含有〈移民〉标签的文章(8)

大功率吸尘器

【2016-07-16】

@whigzhou: 昨天跟熊也聊天时我说,川普只要不支持贸易保护和15美元最低工资,还是可以赢得我支持的,福利主义是慢性病,可以慢慢治,贸易保护和高额最低工资则是速效自杀丸,后者尤烈,而且川普粉一直没想明白一件事:贸易保护是吸引低技能移民的大功率吸尘器,你把劳动密集型工厂都弄回来,拉美移民必定暴增。

@whigzhou: 北美自由贸易协定的一个后果就是大幅降低了墨西哥移民,近两年甚至已转为净(more...)

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7283
【2016-07-16】 @whigzhou: 昨天跟熊也聊天时我说,川普只要不支持贸易保护和15美元最低工资,还是可以赢得我支持的,福利主义是慢性病,可以慢慢治,贸易保护和高额最低工资则是速效自杀丸,后者尤烈,而且川普粉一直没想明白一件事:贸易保护是吸引低技能移民的大功率吸尘器,你把劳动密集型工厂都弄回来,拉美移民必定暴增。 @whigzhou: 北美自由贸易协定的一个后果就是大幅降低了墨西哥移民,近两年甚至已转为净流出,一旦实施贸易保护,这一趋势立刻逆转。  
[译文]纽约美甲工的悲惨故事

The New York Times’ Nail Salons Series Was Filled with Misquotes and Factual Errors. Here’s Why That Matters. (Part 1)
《纽约时报》美甲沙龙系列文章充满征引错误和事实错误。我们来看看这事为什么要紧。(第一弹)

作者:Jim Epstein @ 2015-10-27
译者:沈沉(你在何地-sxy)
校对:Tankman
来源:Reason ,https://reason.com/blog/2015/10/27/new-york-times-nail-salon-unvarnished

Reporter Sarah Maslin Nir’s investigative series violated the standards of responsible journalism.
记者Sarah Maslin Nir的系列调查报道违反了负责任新闻报道的规范。

A two-part series in The New York Times on nail salons has brought sweeping changes to an industry dominated by Korean and Chinese immigrants. Written by reporter Sarah Maslin Nir, the series, which ran in print on May 10 and 11, focused on the plight of nail salon manicurists in New York City and Long Island. It depicted a community of immigrant workers paid shockingly low wages to beautify the fingers and toes of affluent New Yorkers while inhaling toxic fumes that cause miscarriages and cancer.

《纽约时报》关于美甲沙龙的前后两篇报道给这个由韩国移民和中国移民主导的产业带来了深远影响。这一系列报道由记者Sarah Maslin Nir撰写,发表于5月10日和11日,集中讲述了纽约市和长岛美甲沙龙里美甲师的窘困境况。在它所描绘的画面里,一群移民工人为了点极度微薄的工资,呼吸着能够导致流产和癌症的有毒气体,为纽约的富人们修饰手指和脚趾。

Nir, who spent 13 months on the project, said in an interview that she initially pitched the story as an “expose,” adding that the “great lesson” readers should come away with is that there’s “no such thing as a cheap luxury.” The only way “you can have something decadent for a cheap price is by someone being exploited.” (My Reason colleague, Elizabeth Nolan Brown, wrote a critique of Nir’s series shortly after it was published.)

Nir在这篇报道上耗费了13个月时间。在接受采访时她说,最初设计这个故事就是为了“曝光”。她还补充说,读者应从该报道中得到一个“重大教训”:世上并不存在“所谓的廉价奢华”。“廉价的放纵奢靡”只能用一个办法得到,那就是“某人遭到剥削”。(我在Reason的同事Elizabeth Nolan Brown在Nir的系列见报不久就写了一篇批评文章。)

The “great lesson” here is actually something different. I’ve spent the last several weeks re-reporting aspects of Nir’s story and interviewing her sources. Not only did Nir’s coverage broadly mischaracterize the nail salon industry, several of the men and women she spoke with say she misquoted or misrepresented them. In some cases, she interviewed sources without translators despite their poor English skills. When her sources’ testimonies ran counter to her narrative, she omitted them altogether.

但事实上,这里应被视为“重大教训”的,是另外一件事。过去几周,我都在重新报道Nir的故事的方方面面,并重新采访其信源。Nir的报道不仅明显扭曲了美甲沙龙产业,而且,曾与之交谈的几位男女还说她错误引用了他们的话或对他们描绘有误。有时候,尽管信源的英语水平很低,她在采访时也没有带翻译。如果信源的说法与她的故事有所抵触,她就会彻底无视这类说法。

The second article lent the Times’ imprimatur to unproven theories, while committing science journalism’s cardinal sin of highlighting alarmist anecdotes that aren’t representative of systematic research.

系列文章中的第二篇则让《时报》为未经验证的理论提供了官方认可,该文犯下了科学新闻的核心重罪:突出强调危言耸听者所提供的那些不能代表系统研究的小道消息。

If it hadn’t had real-world consequences, the series—and subsequent attempt by Nir and her editors to parry criticism—wouldn’t be worth such intense scrutiny. But the day after the first article appeared in the print edition of the Times, Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D-NY) announced a new multi-agency task force to inspect nail salons. In August, Cuomo issued an emergency order mandating that salons purchase a new form of insurance called a “wage bond” so that if owners are discovered paying their employees less than the legally required wage, the workers have recourse to collect.

两篇文章及随后Nir及其编辑为了回避批评所做出的种种努力本不值得用心细细考察,但是它们对真实世界的影响实在太大了。首篇文章在《时报》印刷版登出来的第二天,Andrew Guomo州长(民主党-纽约州)就宣布成立一个新的多部门联合特别小组,负责调查美甲沙龙。8月,Guomo签发了一条紧急命令,责令各沙龙购买一种叫做“工资保证金”的保险,一旦店主支付雇员的工资低于法定要求,工人们就有办法收账。

The rush to legislate based solely on the Times’ shoddy reporting has hurt the industry. New nail salons, “which used to open every week in New York,” have stopped appearing, according to Aiming Feng, an accountant and leading business advisor to nail shops.

这种仅仅基于《时报》劣质报道就做出的匆忙立法已经对这一行业造成伤害。据身为会计师和顶尖的美甲业商业顾问Aiming Feng所说,新的美甲沙龙已经停止开业,“此前纽约可是每周都会有新店开张”。

Salons once provided a steady source of jobs for undocumented immigrants; now many owners say they’ll hire only legal workers who’ve completed an occupational licensing program because they’re afraid of getting in trouble.

美甲沙龙曾为非法移民提供了一个稳定的工作来源。但是,许多店主说,他们以后只会雇佣完成了执业执照课程的合法工人,因为他们担心惹麻烦。

In September, two industry groups filed a discrimination lawsuit over the wage-bond mandate in New York State Supreme Court on the grounds that the state has unfairly singled out an Asian-dominated industry.

9月,有两个行业团体就工资保险令向纽约州最高法院提起歧视诉讼,理由是州政府此举单独针对由亚裔主导的行业,很不公平。

Another group has organized multiple protests, including a demonstration on October 6 in front of The New York Times Company’s offices in midtown Manhattan. “Apology Now, Fire Nir!” was printed on one sign at the protest; “Shame On You New York Times, Your Lies (more...)

