesity is responsible for about 5 percent of deaths worldwide. The global economic impact from obesity is roughly $2.0 trillion, or 2.8 percent of global GDP, roughly equivalent to the global impact from smoking or armed violence, war, and terrorism.

目前,有超过21亿人——约占全球人口30%——超重或肥胖。这几乎是营养不良的成人和儿童数量的2.5倍。全世界大概有5%的死亡是由肥胖导致的。肥胖给全球带来的经济负担约为2万亿美元,或者说占全球GDP的2.8%,差不多和吸烟或武装暴力、战争以及恐怖主义造成的全球性影响相当。

A problem for China?
中国面临的问题?

The fact of the matter is that rapid industrialization and urbanization is boosting incomes (Exhibit 1). Higher incomes mean more food and often a more sedentary lifestyle. The risk of obesity rises.

(more...)
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Will China Get Fat Before It Gets Rich? 中国会未富先胖吗? 作者:Jonathan Woetzel @ 2015-4-20 翻译:bear 校对:陆嘉宾(@晚上不买白天买不到) 来源:McKinsey China,http://www.mckinseychina.com/will-china-get-fat-before-it-gets-rich/ The rising wave of obesity around the world and its health and economic costs cannot be ignored—even in China. This is no longer a “western” problem. Today, 62 percent of the world’s obese people are in developing countries. 这波全球范围内愈演愈烈的肥胖浪潮,以及它导致的健康和经济损失,无法被忽视——即便是在中国。这不再只是个“西方的”难题。如今,发展中国家拥有了世界上60%的肥胖症患者。

Global scourge 全球性灾难

More than 2.1 billion people—nearly 30 percent of the global population—are overweight or obese today. That’s nearly two and a half times the number of adults and children who are undernourished. Obesity is responsible for about 5 percent of deaths worldwide. The global economic impact from obesity is roughly $2.0 trillion, or 2.8 percent of global GDP, roughly equivalent to the global impact from smoking or armed violence, war, and terrorism. 目前,有超过21亿人——约占全球人口30%——超重或肥胖。这几乎是营养不良的成人和儿童数量的2.5倍。全世界大概有5%的死亡是由肥胖导致的。肥胖给全球带来的经济负担约为2万亿美元,或者说占全球GDP的2.8%,差不多和吸烟或武装暴力、战争以及恐怖主义造成的全球性影响相当。

A problem for China? 中国面临的问题?

The fact of the matter is that rapid industrialization and urbanization is boosting incomes (Exhibit 1). Higher incomes mean more food and often a more sedentary lifestyle. The risk of obesity rises. 事实的真相是,高速的工业化和城市化进程提高了收入(图1)。更高的收入意味着更多的食物,还常常伴随着坐得更久的生活方式。于是,肥胖的风险上升了。 AAEAAQAAAAAAAALzAAAAJDc5M2RmMzI0LWIxZmUtNDE3YS1hM2U4LTM3MGY5YTczMzFmNQIn China, the prevalence of obesity in cities is three to four times the rate in rural areas, reflecting higher incomes in urban areas and therefore higher levels of nutrition and food consumption and often less active labor. The prevalence of obese and overweight people rose at 1.2 percent a year in Chinese adult males between 1985 and 2004 and 1 percent a year in adult females. ⑴ 在中国,城市中肥胖的流行程度是郊区的三到四倍,这反映出市区有更高的收入和因此带来的更高营养水平、食物消费,以及通常更少的体力劳动。1985至2004年间,中国成年男性中,肥胖和超重人群的比例每年增长1.2%,成年女性中则每年增长1%。⑴ Today, the top social cost to China is air pollution, the second is smoking, and obesity ranks only ninth. That ranking could rise very quickly. 如今,对中国来说,社会成本排名最高的是空气污染,其次是吸烟,而肥胖仅仅排在第九,但它的排名可能会快速上升。

Famine and feast 饥荒与盛宴

There is worrying evidence that obesity can entrench itself even more quickly in countries that have experienced food scarcity in the recent past. Take the Micronesian island of Nauru, which, until the mid-20th century, experienced repeated food shortages and starvation. Once food poverty was a thing of the past, the prevalence of obesity and type 2 diabetes soared to among the highest worldwide. In 2010, 94 percent of men and 93 percent of women were overweight, and approximately 71 percent of the population was obese. ⑵ 令人担忧的证据是,在晚近历史上曾经历过食物短缺的国家,肥胖都成了根深蒂固的问题。例如密克罗尼西亚地区的瑙鲁岛,在直到20世纪中叶前的历史上,反复经历着食物短缺和饥荒。一旦食物匮乏不再是一个问题,此地肥胖和II型糖尿病的流行程度迅速蹿升,成为全世界该问题最严重的地区之一。2010年,94%的男性和93%的女性超重,大约有71%的肥胖人口。⑵

What needs to be done? 需要做什么?

Without action, almost half of adults in the world will be overweight or obese by 2030. MGI’s recent economic analysis of obesity looked at 74 interventions that are being discussed or piloted somewhere in the world (including restrictions on advertising of high-calorie food and drink, calorie and nutritional labeling, and public-health campaigns); we had sufficient information to compare 44 of these internationally. 若不采取行动,到2030年全世界大约会有一半的成年人超重或肥胖。MGI近期对肥胖的经济分析,观察了曾被讨论或试行的74种干预措施(包括限制高卡路里饮食做广告,用标签标明卡路里和营养成分,以及公共健康活动),其中44种我们有足够信息作出国际比较。 The conclusion was that each single intervention is likely to have only a small impact on its own. Only a systemic, sustained portfolio of anti-obesity initiatives will work——implemented on a large scale. Everyone needs to play their part from government to retailers, consumer-goods companies, restaurants, employers, media organizations, educators, health-care providers, and individuals. 结论是,单独实施时任何种干预措施,可能只有一点点作用。只有大规模地实施系统性的、持续的反肥胖组合措施才会奏效。政府、零售商、消费品公司、餐馆、雇主、媒体机构、教育工作者、医疗保健机构,以及个人,都需要在其中发挥作用。 Individual responsibility for health and fitness is vital, but experience shows it is insufficient on its own. People need help and that means changes to the environment in which they are making choices. Such changes include changing marketing practices, and restructuring cities to make it easier for people to exercise. 在保健问题上,个人责任是关键,但经验显示,仅仅靠它是不足够的。人们需要帮助,这意味着改变他们做决定时的环境。这包括改变营销策略,和把城市建设得让人们更易于锻炼。

Change is cost-effective 改变是划算的

MGI’s initial analysis of obesity in the United Kingdom found that almost all of the 44 interventions are cost-effective. So it is well worth China experimenting with solutions and trying them out—before obesity takes hold and becomes an expensive problem. MGI最初在英国对肥胖的分析发现,几乎所有44种干预措施都是划算的。所以在肥胖问题变得昂贵且根深蒂固之前,这些解决方案对中国来说都是值得一试的。

⑴ Barry M. Popkin, “Will China’s nutrition transition overwhelm its health care system and slow economic growth?” Health Affairs, volume 27, number 4, 2008.

⑵ Nauru country health information profile 2011, statistical annex, World Health Organization.

(编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]六月,枪支销售因何大热

Why Gun Sales Boomed In June
六月,枪支销售因何大热

作者:Frank Miniter @ 2015-7-25
译者:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha)
校对:晓舸(@ShawXG)
来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/frankminiter/2015/07/17/why-gun-sales-boomed-in-june/

Guns are not perishable items. Kept in good repair a firearm lasts generations. So how is it that gun sales continue to set records when more than 100 million American gun owners already have over 300 million guns?

枪支不是易腐商品,照料的好,可以保用数代。那么,为何当超过1亿多美国枪主已拥有3亿多支枪时,枪支销售量仍然屡创新高呢?

Last month, for example, was the busiest June for gun sales ever. The National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF), the trade association for firearms manufacturers, says gun dealers completed 886,825 background checks in June 2015.

就近的说,上个月是史上枪支销售最火爆的六月。美国全国射击运动基金会(National Shooting Sports Foundation ,NSSF),一个由军火生产商组成的贸易协会,宣称(more...)

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Why Gun Sales Boomed In June 六月,枪支销售因何大热 作者:Frank Miniter @ 2015-7-25 译者:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha) 校对:晓舸(@ShawXG) 来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/frankminiter/2015/07/17/why-gun-sales-boomed-in-june/ Guns are not perishable items. Kept in good repair a firearm lasts generations. So how is it that gun sales continue to set records when more than 100 million American gun owners already have over 300 million guns? 枪支不是易腐商品,照料的好,可以保用数代。那么,为何当超过1亿多美国枪主已拥有3亿多支枪时,枪支销售量仍然屡创新高呢? Last month, for example, was the busiest June for gun sales ever. The National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF), the trade association for firearms manufacturers, says gun dealers completed 886,825 background checks in June 2015. 就近的说,上个月是史上枪支销售最火爆的六月。美国全国射击运动基金会(National Shooting Sports Foundation ,NSSF),一个由军火生产商组成的贸易协会,宣称2015年6月枪支销售商们完成了886,825例(对购买枪支者的)背景调查。【译注:此类背景调查所依据的是1993年通过的布雷迪手枪暴力防治法(Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act)设立的背景调查制度,该法案禁止出售枪支给受限人群。】 The NSSF follows the FBI-administered National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) closely. Each time someone wants to buy a gun from a licensed dealer their name must be called into the FBI’s NICS database (or, in some cases, a state-operated database) to check if that person is barred from possessing a gun. NSSF严格遵守由FBI管理的全国即时犯罪背景调查系统(National Instant Criminal Background Check System,NICS)的有关规定。每当有人想从特许枪支销售商那里购买枪支,其姓名必须被输进FBI的NICS数据库(或者,在某些情况下,由州运营的数据库),以检查此人是否被限制拥有枪支。 The NSSF said the number of NICS checks last June was “the highest” on record “for the 17-year-old [NICS] system.” It was an increase of 10.1 percent over June 2014. NSSF表示,上个月是NICS系统建立17年以来背景调查次数最多的六月,比去年同期增加了10.1%。 Now, some news reports say this jump in sales is all about gun owners’ fears about more gun control coming in the wake of the horrific attack on parishioners on June 17 at a church in Charleston, South Carolina. The thing is this can’t be the whole story because in May 2015 some 918,707 background checks were called into the FBI’s database, making it the second-highest May ever. 现在,一些新闻报道认为,此次枪支销量突增全是因为,6月17日发生在南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿一座教堂中针对教徒的严重枪击事件,导致持枪者们担心政府会进一步加强枪支管控。但这并不是全部的理由,因为在2015年的五月,FBI的数据库进行了918,707次背景调查,这是有史以来次数第二多的五月。