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The New York Times’ Nail Salons Series Was Filled with Misquotes and Factual Errors. Here’s Why That Matters. (Part 1) 《纽约时报》美甲沙龙系列文章充满征引错误和事实错误。我们来看看这事为什么要紧。(第一弹) 作者:Jim Epstein @ 2015-10-27 译者:沈沉(你在何地-sxy) 校对:Tankman 来源:Reason ,https://reason.com/blog/2015/10/27/new-york-times-nail-salon-unvarnished Reporter Sarah Maslin Nir's investigative series violated the standards of responsible journalism. 记者Sarah Maslin Nir的系列调查报道违反了负责任新闻报道的规范。 A two-part series in The New York Times on nail salons has brought sweeping changes to an industry dominated by Korean and Chinese immigrants. Written by reporter Sarah Maslin Nir, the series, which ran in print on May 10 and 11, focused on the plight of nail salon manicurists in New York City and Long Island. It depicted a community of immigrant workers paid shockingly low wages to beautify the fingers and toes of affluent New Yorkers while inhaling toxic fumes that cause miscarriages and cancer. 《纽约时报》关于美甲沙龙的前后两篇报道给这个由韩国移民和中国移民主导的产业带来了深远影响。这一系列报道由记者Sarah Maslin Nir撰写,发表于5月10日和11日,集中讲述了纽约市和长岛美甲沙龙里美甲师的窘困境况。在它所描绘的画面里,一群移民工人为了点极度微薄的工资,呼吸着能够导致流产和癌症的有毒气体,为纽约的富人们修饰手指和脚趾。 Nir, who spent 13 months on the project, said in an interview that she initially pitched the story as an "expose," adding that the "great lesson" readers should come away with is that there's "no such thing as a cheap luxury." The only way "you can have something decadent for a cheap price is by someone being exploited." (My Reason colleague, Elizabeth Nolan Brown, wrote a critique of Nir's series shortly after it was published.) Nir在这篇报道上耗费了13个月时间。在接受采访时她说,最初设计这个故事就是为了“曝光”。她还补充说,读者应从该报道中得到一个“重大教训”:世上并不存在“所谓的廉价奢华”。“廉价的放纵奢靡”只能用一个办法得到,那就是“某人遭到剥削”。(我在Reason的同事Elizabeth Nolan Brown在Nir的系列见报不久就写了一篇批评文章。) The "great lesson" here is actually something different. I've spent the last several weeks re-reporting aspects of Nir's story and interviewing her sources. Not only did Nir's coverage broadly mischaracterize the nail salon industry, several of the men and women she spoke with say she misquoted or misrepresented them. In some cases, she interviewed sources without translators despite their poor English skills. When her sources' testimonies ran counter to her narrative, she omitted them altogether. 但事实上,这里应被视为“重大教训”的,是另外一件事。过去几周,我都在重新报道Nir的故事的方方面面,并重新采访其信源。Nir的报道不仅明显扭曲了美甲沙龙产业,而且,曾与之交谈的几位男女还说她错误引用了他们的话或对他们描绘有误。有时候,尽管信源的英语水平很低,她在采访时也没有带翻译。如果信源的说法与她的故事有所抵触,她就会彻底无视这类说法。 The second article lent the Times' imprimatur to unproven theories, while committing science journalism's cardinal sin of highlighting alarmist anecdotes that aren't representative of systematic research. 系列文章中的第二篇则让《时报》为未经验证的理论提供了官方认可,该文犯下了科学新闻的核心重罪:突出强调危言耸听者所提供的那些不能代表系统研究的小道消息。 If it hadn't had real-world consequences, the series—and subsequent attempt by Nir and her editors to parry criticism—wouldn't be worth such intense scrutiny. But the day after the first article appeared in the print edition of the Times, Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D-NY) announced a new multi-agency task force to inspect nail salons. In August, Cuomo issued an emergency order mandating that salons purchase a new form of insurance called a "wage bond" so that if owners are discovered paying their employees less than the legally required wage, the workers have recourse to collect. 两篇文章及随后Nir及其编辑为了回避批评所做出的种种努力本不值得用心细细考察,但是它们对真实世界的影响实在太大了。首篇文章在《时报》印刷版登出来的第二天,Andrew Guomo州长(民主党-纽约州)就宣布成立一个新的多部门联合特别小组,负责调查美甲沙龙。8月,Guomo签发了一条紧急命令,责令各沙龙购买一种叫做“工资保证金”的保险,一旦店主支付雇员的工资低于法定要求,工人们就有办法收账。 The rush to legislate based solely on the Times' shoddy reporting has hurt the industry. New nail salons, "which used to open every week in New York," have stopped appearing, according to Aiming Feng, an accountant and leading business advisor to nail shops. 这种仅仅基于《时报》劣质报道就做出的匆忙立法已经对这一行业造成伤害。据身为会计师和顶尖的美甲业商业顾问Aiming Feng所说,新的美甲沙龙已经停止开业,“此前纽约可是每周都会有新店开张”。 Salons once provided a steady source of jobs for undocumented immigrants; now many owners say they'll hire only legal workers who've completed an occupational licensing program because they're afraid of getting in trouble. 美甲沙龙曾为非法移民提供了一个稳定的工作来源。但是,许多店主说,他们以后只会雇佣完成了执业执照课程的合法工人,因为他们担心惹麻烦。 In September, two industry groups filed a discrimination lawsuit over the wage-bond mandate in New York State Supreme Court on the grounds that the state has unfairly singled out an Asian-dominated industry. 9月,有两个行业团体就工资保险令向纽约州最高法院提起歧视诉讼,理由是州政府此举单独针对由亚裔主导的行业,很不公平。 Another group has organized multiple protests, including a demonstration on October 6 in front of The New York Times Company's offices in midtown Manhattan. "Apology Now, Fire Nir!" was printed on one sign at the protest; "Shame On You New York Times, Your Lies Kill Our Shops," read another. Another protest is scheduled at 11a.m. today in front of the Times building. 另有一个团体则已经组织了多次抗议,包括10月6日在纽约时报公司位于曼哈顿中城的办公室外面所举行的示威。抗议活动中打出的一个标语上写着“立刻道歉、开除Nir”;另有一个标语则是“纽约时报你不知羞耻、你们的谎言害死我们的店”。按照计划,今天11点在时报大厦前面将举行另外一场抗议活动。 I'm not the first reporter to scrutinize Nir's reporting. In July, Richard Bernstein, a 24-year veteran of the Times who left the paper in 2006, published "What the Times Got Wrong About Nail Salons" in the online edition of The New York Review of Books. His knowledge of the industry comes through his wife, Zhongmei Li, who owns and manages two nail salons in Manhattan. 我并是不第一个仔细检讨Nir报道的记者。曾为《时报》工作24年并于2006年离职的老前辈Richard Bernstein已在《纽约书评》在线版上发表文章“时报在美甲沙龙问题上犯了什么错”。他对这一行业的了解来自他的妻子Zhongmei Li,Li在曼哈顿拥有并管理着两家美甲沙龙。 Bernstein charged that Nir's story focused on a small segment of the industry while ignoring the vast majority of nail salons, which pay above the minimum wage and hire only licensed manicurists. His piece specifically challenged the Times' claim that the Asian-language newspapers are "rife" with manicurist ads offering shockingly low wages. After Bernstein's story appeared, the Times' editors penned a public letter offering new evidence to support Nir's claim. Bernstein指责Nir在报道中只注意了该行业的一隅,忽视了大多数美甲沙龙,它们的薪酬高于最低工资,并且只录用拥持证美甲师。针对《时报》关于亚州语言报纸“充斥”着工资极低的美甲师招聘广告的说法,Bernstein在文章中还专门提出质疑。此文问世之后,《时报》编辑又撰写了一封公开信,提供新的证据支持Nir的说法。 As I'll explain, the Times editors mistranslated and misconstrued that new evidence, which actually validates Bernstein's argument. 下文我将解释,《时报》的编辑们对这一新证据的翻译和解释都有误,该证据实际上证实了Bernstein的论点。 Nir and her editors declined my interview requests. Instead, a Times spokesperson provided a prepared statement, asserting that the paper is "extremely proud" of the series and pointing to the high number of labor violations discovered by Cuomo's inspection task force since the series appeared. Nir及其编辑拒绝了我的采访请求。反倒是《时报》有个发言人提供了一份事先准备好的声明,坚持说该报为这两篇报道感到“非常骄傲”,并且援引了报道问世后由Cuomo的特别调查小组所发现的大量违法用工案例。 Those labor violations don't reveal what the Times claims they do. In its zeal to cite the government's ex post vindication of its own reporting, the paper further obfuscated what's really happening in the industry. 这些违法用工并不能展现《时报》认为它们所能展现的情况。通过热情征引政府在其报道之后所提供的事后证词,时报进一步模糊了这一行业中正在发生的实情。 My look at Nir's reporting and its shortcomings will appear in three installments. First, I'll revisit the Times' back-and-forth with Bernstein and explain why the paper's claim that manicurists are paid shockingly low wages is based on shoddy research and misconstrued evidence. 我对Nir报道及其缺陷的检查将分为三个部分呈现。首先,我要再次分析《时报》与Bernstein之间的交锋,并解释为什么说该报关于美甲师工资极低的断言只是基于劣质的调研和曲解的证据。 Next, I'll look at Cuomo's inspection task force, the fines and violations being handed out to salon owners, and how the governor's actions have had the unintended consequence of making it harder for undocumented immigrants to get jobs in nail salons. (That article is now online here.) 然后,我会考察Cuomo的特别调查小组、沙龙店主接到的罚款和违章,以及州长的行动如何产生了意料之外的后果,使得非法移民比之前更难在美甲沙龙找到工作。(第二弹在线阅读地址在这里。 ) The third installment will look at the Times' claim that chemicals present in nail salons are causing cancer and miscarriages, which is based on nonexistent evidence. (Click here to read part three.) 第三部分要考察的则是《时报》的一个说法:美甲沙龙中的化学物质正在导致癌症和流产。这一说法全无依据。(可通过以下链接阅读第三弹。) Job Ads "Paying So Little" They "Appear To Be a Typo" 招聘广告“工资极低”“还以为是印刷错误”。 In an early paragraph in the Times' first story in the nail salon series, we read: 在《时报》关于美甲沙龙的系列文章第一篇中,我们在前面几段中可以读到以下说法:
Asian-language newspapers are rife with classified ads listing manicurist jobs paying so little the daily wage can at first glance appear to be a typo. Ads in Chinese in both Sing Tao Daily and World Journal for NYC Nail Spa, a second-story salon on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, advertised a starting wage of $10 a day. The rate was confirmed by several workers. “亚洲语言报纸充满了列有美甲师招聘的分类广告,日薪极低,初看起来还以为是印刷错误。“NYC美甲Spa”是曼哈顿上西区一家位于二楼的沙龙,在《星岛日报》和《世界日报》上的中文广告中给出的起薪是10美元一天。好几位工人证实确为这一价格。”
Richard Bernstein, who rightly called this paragraph a "linchpin" of Nir's first article, was incredulous that anyone would advertise a day wage of $10 given that his wife must guarantee wages of about ten times that to attract qualified applicants. So he went looking through the classifieds in back issues of the Chinese-language newspaper, The World Journal, and couldn't find a single ad that mentioned wages under $70 per day. He found one ad offering to pay between $110 and $130 per day. Richard Bernstein极为正确地把这一段叫做Nir首篇文章的“要害之处”。他不相信有任何人会在广告中登出日薪10美元的工资,因为他的妻子必须保证提供大约10倍左右的工资才能吸引到合格的应聘者。所以他就去翻阅《世界日报》这份中文报纸过刊中的分类广告,结果没能找到任何一个广告所提工资低于70美元一天。其中一份广告甚至愿意支付110到130美元的日薪。 Other than the $10 ad that Nir references—which I'll return to in a moment—Nir doesn't cite any other specific ads paying wages so low they "appear to be a typo." But after Bernstein highlighted this passage in The New York Review of Books, Times editors Dean Baquet, Wendell Jamieson, and Michael Luo co-signed a letter defending Nir's reporting. Nir除了提到这一10美元广告之外(下文会再来讨论这个问题),并没有引用过任何其他工资极低以至于让人“以为是印刷错误”的特定广告。但在Bernstein在《纽约书评》上突出强调了这一段之后,《时报》的编辑Dean Baquet, Wendell Jamieson和Michael Luo一起签署了一封公开信,捍卫Nir的报道。 Their letter cites three more ads to support Nir's claim: 这封信又提到另外三份广告,以支撑Nir的说法:
One [ad] from June 19, 2014, in the World Journal, for example, showed a starting wage of $40 a day for "small job"…Another ad from July 17, 2014 in The World Journal also showed a $40 a day wage. And another one from April 17, 2014 showed a pay range of $40 to $90 a day. These examples were taken from a random sampling of days. “比如,在《世界日报》2014年6月19日的一份广告里,一份‘小工作’的起薪是40美元每天……《世界日报》2014年7月17日的另外一份广告,也开出了40美元的日薪。另外一份2014年4月17日的,则提到日薪在40美元至90美元之间。这些例子只是我们从随机选择的日子里看到的。”
The Times editors also posted high-resolution copies of the three ads to the photo-sharing site Flickr, but, somewhat suspiciously, the Chinese characters are out of focus and my translator couldn't decipher them. So I went to The World Journal's headquarters in Queens and obtained new copies of the ads, which I've posted here. 《时报》编辑还把这三份广告的高清复印件放到了图片分享网站Flicker上面,但有些可疑的是,上面的中文却没有对好焦,我的翻译都看不清。所以我去了《世界日报》位于皇后区的总部,找到了这些广告的新拷贝,将它们贴在这里。 The ads don't say what the Times editors claim they do. Two of the ads they cite actually say that a mani/pedi costs $40 at the salon, not that a worker would be paid $40. Why include such a detail in a job ad? It implies big tips. 这些广告并没有表达《时报》编辑宣称它们所表达的那层意思。他们所提到的广告中,其中有两份实际说的是在沙龙中做一次指甲/趾甲全套需花费40美元,而不是说工人工资是40美元。为什么广告中要提到这种细节?因为它意味着小费很高。 The first one translates as: "UV gel, big jobs, experienced small jobs, and cosmeticians. Flushing pickup and drop-off. Mani/Pedi $40 with commission, good percentage tips, may file taxes." 第一份广告翻译如下:“UV胶、大工、熟手小工兼美容。法拉盛接送。手脚$40,多提成。好小费。可报税。” The second one reads: "Seeking UV gel experienced big jobs, small jobs, and cosmeticians. Pickup and drop-off at Flushing, Mani/Pedi $40 or more, expensive jobs." 第二份广告说的是:“请UV大工,经验小工,兼美容。开车,法拉盛接送。手脚$40,多大脚。” 40ad Both ads were posted by Michael Ling, the owner of a nail salon in Fairfield, Connecticut. (The World Journal is a regional paper). In an interview conducted through a translator, Ling confirmed that what the ad said is correct. He included the price of a mani/pedi to entice potential employees by indicating that the store serves a wealthy, and likely generous, clientele. 登广告的是Michael Ling,他是康涅狄格州费尔菲尔德一家美甲沙龙的店主(《世界日报》是一家区域性报纸)。在有翻译在场的采访中,Ling确认广告所言没错。他将做指甲/趾甲全套的价格写进去是为了表示店里服务的都是富裕且可能很慷慨的客户,以吸引潜在雇员。 The third ad the Times editors produced in response to Bernstein offers a wage of "$40-90." I interviewed the salon owner who posted that ad, David Lee. His shop went out of business in 2014, in part, he says, because he struggled to attract enough qualified manicurists. Lee says he was offering full-time workers a base salary of $90 per day and part-time workers $40 per day. 《时报》编辑为回应Bernstein而找出的第三份广告提供的工资是“40至90美元”。我采访了刊登这一广告的沙龙店主David Lee。他的沙龙已经于2014年停业,据他所说,部分的是因为他奋力想要吸引足够的合格美甲师。Lee说他给全职员工支付的底薪是每天90美元,而兼职工则是每天40美元。 The $10 Ad 日薪10美元的广告 The only remaining evidence that the Asian-language newspapers are "rife" with ads listing "jobs paying so little the daily wage can at first glance appear to be a typo" is the $10 ad Nir specifically referenced. 亚洲语言报纸“充斥”着“日薪极低,初看起来还以为是印刷错误”的广告,这种说法现在只剩下唯一的证据了,那就是Nir特别提到的日薪10美元的广告。 "[I]t’s not clear whether the reporter saw the ad at all," Richard Bernstein wrote in the New York Review of Books. “完全不知道记者有没有看到这份广告。”Richard Bernstein在《纽约书评》上如是说。 It turns out Nir did see the ad, but once again it doesn't say what the Times claimed it does. The day Bernstein's article appeared, Nir posted an image of the ad to Twitter: 结果是,Nir确实看过这份广告,但这里也一样,这份广告并没有表达《时报》宣称它所表达的意思。Bernstein的文章出来的当天,Nir就在Twitter上贴出了这份广告的图像: CKy_g1TUMAALDjACKzcWrzUMAEBFhr