640x0Rifles stand on a rack at Article 2 Gun Store in Lombard, Illinois. U.S. (Photographer: Tim Boyle/Bloomberg) 美国伊利诺伊州Lombard镇的“Article 2”枪店内陈列的来复枪。【译注:Article 2即宪法第二修正案:纪律严明的民兵是保障自由州的安全所必需的,因此人民持有和携带武器的权利不得侵犯。】(摄影:Tim Boyle/Bloomberg)

For a deeper explanation I contacted Jim Curcuruto, director, industry research & analysis for the NSSF. He said, “Background checks were up over 19 percent in South Carolina, as compared to the previous June, but that one state isn’t enough to make the NICS checks jump 10 percent nationally. So, after making a lot of calls, we found that some of the bump was related to sales and other deals at retail chains. Some percentage of the rise in sales was definitely related to fear of more gun control. There are also typically spikes in sales regionally after something occurs that prompts people to look for ways to protect their own lives. But there has also been a steady rise in gun sales for some time. So there were multiple factors involved.” 为了获得更深入的解释,我联系到了NSSF行业研究分析主管Jim Curcuruto。他说:“南卡罗来纳州的背景调查数量相比于去年六月增加超过19%,但是一个州的情况变化并不足以导致全国范围的NICS背景调查数量突增10%。所以,在打了很多电话进行调查之后,我们发现,数量突增一部分与连锁零售店的交易量有关,一部分也确实出于对强化枪支管控的担忧。如果在某个地区发生了一些事件,人们由此意识到需要采取行动来保卫自己的生命,当地的枪支销售量也通常会突然增加。但是,枪支销量的稳定上升也有一段时间了。所以,全国调查数量的突增涉及到很多因素。” Of course, we’re talking about NICS checks here, not actual gun sales. Just because someone undergoes a background check doesn’t mean they necessarily purchased a gun; also, someone could buy multiple guns after a single background check. This is why NICS is seen only as an indicator of the volume of gun sales. 当然,我们在此讨论的只是NICS的背景调查数目,而非真实的枪支销售量。并不是说一个人接受了背景调查之后就一定买了一把枪;同样,一个人可以买很多把枪而只需进行一次背景调查。正因此,NICS只能被视为判断枪支销量的指标之一。 Now, I started by asking why gun sales continue to set records when more than 100 million American gun owners already have over 300 million guns? This probably had a lot of gun aficionados asking, “What, the average gun owner only has three guns?” 现在回到本文开头提出的问题,“为什么当1亿多的美国枪主已拥有3亿多支枪时,枪支销量仍屡创新高?”。恐怕有很多枪支爱好者要问了,“什么?每位枪主才三支枪?” Guns, you see, are heirlooms, works of art, and practical tools used for sport, self-defense and hunting. As works of art or tools—or both—guns have a specific purposes. Hunters will have a specific gun or guns for big game, for upland birds, for waterfowl and so on. 你瞧,枪支是传家宝、艺术品,还是用于体育、自卫和狩猎的实用工具。不论是作为艺术品还是实用工具,抑或两者兼具,枪支都有着特定的用途。猎人们用不同种类的枪分别对付丛林里的大家伙、陆鸟或是水鸟。 Those who are into the shooting sports will find their collection expanding as they mature and try new sports. Those looking for self-defense guns will try new carry guns and more as technology and design adds options. As for collectors, well, by definition they just can’t get enough. So it’s actually not all that helpful to compare the number of guns in private hands to the number of gun owners. 当射击爱好者们变得老练起来,并开始尝试新项目,他们的枪支储备也随之而不断扩充。想买把枪防身的人则会不停地尝试新款配枪,而技术与设计的发展也为他们提供了更多的选择。至于收藏者,看这称呼就知道他们永远都不会满足。所以,将私人拥有的枪支数量和持枪者的数量进行比较并没有什么意义。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]黑暗时代神话

The Dark Age Myth: An Atheist Reviews “God’s Philosophers”
黑暗时代神话:一位无神论者评《上帝的哲学家》

作者:Tim O‘Neill @ 2009-10-17
译者:Ghost(@ Ghostmarine)
校对:Drunkplane(@暂时只看书不旅行了-zny),慕白(@李凤阳他说)
来源:Strange Notionshttp://www.strangenotions.com/gods-philosophers/

My interest in Medieval science was substantially sparked by one book. Way back in 1991, when I was an impoverished and often starving post-graduate student at the University of Tasmania, I found a copy of Robert T. Gunther’s  Astrolabes of the World – 598 folio pages of meticulously catalogued Islamic, Medieval and Renaissance astrolabes with photos, diagrams, star lists and a wealth of other information. I found it, appropriately and not coincidentally, in Michael Sprod’s  Astrolabe Books – up the stairs in one of the beautiful old sandstone warehouses that line  Salamanca Place on Hobart’s waterfront.

我对中世纪科学的兴趣其实源于一本书。早在1991年时,我还在塔斯马尼亚大学读研究生,生活穷困潦倒,过着有一顿没一顿的日子。算不上多么机缘巧合,就在霍巴特(Hobart)河岸边萨拉曼卡广场(Salamanca Place)一间优美古老的砂岩建筑二楼,Michael Sprod的星盘书店,我发现了一本Robert T. Gunther的《世界星盘》(Astrolabes of the World)。实际上,我认为在这家书店发现这本书真是再恰当不过了。这本书足有598页,细致地将伊斯兰、中世纪,以及文艺复兴时期的星盘收集编目,配有图片、图表、星表,以及丰富的相关信息。

Unfortunately the book cost $200, which at that stage was the equivalent to what I lived on for a month. But Michael was used to selling books to poverty-stricken students, so I went without lunch, put down a deposit of $10 and came back weekly for several months to pay off as much as I could afford and eventually got to take it home, wrapped in brown paper in a way that only Hobart bookshops seem to bother with anymore. There are few pleasures greater than finally getting your hands on a book you’ve been wanting to own and read for a long time.

非常不幸,这本书要价二百,相当于我那时一个月的开销。好在Michael经常卖书给穷学生,所以我没吃午饭,放下十块定金,接下来几个月,每周过来一趟,付上一笔钱,有多少就付多少,最终,把它裹在棕色的包装纸中搬回家。现在想来,好像只有霍巴特的书店愿意在卖书时那么劳烦地用纸把书包好。手抚摸在长久以来日思月想、梦寐以求的一本书上,那种乐趣,世间少有。

I had another experience of that particular pleasure when I received my copy of James Hannam’s God’s Philosophers: How the Medieval World Laid the Foundations of Modern Science a couple of weeks ago.

几周前,收到手头这本James Hannam的《上帝的哲学家:中世纪如何为现代科学奠基》(God’s Philosophers: How the Medieval World Laid the Foundations of Modern Science),我又一次体验到了这种独特乐趣。

For years I’ve been toying with the idea of creating a website on Medieval science and technology to bring the recent research on the subject to a more general audience and to counter the biased myths about it being a Dark Age of irrational superstition. Thankfully I can now cross that off my to do list, because Hannam’s superb book has done the job for me and in fine style.

很多年来,我一直想着要建个网站,关注中世纪科学与技术,向普通读者介绍有关这一主题的新近研究,同时反驳各种偏颇的神话,认为中世纪是个迷信横行的“黑暗时代”。现在我终于可以不再操心这项工程,因为Hannam这部杰出的作品已经完成了这个任务,而且完成得非常漂亮。

The Christian Dark Age and Other Hysterical Myths
基督教黑暗时代以及其他歇斯底里的神话

One of the occupational hazards of being an atheist and secular humanist who hangs around on discussion boards is to encounter a staggering level of historical illiteracy. I like to console myself that many of the people on such boards have come to their atheism via the study of science and so, even if they are quite learned in things like geology and biology, usually have a grasp of history stu(more...)

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The Dark Age Myth: An Atheist Reviews “God’s Philosophers” 黑暗时代神话:一位无神论者评《上帝的哲学家》 作者:Tim O‘Neill @ 2009-10-17 译者:Ghost(@ Ghostmarine) 校对:Drunkplane(@暂时只看书不旅行了-zny),慕白(@李凤阳他说) 来源:Strange Notionshttp://www.strangenotions.com/gods-philosophers/ My interest in Medieval science was substantially sparked by one book. Way back in 1991, when I was an impoverished and often starving post-graduate student at the University of Tasmania, I found a copy of Robert T. Gunther's  Astrolabes of the World - 598 folio pages of meticulously catalogued Islamic, Medieval and Renaissance astrolabes with photos, diagrams, star lists and a wealth of other information. I found it, appropriately and not coincidentally, in Michael Sprod's  Astrolabe Books - up the stairs in one of the beautiful old sandstone warehouses that line  Salamanca Place on Hobart's waterfront. 我对中世纪科学的兴趣其实源于一本书。早在1991年时,我还在塔斯马尼亚大学读研究生,生活穷困潦倒,过着有一顿没一顿的日子。算不上多么机缘巧合,就在霍巴特(Hobart)河岸边萨拉曼卡广场(Salamanca Place)一间优美古老的砂岩建筑二楼,Michael Sprod的星盘书店,我发现了一本Robert T. Gunther的《世界星盘》(Astrolabes of the World)。实际上,我认为在这家书店发现这本书真是再恰当不过了。这本书足有598页,细致地将伊斯兰、中世纪,以及文艺复兴时期的星盘收集编目,配有图片、图表、星表,以及丰富的相关信息。 Unfortunately the book cost $200, which at that stage was the equivalent to what I lived on for a month. But Michael was used to selling books to poverty-stricken students, so I went without lunch, put down a deposit of $10 and came back weekly for several months to pay off as much as I could afford and eventually got to take it home, wrapped in brown paper in a way that only Hobart bookshops seem to bother with anymore. There are few pleasures greater than finally getting your hands on a book you've been wanting to own and read for a long time. 非常不幸,这本书要价二百,相当于我那时一个月的开销。好在Michael经常卖书给穷学生,所以我没吃午饭,放下十块定金,接下来几个月,每周过来一趟,付上一笔钱,有多少就付多少,最终,把它裹在棕色的包装纸中搬回家。现在想来,好像只有霍巴特的书店愿意在卖书时那么劳烦地用纸把书包好。手抚摸在长久以来日思月想、梦寐以求的一本书上,那种乐趣,世间少有。 I had another experience of that particular pleasure when I received my copy of James Hannam's God's Philosophers: How the Medieval World Laid the Foundations of Modern Science a couple of weeks ago. 几周前,收到手头这本James Hannam的《上帝的哲学家:中世纪如何为现代科学奠基》(God's Philosophers: How the Medieval World Laid the Foundations of Modern Science),我又一次体验到了这种独特乐趣。 For years I've been toying with the idea of creating a website on Medieval science and technology to bring the recent research on the subject to a more general audience and to counter the biased myths about it being a Dark Age of irrational superstition. Thankfully I can now cross that off my to do list, because Hannam's superb book has done the job for me and in fine style. 很多年来,我一直想着要建个网站,关注中世纪科学与技术,向普通读者介绍有关这一主题的新近研究,同时反驳各种偏颇的神话,认为中世纪是个迷信横行的“黑暗时代”。现在我终于可以不再操心这项工程,因为Hannam这部杰出的作品已经完成了这个任务,而且完成得非常漂亮。