The ad that "doesn't exist" according to @R_Bernstein & @nybooks who calls me a liar & didn't bother to interview me — Sarah Nir (@SarahMaslinNir) July 25, 2015 @R_Bernstein和@nybooks 宣称这份广告“并不存在”,说我是骗子,却不愿意费心采访一下我 —— Sarah Nir (@SaraMaslinNir)2015年7月25日
That ad (Nir later tweeted a magnified version) actually offers to pay manicurists $75 per day in base pay; under that, it notes that "apprentices," or "trainees," can earn $10 per day. What does it mean to be a "trainee?" Was Nir wrong to leave that detail out? 这份广告(Nir后来曾在Twitter上贴出其放大版)实际上给美甲师开出的底薪是每天75美元;后面则提到“学徒”或“实习工”每天可以赚到10美元。“实习工”是什么意思?Nir对这一细节的忽略有错吗? "Lest there be confusion...these are not the equivalent of unpaid summer interns at a magazine," wrote the Times editors in their defense of Nir's reporting. "Interviews by Ms. Nir and her team with employees of the salon confirmed that these were essentially beginning workers, doing the same jobs as others in the salon," they wrote. “不要误解……他们跟没有薪酬的杂志暑期实习生并不一样”,《时报》编辑在他们为Nir报道的辩护中如此写道。他们还说,“Nir小姐及其团队经与沙龙雇员交谈证实,实习工本质上就是新手,在沙龙里做的事与其他人没有什么不同。” But the salon owner who posted the ad disputes the Times’ characterization—as does one former apprentice who answered that $10 ad back in 2014. 但是,刊登这一广告的沙龙店主可不同意《时报》的描述。同样,一位在2014年曾答复过这份日薪10美元广告的前学徒工也不同意。 "We would never let them touch customers," said Yun Jun Long, the former owner of NYC Nail Spa, in an interview conducted through a translator. "If the customer is spending money, you can't stick them with an inexperienced worker." (Long's salon went out of business a month after the Times' story appeared, which he attributes to the negative publicity. He's now helping to organize the recent protests.) “我们绝不会让他们接触顾客”,“NYC美甲Spa”的前店主Yun Jun Long在有翻译在场的一次采访中如是说。“如果顾客花了钱,你不能让一个没有经验的员工去应付他们。”Long的沙龙在《时报》报道出来一个月之后停业了,他认为原因就是负面名声。他现在正帮忙组织近期的抗议活动。 The $10, he says, was meant to cover subway fare and lunch, and those who signed on could come and go as they pleased. During slow periods they could practice on other employees or receive lessons from Long's wife and mother-in-law—partners in the business who also worked in the store. 他还说,广告里提到的10美元只是为了提供地铁票和午餐,并且受雇的人来去自如。如果店里不忙,他们就可以在其他员工身上做练习,或者跟着Long的妻子和岳母(都是Long的生意合伙人,同时也在店里工作)学习。 At my request, Long put me in touch with Jay, a 28-year old undocumented immigrant and former trainee at NYC Nail Spa who asked that I not include his full name. Through a translator, Jay confirmed that he never worked on a customer for the two weeks when he was making just $10 per day. 应我的请求,Long帮我联系上了Jay。Jay是个28岁的无证移民,曾在“NYC美甲Spa”当过实习工。他要求我不提及其全名。通过翻译,Jay向我证实,在每天只赚取10美元的两个星期中,他从没有给任何顾客做过美甲。 Nir has said on Twitter that she visited NYC Nail Spa six times. (Long recalls seeing her come into the store just once.) Even if that's true, it wouldn't be surprising if she misreported what was actually going on in the shop; at several points in her coverage, Nir muddled what apprenticeship programs of this sort are all about. Nir在Twitter上曾说,她到“NYC美甲Spa”访问过6次(而Long记得她只到过店里1次)。即便这是真的,她对店里的真实情况的报道会出错,也并不令人生奇;在报道中的数个地方,她都没有搞清这种学徒计划到底是什么意思。 The main character in the first installment of the series was a 20-year-old Chinese immigrant named Jing Ren, who also went through an apprenticeship program. Without any prior experience doing nails, she got a job working unpaid for her first three months. Ren was also initially asked to pay $100 to the owner of her salon for teaching her basic skills. 在这个系列报道的第一部分中,主要人物是一个20岁的中国移民,名叫任静。任静也参加过学徒计划。在此前没有任何美甲经验的情况下,她找到了一份工作,头三个月没有工资。一开始,她还被要求向她所在沙龙的店主支付100美元,因为后者要教她基本技能。 Times readers may find this practice reprehensible, but Nir left out background details that might lessen their outrage. These apprentice programs are an alternative to going through one of the New York State-certified nail training programs, where tuition is about $1,000 and students must complete 250 hours of formal training before getting licensed. 《时报》的读者可能觉得这种做法应该谴责。但是Nir在此略去了一些背景细节,而这些细节有可能能够缓解读者的愤慨。如果不参加这种学徒计划,你就得全程参加由纽约州批准的美甲培训计划之一,费用大约1000美元,而学员必须在完成250小时的正式培训之后,才能得到执照。 It was technically illegal to work as a manicurist without completing one of these training programs when Nir was doing her reporting. (In July, two months after the Times series appeared, the state passed a bill creating a legal pathway to learn on the job, which I'll discuss in the next installment in this series.) 在Nir进行报道的时候,如果没有完成任何一个此类培训计划就去做美甲师,严格来说是非法的。(7月份,也就是《时报》的系列报道面世两个月之后,纽约州通过了一项法律,为边做边学提供了合法通道。关于这一点,我将在第二弹中加以讨论。) This type of arrangement is by no means an industry norm, but some salon owners flouted the law because they had more customers than employees; generally, the demand for skilled labor outpaces the number of licensed manicurists the beauty schools can mint. They got away with it because enforcement was lax. 这种办法绝非行业通例,一些沙龙店主对这一法律并不以为然,因为他们的顾客比雇员要多。一般来说,对熟练劳工的需求会超过美容学校能够生产生的持证美甲师的数量。店主们之所以能够铤而走险,是因为执法并不严格。 Like Jay, Jing Ren had the option of spending about a month and a half studying at a state-certified school and paying $1,000 to learn her craft. Instead, she opted to pay $100 and work for no pay for three months. It’s not clear that Nir ever asked Ren why she made that choice. 任静跟Jay一样,本可以选择去一个由州政府批准的学校学习这门技术,所费时间大约是一个半月,而价格则是1000美元。不过,她选择的是花费100美元,不领工资上班3个月。我们不清楚Nir是否追问她做出这种选择的理由。 Jay, who was in debt when he started as a trainee at NYC Nail Spa, couldn't afford beauty school. The apprenticeship program worked out for him: Now he's employed as a manicurist at a salon in New Jersey, where his daily base pay is $90, not including tips. Jay刚开始在“NYC美甲Spa”做实习工时已经负债累累,无法支付美容学校的费用。学徒计划对他很有帮助。他如今在新泽西的一家美甲店里被聘为美甲师,每天的底薪是90美元,此外还有小费。 The apprenticeship program also worked out for Jing Ren, who by the end of the Times story was making $65 a day in base compensation. 学徒计划对任静也很有帮助,在《时报》报道的结尾,她的底薪已经是每天65美元了。 Are Apprenticeship Programs Prevalent in the Nail Industry? 美甲行业中学徒制很流行吗? Nir declares that "[Jing Ren's] deal was the same as it is for beginning manicurists in almost any salon in the New York area." (Italics mine.) Nir宣称,“在纽约地区几乎所有沙龙中,刚刚入行的美甲师都需要经历类似任静的这种交易。”(斜体为本文所加。) Yet she provides no proof for this statement, and all the available evidence indicates that Ren's deal was unusual. There are 30,610 licensed manicurists in New York State, all of whom would have had no need for an apprenticeship program. According to the Korean-American Nail Salon Association, there are more than 7,000 shops. 但她没有为这一断言提供任何证据,而所有可以找到的证据都表明,任静所做的交易并不寻常。纽约州有30610位持证美甲师,他们就无需学徒计划。根据“韩裔美国人美甲沙龙协会”的信息,美甲店超过7000家。 Nir supports this claim with anecdotal examples, including a disputed paragraph about a shop called May's Nail Salon, located on 14th Street: Nir为这一说法提供的支撑都是些道听途说的个例,其中有一段涉及位于十四街一家叫做“小梅美甲沙龙”的,就很有争议:
Step into the prim confines of almost any salon and workers paid astonishingly low wages can be readily found. At May's…new employees must pay $100, then work unpaid for several weeks, before they are started at $30 or $40 a day, according to a worker. A man who identified himself as the owner, but would give his name only as Greg, said the salon did not charge employees for their jobs, but would not say how much they are paid. 走进几乎任何一家沙龙的整洁隔间,很容易就能找到工资低得惊人的员工。在小梅美甲店,一个员工说,新员工要先交100美元,接下来需要免费工作几周,然后才开始日薪30-40美元的工作。一个自称店主的男人只愿意透露自己叫Greg,他说他们不要求员工交钱换工作,但拒绝透露员工工资。
The owner of May's Nail Salon is actually a woman named Bao Mei Fitzgibbons, who goes by "Mei." Greg, who Nir mistook as the owner, is an employee at the shop. Nir could easily have found Fitzgibbons' name by searching New York State's online corporation and business entity database. 小梅美甲店的店主实际上是个女的,叫做Bao Mei Fitzgibbons,大家管她叫“梅”。而被Nir误认为店主的Greg则是店里的一个雇员。如果Nir搜索一下纽约州的“公司与企业单位在线数据库”,她就能轻松找到Fitzgibbons的名字。 Fitzgibbons says she was never interviewed by Nir, and scoffed when I asked if she charges new employees $100. "Think about it," Fitzgibbons says, "you work for me and I charge you $100?" The framed licenses of Fitzgibbons' employees are prominently displayed on the wall of her shop, indicating that they went through the official, state-authorized training program. Fitzgibbons说Nir从来没有采访过她,当我问她是不是向新员工收取100美元时,她连连冷笑。“你想想嘛”,她说:“你为我工作,然后我收你100美元?”Fitzgibbons把雇员们的执照装裱好,显眼地挂在门店的墙上,以表明他们都完整接受过正式的、经州政府认可的培训计划。 Fitzgibbons says she observed Nir come into her store and engage one of her manicurists in conversation without a translator. According to Fitzgibbons, the woman, who barely speaks English, later said that she was misquoted in the Times. The manicurist says she told Nir—again according to Fitzgibbons—that there are salons out there that charge trainees $100; she didn't say that May's is one of them. Fitzgibbons说她注意到Nir进了她的店子,并与她的美甲师之一进行了交谈,当时没有翻译。Fitzgibbons还说,被采访的女性基本不会说英语,后来还表示《时报》错误引用了她的话。这位美甲师说(这里还是根据Fitzgibbons的说法),她告诉Nir的是,有些沙龙会向实习工收取100美元,她没说梅的店也是如此。 (On my behalf, Fitzgibbons reached out to the manicurist interviewed by Nir, who no longer works at the store. Fitzgibbons says the woman declined my interview request on the grounds that "she doesn't want publicity.") (Nir采访过的这位美甲师现已不再在Fitzgibbons的店里工作。应我的请求,Fitzgibbons联系了她。Fitzgibbons说她拒绝了我的采访请求,原因是“她不想曝光”。) In another case, Nir spent time reporting at a salon that hires only licensed manicurists trained at a beauty school but left it out of her coverage. 另外,Nir还曾花费时间在一家只雇佣受过美容学校培训的持证美甲师的沙龙里采访,但在文章中却没有提及。 ThinkPink is a small chain of nail salons in Manhattan run by Eun Hye Lee (she goes by "Grace"), who says she was interviewed by Nir. Lee, who is careful to maintain her books to the letter of the law, granted my request to inspect her payroll records. They showed that one experienced manicurist at ThinkPink's West Village branch had earned $680 in base pay, plus $216 in overtime, totaling $896 for a 48.5 hour week. A beginning manicurist in the same shop earned $493 for a 39-hour workweek, or $12.64 per hour. ThinkPink是曼哈顿一家小型美甲连锁店,经营者叫做Eun Hye Lee(人们叫她Grace)。她表示曾接受过Nir的采访。Lee恪守法律条文的规定,很仔细地记有账本,并惠允我查阅她的薪酬发放记录。记录表明,一个在ThinkPink西村分店工作的熟练美甲师,某星期工作48.5小时,赚到底薪680美元,另外还有216美元加班费,共896美元。在同一门店,某位刚入行的美甲师某周工作39小时,赚得493美元,每小时合12.64美元。 Lee says Nir first interviewed her at ThinkPink in 2014. Several months later, she returned unannounced and asked for a pedicure. She struck up a conversation with her manicurist, a Chinese immigrant named Xiao Su, who goes by Zoey. Lee说Nir第一次采访她是在2014年,在ThinkPink店里。几个月后,Nir没打招呼就来到店里,请人给她修脚。之后她就和美甲师谈了起来,她的美甲师是位来自中国的移民,叫做小苏,大家都叫她Zoey。 Lee put me in touch with Su, who no longer works at ThinkPink. She said in a phone interview that she told Nir that the pay at ThinkPink was "very good" and that Lee was a good boss who's always "very nice." She declined to tell Nir her salary, deeming it a rude question. Su, who emigrated from China in 1997, is a licensed technician who attended manicurists' school. Lee帮我联系上了小苏,她如今已不在ThinkPink工作。她在电话采访中说,她告诉过Nir,ThinkPink的薪酬“很可观”,而且Lee是个好老板,总是“特别友善”。她拒绝向Nir告知自己的薪水,认为这种追问是失礼。小苏1997年从中国移民到美,上过美甲师学校,是位持证技师。 Neither ThinkPink, nor Nir's interview with Lee, were mentioned in the Times' coverage. 关于ThinkPink以及Nir对Lee的采访,《时报》的报道均没有提及。 More Evidence of Low Wages? 更多低薪证据? To gauge the average pay for manicurists, Nir might have turned first to the federal government's Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The agency reported that in 2014, manicurists in New York's metropolitan area earned an average hourly wage of $9.19 per hour. It also reports an annual mean wage of $19,110. 要估计美甲师的平均薪酬,Nir本该首先求助联邦劳工统计局(BLS)。根据该局2014年报告,纽约大都市区范围内的美甲师赚取的平均时薪是9.19美元。报告里还提到,他们的平均年薪为19110美元。 BLS data, which is routinely cited in the Times, is subject to error and certainly overly precise. But in this case, these figures are the best information available. And the numbers indicate that the average manicurist earns above the minimum wage. BLS的数据经常被《时报》引用,当然包含有错漏之处,有时则显得过分精确。但就当前争论而言,这些数据是我们可以拿到的最可靠信息。数据表明,美甲师的工资平均而言高于最低工资。 Instead of citing the BLS' numbers, however, Nir relied on her own survey that included "more than 100 workers." In fact, other than the classified ads, this is her main piece of evidence that the "vast majority" of salon workers earn less than the minimum wage. 但是,Nir却没有引用BLS的数据,而是依靠自己针对“超过100位工人”的调查。事实上,“绝大部分”美甲店员工工资低于最低工资这一说法的主要证据,除了分类广告之外,就是她的这一调查了。 