The Christian Dark Age and Other Hysterical Myths 基督教黑暗时代以及其他歇斯底里的神话

One of the occupational hazards of being an atheist and secular humanist who hangs around on discussion boards is to encounter a staggering level of historical illiteracy. I like to console myself that many of the people on such boards have come to their atheism via the study of science and so, even if they are quite learned in things like geology and biology, usually have a grasp of history stunted at about high school level. I generally do this because the alternative is to admit that the average person's grasp of history and how history is studied is so utterly feeble as to be totally depressing. 作为一个流连于各大讨论版的无神论者和世俗人文主义者,“职业危害”之一就是会遇到数不胜数的历史盲。我时常宽慰自己,这些讨论版上很多人通过学习科学知识成为了无神论者,因此即使他们在地质、生物这样的领域相当精通,但在历史方面的教育却没有跟上,也不过就是高中生水平。我如果不这样安慰自己,那就要承认,一般人对历史相当缺乏理解,对历史的研究方法几乎一无所知,这种情形非常令人沮丧。 So, alongside the regular airings of the hoary old myth that the Bible was collated at the Council of Nicea, the tedious internet-based "Jesus never existed!" nonsense, or otherwise intelligent people spouting pseudo historical claims that would make even Dan Brown snort in derision, the myth that the Catholic Church caused the Dark Ages and the Medieval Period was a scientific wasteland is regularly wheeled, creaking, into the sunlight for another trundle around the arena. 我们都听说过一些传言,比方说《圣经》由尼西亚会议(Council of Nicea)编修,互联网上“耶稣从未存在!”这样的胡说八道甚嚣尘上,还有一些本来挺聪明的人却胡诌出连丹·布朗(Dan Brown)都嗤之以鼻的伪历史断言,与这些耳熟能详的老套神话相提并论的,还有人说天主教会引发黑暗时代、中世纪是科学荒漠,这种神话时不时被人花样翻新之后重新拉回论战的舞台。 The myth goes that the Greeks and Romans were wise and rational types who loved science and were on the brink of doing all kinds of marvelous things (inventing full-scale steam engines is one example that is usually, rather fancifully, invoked) until Christianity came along. Christianity then banned all learning and rational thought and ushered in the Dark Ages. Then an iron-fisted theocracy, backed by a Gestapo-style Inquisition, prevented any science or questioning inquiry from happening until Leonardo da Vinci invented intelligence and the wondrous Renaissance saved us all from Medieval darkness. 这种神话大概是说,希腊人、罗马人聪明理性热爱科学,基本上已经快要发明出各种奇观壮举(通常会梦呓似地举出发明完整蒸汽机这样的例子),直到基督教降临。基督教随后禁绝了所有学问和理性思考,开启了黑暗时代。接下来,在盖世太保般的宗教裁判所支持下,神权实施了铁腕统治,杜绝任何科学或者质疑的出现,直到达芬奇发明智慧,伟大的文艺复兴将我们从中世纪的黑暗中拯救。【译注:话说我中学时候就是这样觉得的。】 The online manifestations of this curiously quaint but seemingly indefatigable idea range from the touchingly clumsy to the utterly shocking, but it remains one of those things that "everybody knows" and permeates modern culture. 这种观点稀奇古怪,但同时颇有生命力,其在网上的表现时而让人觉得粗陋不堪,时而又让人深感震惊,然而它终究取得了“众人皆知”的地位,渗透进现代文化的方方面面。 A recent episode of Family Guy had Stewie and Brian enter a futuristic alternative world where, it was explained, things were so advanced because Christianity didn't destroy learning, usher in the Dark Ages and stifle science. The writers didn't see the need to explain what Stewie meant - they assumed everyone understood. 最近一集《恶搞之家》(Family Guy)里,Stewie和Brian进入了另一个未来主义的异次元世界,那里一切非常先进,因为基督教并没有摧毁学问,开创黑暗时代,扼杀科学。剧集中没有解释Stewie的观点,因为在编剧看来,大家都懂。 About once every 3-4 months on forums like RichardDawkins.net we get some discussion where someone invokes the old "Conflict Thesis". That evolves into the usual ritual kicking of the Middle Ages as a benighted intellectual wasteland where humanity was shackled to superstition and oppressed by cackling minions of the Evil Old Catholic Church. 类似RichardDawkins.net这样的论坛,每隔三四个月,就会有人提起这个老生常谈的“冲突论”(Conflict Thesis),令大家纷纷卷入讨论之中。一般习惯上会将中世纪看成蒙昧的智识荒漠,邪恶的古代天主教会下属走狗们一脸阴笑,肆意欺压,人性受到束缚,沉溺于迷信之中。 The hoary standards are brought out on cue. Giordiano Bruno is presented as a wise and noble martyr for science instead of the irritating mystical New Age kook he actually was. Hypatia is presented as another such martyr and the mythical Christian destruction of the Great Library of Alexandria is spoken of in hushed tones, despite both these ideas being totally untrue. The Galileo Affair is ushered in as evidence of a brave scientist standing up to the unscientific obscurantism of the Church, despite that case being as much about science as it was about Scripture. 这种时候,一些霉迹斑斑的旧旗帜又会被扛出来。布鲁诺被推为睿智而尊贵的科学殉道者,而非新时代让人恼火的神秘主义傻瓜,要知道后者才是他的本来面目。希帕提娅成为传说中的另一个悲情殉道者,是基督徒焚毁了亚历山大大图书馆的故事也在低声流传,然而,这二者都是彻头彻尾的不实之词。伽利略事件,也被看成是勇敢的科学家抵抗教会蒙昧主义的证据,尽管那起案子中,牵扯到的科学纷争并不比《圣经》纷争来的少。 And, almost without fail, someone digs up a graphic (see below), which I have come to dub "The Most Wrong Thing On the Internet Ever", and to flourish it triumphantly as though it is proof of something other than the fact that most people are utterly ignorant of history and unable to see that something called "Scientific Advancement" can't be measured, let alone plotted on a graph. 而且,几乎无一例外,总有人会挖出一张图(如下),趾高气昂地挥舞,好像它能够证明点什么似的。这张被我称作“互联网有史以来错得最离谱的东西”,只不过证明了绝大部分人对历史一无所知,根本没有意识到所谓“科学进步”这种玩意根本无法度量,更别说像这样有模有样地标在图标上了。 DarkAgesIt's not hard to kick this nonsense to pieces, especially since the people presenting it know next to nothing about history and have simply picked up these strange ideas from websites and popular books. The assertions collapse as soon as you hit them with hard evidence. 将这种胡说八道彻底击碎并不困难,尤其是因为,能够亮出这张图的人,往往对历史一无所知,仅仅从某些网站或者通俗书籍中摘下这些千奇百怪的观点。只要亮出强有力的证据,这些看法便会分崩离析。 I love to totally stump these propagators by asking them to present me with the name of one - just one - scientist burned, persecuted, or oppressed for their science in the Middle Ages. They always fail to come up with any. They usually try to crowbar Galileo back into the Middle Ages, which is amusing considering he was a contemporary of Descartes. 我倒挺喜欢刁难这些大话家,请他们举出中世纪一个因为从事研究而被烧死、被迫害或者被压迫的科学家的名字,一个就好。他们总是一筹莫展,常常会把伽利略拽回中世纪,可只要一想到其实他和笛卡尔处在同一时代,就让人觉得好笑。 When asked why they have failed to produce any such scientists given the Church was apparently so busily oppressing them, they often resort to claiming that the Evil Old Church did such a good job of oppression that everyone was too scared to practice science. 再问问,既然教廷这么忙于压迫科学家,为什么他们却举不出这样的例子,他们通常会这么辩称,邪恶的古代教廷压迫工作做得实在太好,每个人都吓得瑟瑟发抖,不敢从事科学研究。 By the time I produce a laundry list of Medieval scientists - like Albertus Magnus, Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, John Peckham, Duns Scotus, Thomas Bradwardine, Walter Burley, William Heytesbury, Richard Swineshead, John Dumbleton, Richard of Wallingford, Nicholas Oresme, Jean Buridan and Nicholas of Cusa- and ask why these men were happily pursuing science in the Middle Ages without molestation from the Church, my opponents usually scratch their heads in puzzlement at what just went wrong. 这时,我会列一个中世纪科学家清单——例如大阿尔伯图斯(Albertus Magnus)、罗伯特·格罗斯泰斯特(Robert Grosseteste)、罗吉尔·培根(Roger Bacon)、约翰·佩克汉姆(John Peckham)、邓斯·司各脱(Duns Scotus)、托马斯·布雷德华(Thomas Bradwardine)、沃特·伯利(Walter Burley)、赫特斯柏立的威廉(William Heytesbury)、理查德·斯韦恩斯赫(Richard Swineshead)、约翰·登布尔顿(John Dumbleton)、沃灵福德的理查德(Richard of Wallingford)、尼古拉斯·奥里斯姆(Nicholas Oresme)、让·布里丹(Jean Buridan),还有库萨的尼古拉斯(Nicholas of Cusa),然后问道,为什么这些人能够在中世纪快乐地追求科学,而没有受到教廷的摧残,我的对手们通常会困惑地挠挠头,不知道哪里出了问题。

The Origin of the Myths 神话的起源

How the myths that led to the creation of "The Most Wrong Thing On the Internet Ever" is well documented in several recent books on the the history of science. But Hannam wisely tackles it in the opening pages of his book, since it would be likely to form the basis for many general readers to be suspicious of the idea of a Medieval foundation for modern science. “互联网有史以来错得最离谱的东西”到底是如何产生的,在近期好几本科学史作品中都有很好的展现。既然很多大众读者对中世纪为现代科学奠基这种理念持普遍怀疑态度,Hannam明智地在这本书开篇就解决这个问题。 A festering melange of Enlightenment bigotry, Protestant papism-bashing, French anti-clericism, and Classicist snobbery have all combined to make the Medieval period a by-word for backwardness, superstition and primitivism, and the opposite of everything the average person associates with science and reason. 启蒙主义的固执盲从、新教对天主教的攻击、法国人的反教权运动,以及古典主义者的势利,所有这一切杂糅在一起并不断发酵,将中世纪描述成一个落后、迷信、原始的时代,从一切角度来说都是普通人所认为的科学和理性的反面。 Hannam sketches how polemicists like Thomas Huxley, John William Draper, and Andrew Dickson White, all with their own anti-Christian axes to grind, managed to shape the still current idea that the Middle Ages was devoid of science and reason. And how it was not until real historians bothered to question the polemicists through the work of early pioneers in the field like  Pierre Duhem,  Lynn Thorndike, and the author of my astrolabe book,  Robert T. Gunther, that the distortions of the axe-grinders began to be corrected by proper, unbiased research. That work has now been completed by the current crop of modern historians of science like David C. Lindberg, Ronald Numbers, and Edward Grant. Hannam描述了像Thomas Huxley、John William Draper以及Andrew Dickson White这样能言善辩的旗手,如何融入自己的反基督观点,扭曲地构建了科学和理性在中世纪寸步难行这类当前通行的观点。书中还记录,直到正牌历史学家开始利用自己的作品不厌其烦地对这些雄辩家们进行质疑,别有用心者的歪曲才开始被不带偏见的恰当研究所纠正,该领域早期开拓者包括Pierre Duhem、Lynn Thorndike,以及我的那本星盘书作者Robert T. Gunther。目前,David C. Lindberg、Ronald Numbers以及Edward Grant这样的现代科学史学家业已完成这项工作。 In the academic sphere, at least, the "Conflict Thesis" of a historical war between science and theology has been long since overturned. It is very odd that so many of my fellow atheists cling so desperately to a long-dead position that was only ever upheld by amateur Nineteenth Century polemicists and not the careful research of recent, objective, peer-reviewed historians. This is strange behavior for people who like to label themselves "rationalists". 至少在学术界,科学与神学之间的“冲突论”历史之争早已被推翻了。所以这就显得很奇怪,为什么那么多无神论者如此热切的执着于一种早已死去的信条,这种信条本来只有十九世纪的业余辩论家们才会承认,而不应被现代客观、经过同行评议的历史学家所信奉。对于那些热衷于为自己贴上“理性主义者”标签的人们来说,这种坚持倒真是一樁咄咄怪事。 Speaking of rationalism, the critical factor that the myths obscure is precisely how rational intellectual inquiry in the Middle Ages was. While writers like Charles Freeman continue to lumber along, claiming that Christianity killed the use of reason, the fact is that thanks to Clement of Alexandria and Augustine's encouragement of the use of pagan philosophy, and Boethius' translations of works of logic by Aristotle and others, rational inquiry was one intellectual jewel that survived the catastrophic collapse of the Western Roman Empire and was preserved through the so-called Dark Ages. Edward Grant's superb God and Reason in the Middle Ages details this with characteristic vigor, but Hannam gives a good summary of this key element in his first four chapters. 谈及理性主义,这些神话遮盖了这样一个至关重要的问题:中世纪智识方面的理性探索究竟处于何种状态?像Charles Freeman这样的作家还在抱着这堆破烂,说什么基督教让理性毫无用武之地,而事实却是,亚历山大的克莱门特(Clement of Alexandria)和奥古斯丁对异教哲学的运用多有鼓励,波伊提乌(Boethius)翻译了亚里士多德和其他人的逻辑学作品,理性探索一度是智识的明珠,于西罗马帝国崩溃之后幸存下来,在所谓的黑暗时代得以流传。对此,Edward Grant的杰作《中世纪的上帝与理性》花了极大的力气详加阐述,而Hannam在书中的前四章便给出了绝佳的概述。 What makes Hannam's version of the story more accessible than Grant's is the way he tells it though the lives of key people of the time - Gerbert of Aurillac, Anselm, Abelard, William of Conches, Adelard of Bath etc. Hannam的故事之所以比格兰特更加通俗易懂,原因在于他利用那个年代关键人物的生平阐释其观点,其中包括奥里亚克的吉尔伯特(Gerbert of Aurillac)、安塞姆(Anselm)、阿伯拉尔(Abelard)、康奇斯的威廉(William of Conches)、巴斯的阿德拉德(Adelard of Bath)等人。 Some reviewers of Hannam's book seem to have found this approach a little distracting, since the sheer volume of names and mini-biographies could make it feel like we are learning a small amount about a vast number of people. But given the breadth of Hannam's subject, this is fairly inevitable and the semi-biographical approach is certainly more accessible than a stodgy abstract analysis of the evolution of Medieval thought. 一些评论家认为Hannam作品的这种处理方法甚至令主题略有分散,的确这些姓名和小传数量之多让人颇有目不暇接之感。然而考虑到Hannam所论主题之宏大,这种做法也是在所难免,而且半传记的处理方式也确实比对中世纪思想演变的呆板而抽象的分析更为引人入胜。 Hannam also gives an excellent precis of the Twelfth Century Renaissance which, contrary to popular perception and to "the Myth", was the real period in which ancient learning flooded back into western Europe. Far from being resisted by the Church, it was churchmen who sought this knowledge out among the Muslims and Jews of Spain and Sicily. And far from being resisted or banned by the Church, it was embraced and formed the basis of the syllabus in that other great Medieval contribution to the world: the universities that were starting to appear across Christendom. Hannam还对十二世纪复兴(Twelfth Century Renaissance)进行了绝佳的概括,与通行的认知和前述神话不同的是,那是一个古代学识如洪水般涌回西欧的岁月。真相远远不是教会扼杀知识,恰恰是神职人员从西班牙和西西里的穆斯林和犹太人中间发掘出这些知识。知识也远远没有被教会禁绝,知识在基督教世界刚刚兴起的大学中构成了基本教学大纲,而大学,恰恰是中世纪对世界的另一伟大贡献。

God and Reason 上帝与理性

The enshrining of reason at the heart of inquiry, combined with the influx of "new" Greek and Arabic learning, launched a veritable explosion of intellectual activity in Europe from the Twelfth Century onwards. It was as though the sudden stimulus of new perspectives and new ways of looking at the world fell on the fertile soil of a Europe that was, for the first time in centuries, relatively peaceful, prosperous, outward-looking, and genuinely curious. 将理性置于探索的核心,与纷至沓来的“新”希腊和阿拉伯知识相融合,推动了欧洲自十二世纪以来真正的智力活动大爆发。仿佛突然之间,观察世界的新视角和新方法被播撒到旧欧洲这片沃土上,那么多世纪以来第一次,出现了相对和平、繁荣、外向以及真正求知的一段时期。 This is not to say that more conservative and reactionary forces did not have misgivings about some of the new areas of inquiry, especially in relation to how philosophy and speculation about the natural world and the cosmos could affect accepted theology. Hannam is careful not to pretend that there was no resistance to the flowering of the new thinking and inquiry but, unlike the perpetuators of "the Myth", he gives that resistance due consideration rather than pretending it was the whole story. 这并不是说,较为保守、反动的势力对于新领域的探索安之若素,尤其在关于自然和宇宙的哲学和思考对普遍接受的神学可能会产生何种影响方面,他们更是疑虑重重。Hannam行文小心谨慎,没有对全面开花的新思潮新探索所遭遇的抵抗视而不见,然而与上述“神话”死忠信徒们不同的是,在深思熟虑之后,他对这种抵抗予以剖析,而非简单认定,遭遇的抵抗就是故事的全部。 In fact, the conservatives and reactionaries' efforts were usually rear-guard actions and were in almost every case totally unsuccessful in curtailing the inevitable flood of ideas that began to flow from the universities. Once it began, it was effectively unstoppable. 