Nir collected the data on the streets of Queens early in the morning, where salon owners (mostly from Long Island) often pick up manicurists in vans and drive them to work, and in chats that she struck up with manicurists (many of whom aren't native English speakers) while having her nails done. Nir是在清晨的皇后区大街上收集到这些数据的,那正是沙龙店主(主要来自长岛)用面包车来接美甲师并把他们送到工作地点的时候,也有一些是在做指甲时通过和她的美甲师(其中大多数人母语非英语)交谈获得的。 In an interview with the Times about her series after it appeared, Nir says she kept "detailed spreadsheets" with this information. I asked for a copy of these spreadsheets. She declined my request. 在系列文章面世之后接受《时报》采访时,Nir说她保存有这些信息的“详细表格”。我曾问她索要一份,遭到了她的拒绝。 Gathering data of this sort is inherently difficult, even for professionals. Pollsters at organizations like Gallup, Pew, and BLS strive to reach population samples that mirror the broader communities they're studying. They carefully frame questions in an unbiased manner, and only impartial interviewers do the asking. Under the best of circumstances, figures derived with these methods are imprecise and reporters generally cite them along with a margin of error. 即便对于专家,此类数据收集工作也有着内在的困难。在盖洛普、皮尤和BLS等组织工作的民意测验专家都要辛苦奔忙,以使自己的人口样本能够反映他们所研究的更大群体。他们以一种无偏的方式小心设计问题,而且只找不带偏见的访谈者来提问。在最好的情况下,以这种方法得到的数据都并不精确,记者在引用它们的时候通常也会附带些许错误。 Economists are skeptical of the wage survey data collected by the BLS because it's based on trust and memory. (How many hours did you work last week?) The gold standard in wage data—reported by the Bureau of Economic Analysis—is derived from documentation that companies are required to provide the government related to unemployment insurance. 经济学家并不太相信BLS收集的工资调查数据,因为这项调查基于信任和记忆。(比如,请问你上周工作了多长时间?)工资数据的优质标准是联邦经济分析局的报告,它来自于各公司按要求提供的与失业保险有关的文件。 The Times might have hired a polling firm to improve on the BLS' finding. Instead, it relied on Nir's survey, which was drawn from a non-representative sample and carried out by a reporter who won't share her methodology, question phrasing, or tabulated results. There’s simply no reason to believe that Nir’s data presents an accurate, representative picture of nail industry wages. 《时报》本来可以请一家调查公司来改进BLS的发现。不过,它选择依靠Nir的调查,而该调查的抽样并不具备代表性,而负责实施的记者又不愿意公开其方法、提问措辞或调查结果表格。我们没法相信Nir的数据呈现出了美甲行业工资的准确且有代表性的图景。 Also, Nir’s report doesn’t discuss gratuities. In fact, nowhere does the Times coverage attempt to gauge average daily tips in the industry or what workers actually take home in total compensation. 另外,Nir的报告还没有提及小费。事实上,《时报》的报道没有一处地方试图估计一下美甲行业的日均小费是多少,或者员工们拿到手的总报酬是多少。 This is like writing a 7,000-word piece on what waiters make for a living but focusing only on base compensation. "There should have been several paragraphs on the subject," says Aiming Feng, the accountant and business consultant who counts about 50 nail salons as clients. (Feng also volunteers once a week at once a week at the Lin Sing Association, a social service organization in Manhattan's Chinatown, where he helps manicurists with legal and tax issues.) 这就像是写篇7000字的文章描述餐厅服务员们以何为生,却只关注他们的底薪。“应该花几个段落讨论下这个问题”,Aiming Feng说,他是一位会计兼商业顾问,大概有50家美甲沙龙是他的客户。(Feng也是曼哈顿唐人街一家叫做“Lin Sing协会”的社会服务组织的志愿者,他每周服务一次,帮助美甲师们解决法律和税务问题。) Feng says that during "sandal season" at many shops tips equal or exceed base compensation. Feng说,一到“凉鞋季”,许多店里的小费能够追平甚至超过底薪。 Another "Damning" Piece of Evidence? 另一条“确凿” 罪证? Nir offers more proof that the "vast majority" of manicurists earn less than the minimum wage: a two-sentence summary quote derived from an interview with Sangho Lee, the president of the Korean-American Nail Salon Association. 关于“绝大多数”美甲师工资低于最低工资,Nir有更多证据:一条两句话的总结,引用来自她对Sangho Lee的采访。Lee是“韩裔美国人美甲沙龙协会”的主席。 Nir writes: Nir写道:
[Lee] declined a request to address issues of underpayment. So many owners do not pay minimum wage, he said, that he believed answering any questions would hurt the industry. “Lee拒绝回应我关于报酬过低问题的提问。他说,许多店主支付不到最低工资,所以他觉得回答此类问题会伤害到整个行业。”
In their letter defending Nir's reporting, the Times editors highlighted Lee's testimony as among "the most damning findings." 在为Nir的报道辩护的公开信中,《时报》的编辑们强调,Lee的证词是“罪证确凿的发现”之一。 These two sentences came from the roughly two-and-a-half hours Nir spent interviewing Lee on two occasions. First, she met with him in person at the Association's office in Flushing, Queens with a Korean translator named Jiha Ham present. She later did a follow-up interview over the phone without a translator. According to Lee, Nir's paraphrase of his statement comes from the second interview. 这两句话来自于Nir对Lee的采访,两次采访总长大概有两个半小时。第一次,她亲自去皇后区法拉盛该协会的办公室拜访Lee,当时有一位韩国翻译Jiha Ham在场。后来,她又在电话里做了一次跟踪访谈,这次没带翻译。根据Lee的说法,Nir转述的他的言论发生于第二次访谈。 Lee says that he was misquoted. "I told her that like any industry, there are nail salons that pay less and have worse conditions," he said. "Then I told her that even though 80 to 90 percent of the industry pays much more than the minimum wage, it would inappropriate for me to say anything negative about the industry as the president of the leading industry association." Lee说他遭到了错误引用。“我告诉她的是,跟许多行业一样,也有些美甲沙龙存在薪酬较低、条件恶劣的情况”,他说,“然而,我还告诉她,尽管行业中有80%到90%的薪酬水平远高于最低工资,让我发表关于这一行业的负面看法也是不恰当的,因为我是一个十分重要的行业协会的主席。” Is Lee telling the truth that Nir distorted his comments? Since there were no third-party witnesses to the conversation, there's no way to know. But it's hard to believe that Lee would disparage the nail salon industry. Lee有关Nir曲解了他的言论的说法是否真实?由于谈话时并没有第三方见证人在场,我们不得而知。但我们很难相信Lee会诋毁整个美甲行业。 Founded 28 years ago, the Korean-American Nail Salon Association's mission is to promote best practices in the industry. It has 1,200 dues-paying member stores. A thick glossy magazine published annually by the Association includes letters from elected officials lauding nail salons for their contribution to the local economy. The group also awards an annual $1,000 scholarship to six college students whose parents work as manicurists in its members' shops. 成立于28年之前的韩裔美国人美甲沙龙协会致力于在整个行业中推广最好的做法。它拥有1200家缴纳会费的成员店。协会每年出版一份厚厚的有光纸杂志,上面还刊登有经选举上任的官员因美甲沙龙对地方经济作出贡献而撰写的表扬信。该团体每年还给父母为成员门店美甲师的6位大学生提供各1000美元的奖学金。 So why would the president of an industry organization undo decades of hard public relations work by making a "damning" statement to a Times reporter? Maybe Nir misconstrued his remarks: Lee barely speaks English, and yet Nir interviewed him over the phone without a translator on the line. 因此,为什么一位行业组织主席会破坏几十年来的公共关系辛苦成果,向《时报》记者提供这种“罪证确凿”的陈述呢?也许Nir误会了他的说法。Lee的英语非常不好,而Nir却不请翻译就通过电话采访了他。 