其实,保守反动势力的努力常常不过是防御性的行动,总体而言,绝大部分试图遏制源自大学、势不可挡的理念洪流都以失败告终。这种洪流一旦开始,便不可阻挡。 In fact, some of the efforts by the theologians to put some limits on what could and could not be accepted via the "new learning" actually had the effect of stimulating inquiry rather than constricting it. The "Condemnations of 1277" attempted to assert certain things that could not be stated as "philosophically true", particularly things that put limits on divine omnipotence. This had the interesting effect of making it clear that Aristotle had, actually, got some things badly wrong - something Thomas Aquinas emphasized in his famous and highly influential Summa Theologiae: 实际上,神学家努力为“新学问”划定一条界线,规定某些事可以做,某些事不能做,这样的努力恰恰鼓励而非限制了探索。“1277大谴责”(Condemnations of 1277)力图主张某些事情不能被称为“在哲学上是真实的”(philosophically true),尤其是那些限制了“全能的神性”(divine omnipotence)的事情。这次事件产生了一种有趣的效果,让人们清楚无疑地看到,亚里士多德在某些方面其实错得非常离谱。而这些错误正如托马斯·阿奎那(Thomas Aquinas)在其极具影响力的、著名的《神学大全》(Summa Theologiae)中曾着重指出这一点。 "The condemnations and Thomas's Summa Theologiae had created a framework within which natural philosophers could safely pursue their studies. The framework ....laid down the the principle that God had decreed laws of nature but was not bound by them. Finally, it stated that Aristotle was sometimes wrong. The world was not 'eternal according to reason' and 'finite according to faith'. It was not eternal, full stop. And if Aristotle could be wrong about something that he regarded as completely certainly certain, that threw his whole philosophy into question. The way was clear for the natural philosophers of the Middle Ages to move decisively beyond the achievements of the Greeks." (Hannam, pp. 104-105) “大谴责和托马斯的《神学大全》创建出了一个框架,自然哲学家可以安然地在其中进行研究。该框架……主张,上帝颁布了自然律令,但上帝并不受自然律令的限制。最终,框架指明,亚里士多德在某些情况下是错的。世界并不‘因理性而永恒’,也不‘因信仰而有限’。总而言之,世界并不永恒。如果亚里士多德在自己确信无疑的问题上能够犯错,那么他的整个哲学体系就难免遭到质疑。对于中世纪的自然哲学家而言,果断突破希腊人业已取得成就的道路就得以扫清了。”(Hannam,pp.104-105) Which is precisely what they proceeded to do. Far from being a stagnant dark age, as the first half of the Medieval Period (500-1000 AD) certainly was, the period from 1000 to 1500 AD actually saw the most impressive flowering of scientific inquiry and discovery since the time of the ancient Greeks, far eclipsing the Roman and Hellenic Eras in every respect. 超越希腊人正是哲学家们接下来做的事情。中世纪上半叶(公元500年-1000年)或许并不光明,而从公元1000年至1500年远不是一个黑暗停滞的时代,历史见证了自古希腊以来科学探索最为蓬勃发展的景象,方方面面远超罗马和希腊化时代(Hellenic Eras)。 With Occam and Duns Scotus taking the critical approach to Aristotle further than Aquinas' more cautious approach, the way was open for the Medieval scientists of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries to question, examine, and test the perspectives the translators of the Twelfth Century had given them, with remarkable effects: 奥卡姆和邓斯·司各脱对亚里士多德的批判远比小心翼翼的阿奎那走得更远,这为十四、十五世纪的中世纪科学家开辟了一条坦途,他们得以对十二世纪传播者们的观点进行质疑、检查及测试,成绩斐然: "[I]n the fourteenth century medieval thinkers began to notice that there was something seriously amiss with all aspects of Aristotle's natural philosophy, and not just those parts of it that directly contradicted the Christian faith. The time had come when medieval scholars could begin their own quest to advance knowledge ....striking out in new directions that neither the Greeks nor the Arabs ever explored. Their first breakthrough was to combine the two subjects of mathematics and physics in a way that had not been done before." (Hannam, p. 174) “十四世纪的中世纪思想家开始注意到,亚里士多德自然哲学的方方面面都存在严重缺陷,不仅限于那些与基督教信仰直接冲突的部分。中世纪学者可以自行探索先进知识的时刻到来了……他们向无论是希腊人还是阿拉伯人都未曾探索过的新领域前进。他们取得的第一项突破是,以前所未有的方式将数学和物理这两门学科结合在一起。”(Hannam,P174) The story of that breakthrough, and the remarkable Oxford scholars who achieved it and thus laid the foundations of true science - the "Merton Calculators" - probably deserves a book in itself. But Hannam's account certainly does them justice and forms a fascinating section of his work. 那项突破,那些实现该突破的、名垂青史的牛津学者(他们因此为真正的科学奠定下基础)——“默顿计算者”(Merton Calculators)——的故事,本身就值得大书特书。然而Hannam行文对他们的刻画精准而恰当,构成了作品迷人的一部分。 The names of these pioneers of the scientific method - Thomas Bradwardine, Thomas Bradwardine, William Heytesbury, John Dumbleton and the delightfully named Richard Swineshead - deserve to be better known. 这些科学方法的先驱——托马斯·布雷德华、赫特斯柏立的威廉、约翰·登布尔顿,以及名字极为喜庆的理查德·斯韦恩斯赫(Richard Swineshead)【译注:理查德·猪头,确实够喜庆~】应该被更多的人知道。 Unfortunately, the obscuring shadow of "the Myth" means that they continue to be ignored or dismissed even in quite recent popular histories of science.Bradwardine's summary of the key insight these men uncovered is one of the great quotes of early science and deserves to be recognized as such: 不幸的是,由于“中世纪神话”造成的影响,即使在较为新近的科学史大众读物中,他们也一直被忽略和无视。布雷德华对于这些先驱在智识方面洞见的总结,是早期科学领域的名言之一,配得上“伟大”这个两个字: "[Mathematics] is the revealer of every genuine truth ... whoever then has the effrontery to pursue physics while neglecting mathematics should know from the start that he will never make his entry through the portals of wisdom." (Quoted in Hannam, p. 176) “(数学)是所有真理的揭示者……无论哪个胆大妄为之徒,胆敢忽略数学而去探索物理,从一开始就应该知道,他将永远不会在智慧的圣殿登堂入室。”(Hannam书中的引文,p.176) These men were not only the first to truly apply mathematics to physics but also developed logarithmic functions 300 years before John Napier, and the Mean Speed Theorem 200 years before Galileo. The fact that Napier and Galileo are credited with discovering things that Medieval scholars had already developed is yet another indication of how "the Myth" has warped our perceptions of the history of science. 这些人不仅仅是第一批真正将数学应用于物理领域的学者,还早于约翰·纳皮尔(John Napier)三百年推演出对数方程,早于伽利略二百年发现平均速度定理。纳皮尔和伽利略发现了中世纪学者已经发现的现象,从而获得殊荣,这就是“黑暗中世纪神话”如何蒙蔽我们对科学史认知的又一例证。 Similarly, the physics and astronomy of Jean Buridan and Nicholas Oresme were radical and profound, but generally unknown to the average reader. Buridan was one of the first to compare the movements of the cosmos to those of another Medieval innovation - the clock. The image of a clockwork universe which was to serve scientists well into our own era began in the Middle Ages. 与之类似,让·布里丹和尼古拉斯·奥里斯姆的物理学和天文学博大精深,普通读者对此却一无所知。布里丹是最早将宇宙的运动比拟为时钟的几个人之一,而时钟则也是中世纪的产物。直到现在,科学家们还认为,宇宙像时钟一样运行,这种观点实肇始于中世纪。 And Oresme's speculations about a rotating Earth shows that Medieval scholars were happy to contemplate what were (to them) fairly outlandish ideas to see if they might work - Oresme found that this particular idea actually worked quite well. 奥里斯姆关于地球旋转的猜测则表明,中世纪学者是多么乐于思索各种天马行空的观点,并验证其是否有效——奥里斯姆发现地球旋转这个猜想其实相当有解释力。 These men are hardly the products of a "dark age" and their careers are conspicuously free of any of the Inquisitors and threats of burning so fondly and luridly imagined by the fevered proponents of "the Myth". 很难说这样的人会是“黑暗时代”的产物,他们的工作也显然不像“黑暗中世纪神话”热情拥趸们所持有的天真而骇人听闻的想象那样,受到宗教裁判所的法官(Inquisitors)的压迫,也没人威胁要把他们统统烧死。