How the Times Responded to a Salon Owner's Attempt to Correct the Record 当沙龙店主试图更正记载时,《时报》是如何回应的呢 Nir writes that at Iris Nails on Manhattan's Upper East Side "longtime workers described starting out at wages of $30 and $40 a day." Nir写道,在位于曼哈顿上东区的“艾丽斯美甲”店,“长期工人说他们的起步工资是每天30或40美元。” It's hard to believe that even beginning manicurists at Iris Nails would earn such meager pay. Located in one of New York City's wealthiest neighborhoods, Iris is the type of shop manicurists aspire to work at for the generous tips. 即便是艾丽斯美甲店里的美甲师新手拿到这么低的工资,那也很难令人置信。艾丽斯开在纽约市最富有的街区之一,是所有美甲师都渴望去工作的地方,因为小费很慷慨。 When reporting the story, Nir left a message for Iris Nails' owner, a Korean immigrant named Alex Park. He says he didn't return her message because he didn't understand the nature of the request. 在报道这一故事的时候,Nir给艾丽斯美甲的店主留了一则消息。这位名叫Alex Park的韩国移民说,他并没有回复,因为他没搞明白Nir的请求是什么意思。 When Park attempted to defend his reputation after the article appeared, the Times thwarted his efforts. The whole episode highlights the power imbalance between the Times and an immigrant community lacking in media savvy. 文章出来以后,Park试图捍卫自己的名声,而《时报》挫败了这一企图。整个剧情凸显了《时报》与缺乏媒体经验的移民群体之间的权力不平衡。 Park emphatically denies that his workers earn so little in base pay. He estimates that his lowest-level employees earn about $180 a day, including tips, and his most experienced employees can earn as much as $400 per day including tips and commission. (Park declined to allow me to examine his wage statements.) Park断然否认他的员工所赚取的底薪如此之低。据他估计,最底层的雇员每天大约能挣到180美元,其中包含小费,而最熟练的雇员最多时每天能挣到400美元,其中包括小费和提成。(Park拒绝让我查看他的工资详单。) After the article appeared, Park hired attorney Daniel Kim to contact the Times and demand a correction. Kim had a back and forth with the company's assistant general counsel, David McCraw. (Through a spokesperson, McGraw declined my request for an interview.) The paper refused to alter the online version of the article, and it didn't investigate the truthfulness of Park's claim. Instead, Kim says, McCraw agreed that the Times would print a letter to the editor written by Park. 文章见报后,Park就聘请律师Daniel Kim联系纽约时报,要求进行更正。Kim和时报公司的助理法律总顾问David McCraw来来回回接触了多次。(McCraw通过发言人拒绝了我的采访请求)。时报拒绝更改文章的在线版本,也没有调查Park说法的真实性。作为替代,Kim说,McCraw同意在《时报》上刊登Park写给编辑的一封信。 Kim shared with me the letter Park submitted to Sue Mermelstein, an editor in the paper's letters department: Kim向我展示了Park写给时报读者来信部编辑Sue Mermelstein的信件:
To the Editor: 致编辑: Your recent article "The High Price of Pretty Nails" will damage my business, Iris Nails. It seems that you needed a nail salon in a well-heeled neighborhood and targeted my business. 你们最近刊发的“漂亮指尖的高昂代价”一文将会伤害我的企业,即艾丽斯美甲。你们似乎就是想找到这么一家位于富裕街区的美甲沙龙,然后瞄准了我的企业。 I am preparing to retire after having worked for more than 22 years without any incident. Many of the employees in this type of services business have learned, earned and moved on to open their own shops. I have always treated all of my employees fairly and never took advantage of them. 我工作22年了,从未发生任何事故,现在正准备退休。在这类服务性企业工作过的许多雇员都已经学到东西、赚到钱并且更进一步经营起他们自己的门店。在对待自己的员工方面,我从来都很公平,从未占过他们便宜。 There is no employee who receives $30 to $40 a day on a full-time basis. There is no employee who receives below the minimum wages required by the State of New York. In fact, most of our employees make double of minimum wages including tips. 根本就没有全职员工每天只能获得30到40美元的事。也没有任何员工拿到的工资低于纽约州规定的最低工资水平。事实上,把小费包含在内,我的大多数员工能赚到最低工资的两倍。 Korean-American business owners in New York are very hard-working people. We have dedicated our lives to whichever field afforded us an opportunity to prosper and live out the American dream. I write this letter with great sorrow and anger. 生活于纽约的韩裔美国人店主都很吃苦耐劳。只要某个领域能够给我们提供机会,让我们走向成功并实现美国梦,我们都会全身心地投入进去。写这封信的时候,我心中充满悲伤和愤怒。
The Times did print a version of the letter on May 17—but with notable changes. 《时报》5月17日确实刊登了此信件的一个版本,但改动颇大。 First, it cut out Park's assertion that the paper had erred in its reporting. These three sentences were dropped: 首先,它删除了Park认为该报之前报道出错的观点。删去的是以下三句话:
There is no employee who receives $30 to $40 a day on a full-time basis. There is no employee who receives below the minimum wages required by the State of New York. In fact, most of our employees make double of minimum wages including tips. 根本就没有全职员工每天只能获得30到40美元的事。也没有任何员工拿到的工资低于纽约州规定的最低工资水平。事实上,把小费包含在内,我的大多数员工能赚到最低工资的两倍。
In their place, the Times added a new sentence that reads, "I am committed to abiding by the law in paying my employees." In other words, the rewrite makes it sound as if Park was conceding that the Times' reporting on his store was not only correct, but that it inspired him to reform his illegal practices. 在这个地方,《时报》插入了一个新句子,内容是:“在支付员工工资方面,我决心遵从法律规定。”换句话说,这一改写让Park听起来像是在承认《时报》关于他的美甲店的报道很正确,不仅如此,他似乎还受此激励,准备改变之前的非法做法。 Times editor Sue Mermelstein said in a phone interview that there was an extensive back-and-forth with attorney McGraw over the wording of the letter. "We don't have the resources to go out and check the facts," she says, "and we didn't want to let him make a statement that we felt was inaccurate." 《时报》编辑Sue Mermelstein在接受电话采访时说,在该信件的措辞方面,曾与律师McGraw进行过大量的意见交换。“我们没有办法去检验事实”,她说,“而且我们也不想让他发表一个我们觉得并不准确的声明。” So they decided to cut out Park's contention that the coverage was inaccurate and replaced it with a line that McGraw "felt comfortable with because it's not a factual statement." 所以他们决定删除Park关于报道不真实的观点,并用McGraw“觉得舒坦”的一句话取而代之,因为“这句话不是在陈述事实。” The Times ran the new wording by Kim and Park, and they signed off on it. Attorney Kim doesn't recall the specific details, but says his client decided not to pursue the matter any further because he's "afraid of The New York Times." 《时报》把新的措辞发回Kim和Park征求意见,他们在上面签字了。律师Kim不再记得具体细节,但是他说,他的客户决定不再继续追究这一事件,因为他“害怕《纽约时报》”。 Did the Times Get the Story Right Anyway? 《时报》的故事究竟是对是错? Nir's claim that manicurists earn shockingly low wages was based on mistranslated and misconstrued classified ads, anecdotes and interviews contested by her sources, and an anecdotal survey that she used in place of official data published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Nir关于美甲师工资极低的说法,依据只有翻译错误和理解错误的分类广告、道听途说和遭到其信源反驳的采访,另外还有她弃劳工统计局官方数据不用而进行的一次业余调查。 Yet did she still get the story right? In response to Nir's critics, the Times has pointed to the high number of minimum wage violations reported by the state Department of Labor since the article appeared. 但是,她的故事仍然还是对的吗?在回应对Nir的批评时,《时报》又指出该文发表以后由州劳工部提供的违反最低工资法的超高案例数。 In the next piece in this series, I'll scrutinize those violations and explain why, in fact, they don't show what the Times claims. (That article is now online here.) 在本系列的下一篇中,我将仔细考察这些违法案例,并解释为什么它们事实上并没能证明《时报》的说法。(此文已经上线。) (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