Galileo, Inevitably 伽利略,绕不过去的伽利略

As mentioned above, no manifestation of "the Myth" is complete without the Galileo Affair being raised. The proponents of the idea that the Church stifled science and reason in the Middle Ages have to wheel him out, because without him they actually have absolutely zero examples of the Church persecuting anyone for anything to do with inquiries into the natural world. 如前所述,“中世纪神话”总是与伽利略事件如影随形。坚持认定中世纪教廷扼杀科学与理性的论者们一定会抛出伽利略,因为要不是伽利略,他们对于教廷迫害探索自然世界的科学家连一个例子都举不出来。 The common conception that Galileo was persecuted for being right about heliocentrism is a total oversimplification of a complex business, and one that ignores the fact that Galileo's main problem was not simply that his ideas disagreed with scriptural interpretation but also with the science of the time. 通常的观点认为,伽利略是由于日心说而遭到了迫害,这是一个对复杂案例的过分简化,常常被忽略的事实是,伽利略的主要问题并非仅仅是其观念与经文的诠释不符,当时的科学现状也是问题。 Contrary to the way the affair is usually depicted, the real sticking point was the fact that the scientific objections to heliocentrism at the time were still powerful enough to prevent its acceptance. Cardinal Bellarmine made it clear to Galileo in 1616 that if those scientific objections could be overcome then scripture could and would be reinterpreted. 与通常所讲述的故事不同,事情真正的症结在于,当时科学对于日心说的反对依然强大,阻碍了这一学说被广为接受。红衣主教贝拉明(Cardinal Bellarmine)在1616年向伽利略说得很清楚,如果这些科学反对意见能够被克服,那么经文就可以重新诠释。 But while the objections still stood, the Church, understandably, was hardly going to overturn several centuries of exegesis for the sake of a flawed theory. Galileo agreed to only teach heliocentrism as a theoretical calculating device, then promptly turned around and, in typical style, taught it as fact. Thus his prosecution by the Inquistion in 1633. 然而当时反对意见不屈不挠,教廷很难因为一个存在缺陷的理论而推翻几个世纪以来诠释,这倒也在情理之中。伽利略同意仅仅将日心说作为一种理论计算工具加以传授,可是一转身,他就以自己典型的风格背弃约定,将其作为事实四下宣扬。因此才有了1633年他被宗教裁判迫害的事件。 Hannam gives the context for all this in suitable detail in a section of the book that also explains how the Humanism of the "Renaissance" led a new wave of scholars, who sought not only to idolize and emulate the ancients, but to turn their backs on the achievements of recent scholars like Duns Scotus, Bardwardine, Buridan, and Orseme. Hannam在本书的一节中将这件事情的来龙去脉一一道来,还阐释了“文艺复兴”的人文主义是如何引导了新一波学者,他们不仅崇拜古人,模仿古人,而且对邓斯·司各脱、布雷德华、布里丹,以及奥里斯姆等近代学者的成就视而不见。 Thus many of their discoveries and advances were either ignored and forgotten (only to be rediscovered independently later) or scorned but quietly appropriated. The case for Galileo using the work of Medieval scholars without acknowledgement is fairly damning. 因此中世纪学者们的很多发现和进展被忽视和遗忘(后来又被重新独立发现),更有甚者,中世纪学者的成就表面上被不屑一顾,但在暗地里被改头换面,成为“文艺复兴”学者们的功绩。伽利略使用中世纪学者成果但并不明确承认的例子相当令人齿冷。 In their eagerness to dump Medieval "dialectic" and ape the Greeks and Romans - which made the "Renaissance" a curiously conservative and rather retrograde movement in many ways - they discarded genuine developments and advancements by Medieval scholars. That a thinker of the calibre of Duns Scotus could become mainly known as the etymology of the word "dunce" is deeply ironic. 他们热切地将中世纪“辩证法”抛诸脑后,争先恐后地效仿希腊人和罗马人,这种做法在很多方面令“文艺复兴”成为一种奇妙的保守甚至倒退的运动,因为他们摒弃了中世纪学者真正的开拓和进步。邓斯·司各脱这种水准的思想家的名字(Duns)不过以傻瓜(dunce)之词源而闻名,这是多么深刻的讽刺啊。 As good as the final part of the book is and as worthy as a fairly detailed analysis of the realities of the Galileo Affair clearly is, I must say the last four or five chapters of Hannam's book did feel as though they had bitten off a bit more than they could chew. I was able to follow his argument quite easily, but I am very familiar with the material and with the argument he is making. I suspect that those for whom this depiction of the "Renaissance," and the idea of Galileo as nothing more than a persecuted martyr to genius, might find that it gallops at too rapid a pace to really carry them along. Myths, after all, have a very weighty inertia. 尽管这本书的最后部分同样精彩,尽管清晰而具体地分析伽利略事件相当有价值,我不得不说Hannam这本书的最后四五章有点过于贪心。我之所以能够轻松地跟上他的论证,是因为我对历史材料和他所进行的讨论相当熟悉。我猜,对于某些人来说,理解对“文艺复兴”的这种叙述,以及伽利略只不过是个受宗教迫害的天才这样的观点,就像拼命赶上一匹飞驰的骏马那样艰难。毕竟,神话有着巨大的惯性。 At least one reviewer seems to have found the weight of that inertia too hard to resist, though perhaps she had some other baggage weighing her down. Nina Power, writing in New Humanist magazine, certainly seems to have had some trouble ditching the idea of the Church persecuting Medieval scientists: 至少有一位评论者似乎认为这样的惯性非常难以克服,然而,这或许是因为她在某些方面的包袱过重。Nina Power在《新人文主义》(New Humanist)杂志撰文,似乎认为摒弃教廷迫害中世纪科学家的观点还颇为困难: Just because persecution wasn’t as bad as it could have been, and just because some thinkers weren’t always the nicest of people, doesn’t mean that interfering in their work and banning their ideas was justifiable then or is justifiable now." 仅仅因为迫害并没有那么严重,仅仅因为有些思想家并不总是那么和善,并不意味着对他们工作的干扰,对他们理念的禁止,就是合理的,无论是那时还是现在。 Well, no-one said it was justifiable, and simply explaining how it came about and why it was not as extensive, or of the nature, that most people assume is not "justifying" it anyway - it is correcting a pseudo-historical misunderstanding. 拜托,没人说那是合理的,这本书仅仅解释了这些迫害究竟是怎么回事,为什么并没有大多数人以为的那么严重,而不是为迫害正名。——这本书无非是要澄清一个伪历史炮制出来的误会。 That said, Power does have something of a point when she notes "Hannam’s characterization of [Renaissance] thinkers as “incorrigible reactionaries” who “almost managed to destroy 300 years of progress in natural philosophy” is at odds with his more careful depiction of those that came before." This is not, however, because that characterization is wrong, but because the length and scope of the book really do not give him room to do this fairly complex and, to many, radical idea justice. 不过,Power也的确注意到某些问题,她指出:“Hannam将(文艺复兴)思想家描述为‘不可救药的反动派’,‘几乎摧毁了自然哲学在三百年内取得的进步’,这与他描述文艺复兴到来之前所采取的小心翼翼的笔法大异其趣。”不过,这倒不是因为描述不准确,而是限于本书的篇幅和涉及范围,Hanman缺乏足够的空间,对他的这些较为复杂,且让很多人感到激进的观点展开论述。 My only criticisms of the book are really quibbles. The sketch of the "agrarian revolution" of the Dark Ages described in Chapter One, which saw technology like the horse-collar and the mouldboard plough adopted and water and wind power harnessed to greatly increase production in previously unproductive parts of Europe is generally sound. But it does place too much emphasis on two elements in Lynn White's thesis in his seminal Medieval Technology and Social Change - the importance of the stirrup and the significance of the horse collar. 我对于这本书的批评无非就是吹毛求疵而已。第一章描绘了黑暗时代“农业革命”的概貌,马项圈、板犁之类的技术被采纳,水力和风力得到利用,在欧洲贫瘠的地区极大地提升了生产力,整体上比较合理。但是,文章过度强调了林恩·怀特(Lynn White)在他那本影响深远的《中世纪的技术和社会变迁》中提到的两项要素——马镫和马项圈的重要性。 As important and ground-breaking as White's thesis was in 1962, more recent analysis has found some of his central ideas dubious. The idea that the stirrup was as significant for the rise of shock-heavy cavalry as White claimed is now pretty much rejected by military historians. Also, his claims about how this cavalry itself caused the beginnings of the feudal system were dubious to begin with. 怀特的观点在1962年极具开创性意义,然而近来很多学术分析在某种程度上削弱了他的核心观点。怀特宣称马镫对于重装骑兵的出现有着至关重要的影响,这种观点目前被很多军事史学家所反对。还有,他认为重装骑兵本身就是封建制的开端,这种观点也开始被怀疑。 Finally, the idea that Roman traction systems were as inefficient as White's sources make out has also been seriously questioned. Hannam seems to accept White's thesis wholesale, which is not really justified given it has been reassessed for over forty years now. 最后,本书认为罗马时代的牵引系统正如怀特所证明得那样低效,这样的观点也被严重质疑。Hannam似乎全盘接受了怀特的论点,考虑在四十年的时间里,学界已经对怀特的观点进行了重新审视,这种忠诚似乎并不可取。 On a rather more personal note, as a humanist and atheist myself, there is a rather snippy little aside on page 212 where Hannam sneers that "non-believers have further muddied the waters by hijacking the word 'humanist' to mean a softer version of 'atheist'." 就个人感受而言,作为一个人文主义者和无神论者,看到Hannam在第212页嘲弄道,“无信仰者劫持‘人文主义者’这个词,将其作为‘无神论者’的柔性表达,这进一步把水搅浑”,我感觉有点离题。 Sorry, but just as not all humanists are atheists (as Hannam himself well knows) so not all atheists are humanists (as anyone hanging around on some of the more vitriolically anti-theist sites and forums will quickly realize). So there is no "non-believer" plot to "hijack" the word "humanist". Those of us who are humanists are humanists - end of story. And "atheism" does not need any "softening" anyway. 不好意思,就像并非所有的人文主义者都是无神论者(Hannam自己就清楚地知道这一点),也并非所有的无神论者都是人文主义者(只要有人乐意浪费时间在那些反宗教网站和论坛转转便能很快发现这一点)。因此,并不存在“无信仰者”别有用心地“劫持”“人文主义者”这回事。我们这些人文主义者就是人文主义者,仅此而已。而且“无神论”用不着“柔化”。 That aside, this is a marvelous book and a brilliant, readable, and accessible antidote to "the Myth". It should be on the Christmas wish-list of any Medievalist, science history buff, or anyone who has a misguided friend who still thinks the nights in the Middle Ages were lit by burning scientists. 除此之外,这是一部令人叹为观止的作品,是“黑暗中世纪神话”一剂绝妙而易读的解毒剂。任何中世纪研究者、科学史爱好者,或者你有位误入歧途、依然相信在中世纪教廷靠焚烧科学家来照亮夜空的朋友,都应该把这本书放在圣诞礼品单上。 Tim O'Neill 作者简介 Tim O'Neill is an atheist blogger who specializes in reviews of books on ancient and medieval history as well as atheism and historiography. He holds a Master of Arts in Medieval Literature from the University of Tasmania and is a subscribing member of the Australian Atheist Foundation and the Australian Skeptics. He is also the author of the History versus The Da Vinci Code website and is currently working on a book with the working title History for Atheists: How Not to Use History in Debates About Religion. He finds the fact that he irritates many theists and atheists in equal measure a sign that he's probably doing some good. Follow his blog at Armarium Magnum. 蒂姆·奥尼尔是一位无神论博客作者,专注于古代史、中世纪史、以及无神论和史学领域的书评创作。他毕业于塔斯马尼亚大学,获得中世纪文学硕士学位,是澳大利亚无神论者基金会(Australian Atheist Foundation)和澳大利亚怀疑论协会(Australian Skeptics)的会员。他还是History versus The Da Vinci Code 网站的作者,目前正在撰写一本名为History for Atheists: How Not to Use History in Debates About Religion的书。他的观点常常在有神论者和无神论者之间造成相同程度的轩然大波,这或许表明,他的工作起到了一些良好的作用。请关注他在Armarium Magnum的博客。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

为什么欧洲国家面积小、数量多?

【2015-07-31】

@大象公会 【真问真答】为什么欧洲国家相比之下面积小、数量多?

@whigzhou: 远点说,罗马在条顿堡战役后放弃征服日耳曼尼亚,因而没能消灭日耳曼语,近点说,有我大英坚持不懈的阻挠大陆出现单一强权。

@凌山伯:条顿战役让罗马人停止东扩我懂 但是请问大英阻扰大陆出现单一强权怎么讲?

@whigzhou: 腓力二世的西班牙,黄金时代的荷兰,拿破仑的法国,哈布斯堡的奥匈,统一后的德国,这些欧洲霸(more...)

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【2015-07-31】 @大象公会 【真问真答】为什么欧洲国家相比之下面积小、数量多? @whigzhou: 远点说,罗马在条顿堡战役后放弃征服日耳曼尼亚,因而没能消灭日耳曼语,近点说,有我大英坚持不懈的阻挠大陆出现单一强权。 @凌山伯:条顿战役让罗马人停止东扩我懂 但是请问大英阻扰大陆出现单一强权怎么讲? @whigzhou: 腓力二世的西班牙,黄金时代的荷兰,拿破仑的法国,哈布斯堡的奥匈,统一后的德国,这些欧洲霸权的最有力竞争者,不都是大英的打击对象嘛  
[译文]婚姻中的“金发姑娘理论”

The Goldilocks Theory of Marriage
婚姻中的“金发姑娘理论”

作者:Jordan Weissmann @ 2015-7-16
译者:ShawnLai
校对:带菜刀的诗人
来源:Slate杂志,http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2015/07/16/getting_married_late_increases_your_chance_of_a_divorce.html

Conventional wisdom, and many years of social science, have long said that the longer people wait to get married, the less likely they are to get divorced. There are obvious reasons why. With age, people mature, finish school, and settle into careers, which gives them the emotional and financial wherewithal to manage lifelong romantic commitments. The more we settle into ourselves, the theory goes, the better we are at settling down with others.

传统观点和多年来的社会科学界一直都认为,人们结婚越晚,越不容易离婚。道理很明显,随着年龄增长,人们的人格得以成熟,学业得以完成,事业得以稳定,这些条件为做出情感上、经济上的终生承诺提供了资本。根据这种理论,我们自己越安定,就越擅于成家立业。

newanalysis by Nicholas Wolfinger, a sociologist at the University of Utah, challenges that idea a bit. Using data from the NationalSurveyofFamilyGrowth, he finds that today, divorce risk declines for people who wait until their late 20s and early 30s to get married. But it rises again for those who delay walking down the aisle until their late 30s.

来自犹他大学(University of Utah)的社会学家Nicholas Wolfinger的一项新研究,对上述观点提出了挑战。根据国家家庭成长调查(National Survey of Family Growth)的数据,他发现,如今,对于等到三十来岁再结婚的人来说,离婚风险是下降的,但如果推迟到年近40岁才步入婚姻殿堂,离婚风险会再次升高。

Again, this seems to be a new phenomenon. Wolfinger finds that during the mid-1990s, the odds of(more...)

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The Goldilocks Theory of Marriage 婚姻中的“金发姑娘理论”

作者:Jordan Weissmann @ 2015-7-16 译者:ShawnLai 校对:带菜刀的诗人 来源:Slate杂志,http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2015/07/16/getting_married_late_increases_your_chance_of_a_divorce.html

Conventional wisdom, and many years of social science, have long said that the longer people wait to get married, the less likely they are to get divorced. There are obvious reasons why. With age, people mature, finish school, and settle into careers, which gives them the emotional and financial wherewithal to manage lifelong romantic commitments. The more we settle into ourselves, the theory goes, the better we are at settling down with others.

传统观点和多年来的社会科学界一直都认为,人们结婚越晚,越不容易离婚。道理很明显,随着年龄增长,人们的人格得以成熟,学业得以完成,事业得以稳定,这些条件为做出情感上、经济上的终生承诺提供了资本。根据这种理论,我们自己越安定,就越擅于成家立业。

newanalysis by Nicholas Wolfinger, a sociologist at the University of Utah, challenges that idea a bit. Using data from the NationalSurveyofFamilyGrowth, he finds that today, divorce risk declines for people who wait until their late 20s and early 30s to get married. But it rises again for those who delay walking down the aisle until their late 30s.

来自犹他大学(University of Utah)的社会学家Nicholas Wolfinger的一项新研究,对上述观点提出了挑战。根据国家家庭成长调查(National Survey of Family Growth)的数据,他发现,如今,对于等到三十来岁再结婚的人来说,离婚风险是下降的,但如果推迟到年近40岁才步入婚姻殿堂,离婚风险会再次升高。

Again, this seems to be a new phenomenon. Wolfinger finds that during the mid-1990s, the odds of getting divorced continued declining the longer individuals held off on their first marriage. (For our purposes, just pay attention to the blue trend line. The gray shaded areas represent what are known as confidence intervals.)

Wolfinger的另一发现发现似乎也是个新现象。1990年代中期,首次结婚年龄越大的人,他们的离婚概率就越低。(出于本文目的,只要关注蓝线就可以了,灰色阴影区域是置信区间)

wolfinger_2.png.CROP.promovar-mediumlargeBut now, the trend is u-shaped. “My data analysis shows that prior to age 32 or so, each additional year of age at marriage reduces the odds of divorce by 11 percent,” he writes. “However, after that the odds of divorce increase by 5 percent per year.” Call it the Goldilocks theory of marriage: Getting married too early is risky, but so is getting married too late. Your late 20s and early 30s are just right.

但是现在,这个趋势是U型的。 “我的数据分析显示,32岁左右之前,年龄每增加一岁,离婚的风险就会降低11%。”他写道,“然而在此之后,离婚风险就会每年增加5%。”我把它称为婚姻中的金发姑娘理论:结婚太早风险很高,但是结婚太晚也一样。三十来岁刚刚好。【编注:金发姑娘理论指地球位于不近不远刚好适合的轨道,“金发姑娘”典出儿童故事《三只小熊》:主人公金发姑娘发现小熊家的一样三份的东西中,总有一份偏于一端,一份偏于另一端,而一份刚刚好。

wolfinger_1.png.CROP.promo-xlarge2How come? Wolfinger isn't sure. But controlling the data for demographic and personal characteristics such as race, education, religion, sexual history, family background, or the size of the cities survey takers lived in didn't change the results, suggesting none of those factors could explain it.

为什么会这样?Wolfinger也不确定。但是,在控制了诸如种族、教育、宗教、性经历、家庭背景、调查对象所在的城市规模等人口和个人特征之后,结果没有改变,说明以上因素不能解释这个现象。

Ultimately, the professor suspects that there's a lot of self-selection at play: The sorts of people who wait a very long time to say "I do" just might not really be the marrying types, whether they realize it or not. Or, even if they are, their dating pool might have been whittled down to people who aren't.

最终,Wolfinger教授怀疑这是自我选择的作用:那些拖了很长时间才结婚的人,无论自己是否意识到,晚婚的他们也许根本就不适合步入婚姻殿堂。或者,即使他们自己是适合结婚的人,他们约会对象的范围也收窄到那些不适合结婚的人了。

But that would explain today's pattern, not the change we've seen since the turn of the century. And the reason behind that shift is also mysterious. "This is the $64,000 question," he told me. "I honestly don’t have a great explanation. What I know for certain is it has happened."

但是这个说法只解释了今天的情况,而没有解释这个世纪以来发生的变化。这些变化背后的原因依然是谜。“这是一个‘64,000美元难题( $64,000 question)’”【译注:这是1955年CBS推出的一档高额奖金电视问答节目】,Wolfinger教授说,“我真的没有好的解释,我唯一能确认的是,这样的事的确发生了。”

Jordan Weissmann is Slate's senior business and economics correspondent. Jordan Weissmann是Slate杂志的资深商业与经济学通讯记者。

(编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]婴儿名字与文化趋势

Behind The Numbers: Baby-Name Data
婴儿名字与文化趋势

作者:Jo Craven McGinty @ 2015-7-17
译者:岑
校对:带菜刀的诗人
来源:《华尔街日报》(The Wall Street Journal),http://blogs.wsj.com/numbers/behind-the-numbers-baby-name-data-2106/

One reason social scientists and others use U.S. baby names to study cultural trends is simply because the data are readily available.

社会科学家及其他人利用美国婴儿的名字研究文化趋势的一个原因,仅仅是数据触手可得。

The Social Security Administration has compiled names from Social Security card applications for births that occurred in the U.S. after 1879 and posted the data on its website. The agency notes that many people who were born before 1937 never applied for cards. Also, the agency omits records if the place of birth is unknown or there are fewer than five people with the same name.

社会保障局汇编了1879年以来的(more...)

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Behind The Numbers: Baby-Name Data 婴儿名字与文化趋势 作者:Jo Craven McGinty @ 2015-7-17 译者:岑 校对:带菜刀的诗人 来源:《华尔街日报》(The Wall Street Journal),http://blogs.wsj.com/numbers/behind-the-numbers-baby-name-data-2106/ One reason social scientists and others use U.S. baby names to study cultural trends is simply because the data are readily available. 社会科学家及其他人利用美国婴儿的名字研究文化趋势的一个原因,仅仅是数据触手可得。 The Social Security Administration has compiled names from Social Security card applications for births that occurred in the U.S. after 1879 and posted the data on its website. The agency notes that many people who were born before 1937 never applied for cards. Also, the agency omits records if the place of birth is unknown or there are fewer than five people with the same name. 社会保障局汇编了1879年以来的新生儿社会保障卡申请记录中所出现的姓名,并把这些数据发布在它的网站上。社会保障局指出,有很多出生在1937年前的人从未申请过社会保障卡。同时他们也忽略了没有出生地点和少于5个使用的名字。 With those caveats, it is then up to researchers to decide how to use the data. For example, the Social Security Administration notes that spellings of names that sound the same vary–for example, Caitlin, Caitlyn, Kaitlin, Kaitlyn, Kaitlynn, Katelyn and Katelynn–and it’s up to researchers to decide whether to combine them for the purposes of counting. 考虑这些局限之后,接下来如何来使用这些数据就取决于研究者了。例如社会保障局指出,发音相同的名字的拼法可能不同——比如凯特琳(Caitlin, Caitlyn, Kaitlin, Kaitlyn, Kaitlynn, Katelyn和 Katelynn),是否将它们放在一起统计取决于研究者自己的意愿。 One researcher, Jonah Berger, a professor of marketing at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvaniahas used the components of baby names to show names are more likely to become popular when similar names have been popular recently. For example, following Hurricane Katrina, names that began with “K” increased by 9%. 宾夕法尼亚大学沃顿商学院市场营销学的教授伯杰·约拿(Jonah Berger),通过新生儿名字的构成成分来说明,当某些事物变流行时,与之相似的名字更容易出现在新生儿中。例如在卡特里娜飓风(Hurricane Katrina)后,以“K”开头的名字增加了9%。 A more recent study that analyzed baby names to glean insight into the evolution of culture by Giorgio Parisi, a theoretical physicist at Sapienza University of Rome, and colleagues treats different spellings as distinct names and analyzes the distribution of names to identify states that cluster together. 来自萨皮恩扎(Sapienza) 大学的理论物理学家希奥尔西奥·帕里西(Giorgio Parisi)的一项新近研究,试图通过分析新生儿名字深入了解文化演进,他们视不同的拼写为不同的名字,同时根据名字的分布来识别那些起名更类聚化(cluster)的州。 The researchers’ work shows, among other things, that even when it comes to baby names, Southern states cluster together. 他们的研究显示,除了其他方面之外,甚至在新生儿的名字上南方各州也更类聚。 Dr. Parisi said he and his colleagues chose to study U.S. baby names because Italian names weren’t available. “We’re interested in doing Italy,” he said, “but we have not succeeded to get the data.” 帕里西博士说,他和同事们选择以美国新生儿名字为研究对象,是因为无法获得意大利新生儿的名字。“我们很想研究意大利的情况,”他说,“但我们没法得到这些数据。” Learn more about the findings of Dr. Parisi and his colleagues based on their study of U.S. baby names in The Numbers. 更多关于帕里西博士和他同事们基于美国新生儿名字的研究,请访问专栏The Numbers(http://blogs.wsj.com/numbers ) (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]德州经济安然无恙

No Economic Mess in Texas
德州经济安然无恙

作者:WSJ @ 2015-7-22
译者:赵鲲
校对:晓舸 (@ShawXG)
来源:《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journay),http://www.wsj.com/articles/no-economic-mess-in-texas-1437433836

Oil prices collapse but the Lone Star State keeps creating jobs.
油价崩溃并未阻止孤星州持续创造就业机会

A funny thing has happened to the economic miracle in Texas that liberals predicted would go bust along with oil prices. America’s foremost state job creator of the past decade continues to produce opportunity and employment.

有趣的是,虽然自由派一直在预测“德州奇迹”将随油价崩溃而破产,但这个过去十年美国创造就业最多的州仍在持续创造着就业和经济机遇。

Last week’s “beige book” release from the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas shows that despite the struggling oil and gas industry, the Texas economy is still enjoying moderate growth. Since prices in the oil patch began sliding a year ago, pundits on the political left have been waiting for evidence to declare the Texas model a failure. They’re still waiting.

上周达拉斯联邦储备银行(more...)

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No Economic Mess in Texas 德州经济安然无恙 作者:WSJ @ 2015-7-22 译者:赵鲲 校对:晓舸 (@ShawXG) 来源:《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journay),http://www.wsj.com/articles/no-economic-mess-in-texas-1437433836 Oil prices collapse but the Lone Star State keeps creating jobs. 油价崩溃并未阻止孤星州持续创造就业机会

A funny thing has happened to the economic miracle in Texas that liberals predicted would go bust along with oil prices. America’s foremost state job creator of the past decade continues to produce opportunity and employment.

有趣的是,虽然自由派一直在预测“德州奇迹”将随油价崩溃而破产,但这个过去十年美国创造就业最多的州仍在持续创造着就业和经济机遇。

Last week’s “beige book” release from the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas shows that despite the struggling oil and gas industry, the Texas economy is still enjoying moderate growth. Since prices in the oil patch began sliding a year ago, pundits on the political left have been waiting for evidence to declare the Texas model a failure. They’re still waiting.

上周达拉斯联邦储备银行发布的褐皮书显示,虽然石油和天然气行业举步维艰,德州经济却仍然在以温和的速度增长。自从去年油价开始暴跌以来,那些左翼评论员们就一直在等待着能证实“德州模式”失败的证据出现。但直到现在,他们仍然没有等到。

Last month the federal Bureau of Economic Analysis reported that in 2014 the Texas economy grew by a sizzling 5.2%, second fastest in the country after North Dakota’s 6.3% and more than twice the U.S. average. That followed 5.5% growth in 2013 and 6.2% in 2012. And 2014 was the year oil prices fell to $53 a barrel in December from more than $107 in June. The Texas rig count in May was down 58% from a year ago.

上月联邦经济分析局发布的报告显示,德州经济在2014年度表现良好,增长率达到5.2%,在全美仅次于北达科他州6.2%排名第二,超过全美平均水平的两倍。在之前的2013和2012年度,德州的增长率分别为5.5%和6.2%。值得一提的是,油价已从2014年6月的每桶超过107美元跌至了12月的每桶53美元。而今年5月德州运转中的钻机数量相比一年前下降了58%。

Liberal Governors, tired of looking bad next to Texas, may have hoped to catch a break as the full impact of cheap oil hit the Lone Star State in 2015. And Texas is creating jobs more slowly this year—1.1% growth through May versus 3.6% in the same period last year. Lower-paying positions in hospitality have substituted for higher-paying energy jobs.

受够了被德州比得很难看的自由派州长们,也许希望当低油价的影响在2015年全面冲击“孤星州”时,他们能够缓口气。德州今年创造就业的速度的确在放缓——整个5月工作岗位仅仅增长了1.1%,而去年同期这个数字则是3.6%。低工资的酒店服务业岗位填补了高工资的能源行业岗位消失所带来的空缺。

But the overall economic resilience is a far cry from the Texas recessions that followed previous oil busts. Unemployment in the state, 4.3% in May, was still well below the national average of 5.5% that month.

但是相比之前的几次油价暴跌之后德州所经历的经济衰退,这次油价下跌中经济的整体韧性已经强得多了。德州在5月的失业率是4.3%,这个数字仍要比全美 5.5% 的平均水平低了不少。

Some credit goes to the foresight of energy companies that made themselves less vulnerable with better balance sheets. In a report specifically focused on the energy capital of Houston, the Dallas Fed notes recent improvement in job growth and says that “refining, petrochemicals and service industries are managing to offset oil-producer woes.” Statewide, education and health services employment has also been strong.

一些有远见的能源企业提前储备了资金,他们通过改善资产负债表使自己变得更健壮。在一份特别关注能源之都休斯顿的报告中,达拉斯联储提到了最近就业增长的改善,该报告指出,“炼油,石化和服务业的增长基本抵消了原油开采行业下滑所带来的问题。”在全州范围内,教育和医疗产业的就业势头也同样强劲。

Meanwhile in Austin, which has little exposure to the energy industry, business other than government is booming. May job growth surged at an annual rate of 6.6%, including “a significant increase in high-paying scientific and technical services jobs.” Texas is now America’s top technology exporter, surpassing long-time leader California.

同时在与能源行业几乎没有什么联系的奥斯汀,政府服务之外的经济正在蓬勃发展。奥斯汀5月的就业增长率飙升到了年化6.6%的水平,其中还包括“高收入的科技服务领域内就业机会的显著增长。”德州现已成为了全美第一大的技术输出州,超越了长期以来一直领先的加州。

Imagine how the economy of Washington, D.C. would suffer and how high the local unemployment rate would soar if government spending fell by half in less than a year. But Texas is mainly in the business of wealth creation, not redistribution.

设想一下,如果政府开支在一年之内缩减一半,华盛顿特区的经济将会遭受多大的打击,当地的失业率又将会飙升到什么样的水平。但是德州经济主要依赖的是财富创造,而不是财富再分配。

The Texas strategy of avoiding burdensome taxation and regulation has attracted a variety of businesses across many industries that have diversified the state economy. Texas still has no personal or corporate income tax. New Gov. Greg Abbott has been annoying the left even more by taking a hatchet to business franchise and property levies. He recently signed into law tax cuts amounting to $4 billion over two years despite the reduced flow of revenue due to falling oil production. This is the opposite of the tax-raising strategy pursued by Illinois, Connecticut, Maryland and New York when revenues decline.

德州尽可能减少繁重的税收和管制的经济策略吸引了横跨多个行业的多种类型的企业,这让德州经济变得更加多元化。德州至今仍然没有个人和公司所得税。新任州长Greg Abbott进一步削减了特许经营权税和财产税,这一举措让左派感到更加气恼。虽然政府收入因为油价的下跌已经在减少,但他最近还是签署了一项在两年内减税40亿美元的计划。这与伊利诺伊,康涅狄格,马里兰和纽约等州在收入下降时采取的加税措施完全背道而驰。

The Texas Governor was in New York urging more businesses to consider moving south and west. And while service businesses of many types are currently growing in Texas, don’t expect energy and related manufacturing to stay down forever. Mr. Abbott says that “we are on the cusp of once again transforming the energy world” with new Gulf Coast terminals for exporting liquefied natural gas.

这位德州州长曾在纽约呼吁更多的企业考虑搬到地处西南部的德州。各种类型的服务业企业正在德州茁壮成长,同时也不要以为能源以及与之相关的制造业会一直处于低迷状态。Abott先生表示,随着用于出口液化天然气的新终端在墨西哥湾沿岸建成投产,“我们再一次站在了改变能源世界的前沿”。

Economic dependence on commodity prices can be a boom and bust proposition, as Canada’s Alberta province and Australia are experiencing. But the resilience in Texas is proving again that limiting government is an economic growth strategy for all seasons.

依赖大宗商品价格的经济体是可能面临繁荣-衰退循环,这正是加拿大阿尔伯塔省和澳大利亚所正在经历的。但德州经济所表现出来的韧性,则又一次证明了,限制政府规模是一种在各种经济环境下都能促进增长的策略。

(编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

庄园vs自耕农

【2015-07-27】

@阿尔及利亚苏丹陈毓秀 费孝通先生说乡土中国是差序格局,与之对立的则是群己权界界限分明的团体格局。我比较好奇的是西欧中世纪的农村是不是差序格局,因为我觉得团体格局更像是城市兴起之后才有的产物。如果西欧中世纪的农村更接近团体格局,而非差序格局,那么造成这样现象的物质/制度因素又是什么呢?

@whigzhou: 中世纪西欧农村的主流社会结构是庄园制,领主通过管家经营庄园(相比之下,中国地主自中古后就不再经营土地,仅仅收租),由于庄园制涉及(more...)

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【2015-07-27】 @阿尔及利亚苏丹陈毓秀 费孝通先生说乡土中国是差序格局,与之对立的则是群己权界界限分明的团体格局。我比较好奇的是西欧中世纪的农村是不是差序格局,因为我觉得团体格局更像是城市兴起之后才有的产物。如果西欧中世纪的农村更接近团体格局,而非差序格局,那么造成这样现象的物质/制度因素又是什么呢? @whigzhou: 中世纪西欧农村的主流社会结构是庄园制,领主通过管家经营庄园(相比之下,中国地主自中古后就不再经营土地,仅仅收租),由于庄园制涉及大量管理工作、公共事务和权利划分,比如公地/份地之分、封建义务、多圃制下的轮作安排,早期还有领主法庭承担司法职能,等等 @whigzhou: 直到后来圈地运动瓦解了庄园制,家庭农庄才成为主流社会结构 @whigzhou: 庄园是一种企业,而且其结构之组成不依赖于家庭/家族等自然关系,因而确实对权利边界的确定和基层地方处理公共事务的能力提供了发展机会,为此后的乡村/地方自我治理能力打下了基础,也为人民参与公共/政治事务培养了习惯,这一点我们在北美殖民者身上可以看得很清楚。 @whigzhou: 五月花号殖民者在船上就开始制定宪法了,西进运动者在大篷车上就开始组织政府了,狂野西部在政府力量极为微弱的条件下也维持了相当水平的法律和秩序,相比之下,华人移民社区只有家族纽带和黑社会  
[译文]年轻人受了多少苦

How much the young suffer
年轻人受了多少苦

作者:C.W. @ 2015-7-17
译者:史祥莆(@史祥莆)
校对:Marcel Zhang
来源:Economists,http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2015/07/housing-britain

BRITONS are obsessed with home-ownership; but it is getting less and less common.

英国人迷恋房屋所有权,但这种情形越来越不普遍。

BRITONS are obsessed with home-ownership; but it is getting less and less common. A new note from Neal Hudson of Savills, an estate agent, points out that “the share of households owning their home peaked in 2003 at 71% […] and has been in decline since.” But the crucial point, as Mr Hudson goes on to explain, is that things look rather different when splitting up the data by age group.

英国人迷恋房屋所有权,但这种情形越来越不普遍。一份来自房地产中介Neal Hudson of Savills的记录表明:“拥有房屋所有权的比例在2003年达到最高点71%,并在此后下降。” Hudson先生继续解释,但关键点在(more...)

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How much the young suffer 年轻人受了多少苦 作者:C.W. @ 2015-7-17 译者:史祥莆(@史祥莆) 校对:Marcel Zhang 来源:Economists,http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2015/07/housing-britain BRITONS are obsessed with home-ownership; but it is getting less and less common. 英国人迷恋房屋所有权,但这种情形越来越不普遍。 BRITONS are obsessed with home-ownership; but it is getting less and less common. A new note from Neal Hudson of Savills, an estate agent, points out that "the share of households owning their home peaked in 2003 at 71% [...] and has been in decline since." But the crucial point, as Mr Hudson goes on to explain, is that things look rather different when splitting up the data by age group. 英国人迷恋房屋所有权,但这种情形越来越不普遍。一份来自房地产中介Neal Hudson of Savills的记录表明:“拥有房屋所有权的比例在2003年达到最高点71%,并在此后下降。” Hudson先生继续解释,但关键点在于,当按照年龄层划分人群之后,情况就完全不同了。 20150725_woc138The chart uses data from the Council of Mortgage Lenders and shows Britain's home-ownership by age. Even seasoned watchers of Britain's housing market are surprised by how dramatic it is. 这张使用了来自抵押贷款委员会(Council of Mortgage Lenders)的数据的图表显示了不同年龄段英国人的房屋所有率。即使是资深的英国房地产观察者,也吃惊于它所呈现出的戏剧性。 The pathetic rates of home-ownership among young people in Britain may be down to the country's crazy property prices, particularly in London where lots of young people live. (The economic problems associated with London's housing market are explained in this week's issue). 英国年轻人可悲的房屋拥有状况可能是疯狂的房价导致的,尤其是众多年轻人居住的伦敦。(与伦敦房产市场相关的经济问题在本周的刊物上有所解释)。 And other factors, not related to prices, may be at play. More young Britons are spending a long time at university, driving up the age they get their first job. And younger generations are more likely to move around to find work than the old; renting gives them the flexibility to do this. 此外,其他非价格因素可能也在发挥着作用。更多的英国年轻人在大学度过更长时光,抬高了他们初次工作的年龄。另外年轻一代相比年长者更容易四处迁徙寻找工作,而租房为他们提供了这么做所需要的灵活性。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——