边疆消失

【2016-05-18】

1)美国向来是个平民社会,阶层分化度低,中产比例高,

2)长久以来,这也是其文化与政治特性的基础,这一点在战后繁荣期尤为显著,

3)但并没有什么原理确保他永远会这样,这更可能只是一种阶段性特征,而原因在于:
A)移民不断涌入使其人口结构非常新,
B)移民筛选机制,
C)边疆直到一百多年前才消失,

4)一旦边疆消失,人口结构稳定下来,在常规的社会选择/分化机制持续作用下,古老社会中所常见的那种阶层结构便会重新浮现,

5)所以Charles Murray(比如在(more...)

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【2016-05-18】 1)美国向来是个平民社会,阶层分化度低,中产比例高, 2)长久以来,这也是其文化与政治特性的基础,这一点在战后繁荣期尤为显著, 3)但并没有什么原理确保他永远会这样,这更可能只是一种阶段性特征,而原因在于: A)移民不断涌入使其人口结构非常新, B)移民筛选机制, C)边疆直到一百多年前才消失, 4)一旦边疆消失,人口结构稳定下来,在常规的社会选择/分化机制持续作用下,古老社会中所常见的那种阶层结构便会重新浮现, 5)所以[[Charles Murray]](比如在[[Coming Apart]]里)所担忧的那种情况,其实在长期注定会是常态, 6)问题是,美国政治立基于平民化的时间或许太久了,当它消失时,前景难料,  
自动时代的福利国家

昨天和小聂吃饭,聊起自动驾驶、机器人、失业和福利制度这一连串问题,早先我在《机器会将人挤出劳动市场吗?》一文中曾谈论过这事情,后来在微博上也有过讨论,自那以来的几次交谈,让我又有了些新想法,整理一下。

(我觉得这事情还是用对话体更容易表达清楚)

M:就像你在那篇文章里说的,随着机器智能与生产率提高、成本下降,到某个点之后,人类(或者可以更安全的说,大部分人类)的劳动在经济体系中将变得没有雇佣价值,那时候失业率岂不是会很高?

W:嗯,好像是这样。

M:这些失业者没有了收入,但手里仍然握着选票,所以到时候福利制度的大幅扩张就是不可避免的,对吧?

W:那倒不一定,失业者没有了工资收入,但可以有其他收入,只要他还拥有一些在当前经济体中租得出去的要素便可,或者更简单的说,只要他持有一份(比如)谷歌的股票便可。

M:可(more...)

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6805
昨天和小聂吃饭,聊起自动驾驶、机器人、失业和福利制度这一连串问题,早先我在《机器会将人挤出劳动市场吗?》一文中曾谈论过这事情,后来在微博上也有过讨论,自那以来的几次交谈,让我又有了些新想法,整理一下。 (我觉得这事情还是用对话体更容易表达清楚) M:就像你在那篇文章里说的,随着机器智能与生产率提高、成本下降,到某个点之后,人类(或者可以更安全的说,大部分人类)的劳动在经济体系中将变得没有雇佣价值,那时候失业率岂不是会很高? W:嗯,好像是这样。 M:这些失业者没有了收入,但手里仍然握着选票,所以到时候福利制度的大幅扩张就是不可避免的,对吧? W:那倒不一定,失业者没有了工资收入,但可以有其他收入,只要他还拥有一些在当前经济体中租得出去的要素便可,或者更简单的说,只要他持有一份(比如)谷歌的股票便可。 M:可是我们没有理由认为,多数失业者恰好都持有足以维生的股权或其他资产,要点在于,劳动力要素是每个人生出来就自动拥有的,但其他资产则有很大偶然性,重要的是没有什么机制确保每个人自动带着它。 W:嗯,有道理,不过其实劳动力资本也不是人人自动带着的,比如很多类型的残疾人可能生来就不自动带着在市场上租得出去的人力资本,所以你的问题其实是:未来社会能够应付(比如)80%的残疾人比例吗?对此,历史经验确实无法告诉我们什么。 M:所以并不能排除这样的可能:半数以上的人失业且无产,因而大规模福利制度不可避免,对吧? W:但我们还可以考虑另一种可能性。假设80%的人失业了,但这些失业者还拥有一些土地(先别管这土地是怎么来的),这些土地和他们的劳动力一样,在当时的经济体系中已经没有出租价值,那么,这些人能否在这块土地上重新建立起一个自己的经济体系(姑且称为系统B)呢? 退一万步讲,即便他们采用18世纪的技术和生产模式,似乎也没有理由认为他们不能维持一个自足的经济体,尽管因为效率太低,系统B的产品在那个主流经济体(姑且称为系统A)中完全没有销路,但只要系统A的人不把阳光遮起来,系统B便可以存在,就像18世纪的世界(或者14世纪的美洲经济体)可以存在一样。 M:嗯,而且留在系统A里的人总会有一些慈善家,只要他们向系统B捐赠一些现代玩意,系统B的日子就会比18世纪的好得多。 问题是,为什么他们恰好有这块土地呢? W:或许系统A的人会大发善心,向系统B捐赠一块土地,让他们自己玩去,毕竟,这么做的代价要比一套巨型福利制度低多了,而且,现在不是也有自然保护区吗,他们难道不想保留几个文化公园? M:要是他们不发善心呢?这不仍是诉诸偶然性吗?和假设他们恰好拥有其他值钱要素有何不同? W:但是考虑到国家边界的存在,就没那么偶然了。当系统A的自动化程度不断加深,逐渐排除人类劳动力时,被排除者并非均匀分布于各国,考虑到人力禀赋、资源禀赋和制度条件的巨大差异,总会有一些国家被完全排除出系统A,于是它们便组成了系统B。 M:所以世界经济体在未来将发生两极分化,最终变成两个孤立的体系? W:看起来是这样,当然两个系统之间还是会有一些贸易,但贸易量微不足道,不具有系统性重要性,系统A基本上用不着系统B的任何资源,而系统B基本上买不起系统A的任何东西。 M:那留在系统A里的失业人口呢?不是仍然要福利制度养活? W:好像也不一定,理论上,若没有福利制度,这些失业者的较优选择是移民到系统B,当然搬家也有成本,所以系统A为了避免福利制度造成的代价,可以为他们支付船票和安家费。 M:嗯……不过以我对现实政治的经验,搬家的恐怕不是他们。 W:对!留在系统A里的显然将是少数派,而且他们是最有能力迁移的。 M:嗯嗯,实际上系统A的运行大概不需要太大的地方,实在不行漂在公海上都可以。 W:对,所以他们未必需要拼选票,只要有处可逃就行。 M:这一点又如何保证? W:依我看,只要仍然存在众多分立国家即可,那些坚持福利制度的国家,似乎更可能最终留在系统B里,所以千万别有全球统一政府。 M:就是说,就算美国再好,也不能只剩一个美国? W:没错。  
[译文]为何伊朗移民成于美国却败于瑞典

Why Iranian migrants succeed in the US but fail in Sweden
为何伊朗移民成于美国却败于瑞典

作者:Nima Sanandaji @NimaSanandaji @ 2015-3-23
译者:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha)
校对:小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子)
来源:CapX,http://www.capx.co/why-iranian-migrants-succeed-in-the-us-but-fail-in-sweden/

Maryam Mirzakhani was born in Iran in 1977. Showing an early gift for mathematics, she received a degree from Sharif University of Technology in Tehran. After moving to the US, Maryam earned her PhD from Harvard before becoming a young professor at Stanford.

玛利亚姆·米尔扎哈尼(Maryam Mirzakhani)于1977年出生在伊朗。她早早就显示出数学方面的天赋,并取得了位于德黑兰的谢里夫理工大学的学位。移居美国之后,玛利亚姆攻读了哈佛大学的博士学位,后成为斯坦福大学的一名年轻教授。

Last summer she was awarded the International Medal for Outstanding Discoveries in Mathematics. Maryam was the first women to win the medal, unofficially referred to as the “Nobel Prize of mathematics”. Since it was established in 1936, all previous winners have been male.

去年夏天,她成为史上第一位获得菲尔兹奖的女性,该奖有着“数学界诺贝尔奖”之称。自该奖项于1936年设立以来,所有获奖者均为男性。

The story of Maryam is not only one of an unusually talented individual. It is also in line with a wider social phenomenon, where upward-striving Iranians rely on a winning mix of eastern culture and western institutions. This success however, has been easier to reach in some western nations than others.

玛利亚姆的故事不仅仅只关于一个天赋异禀的个人,还反映了一个更普遍的社会现象——奋发向上的伊朗人成功将东方文化与西方体制融合。然而,这种成功在某些西方国家相对更容易实现一些。

In 2003, administrators at Stanford University’s Electrical Engineering Department were reportedly startled. The notoriously difficult entrance exam for PhD studies had been aced by a group of foreign students.

2003年时,据说斯坦福大学电气工程系的考官们很吃惊,(more...)

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6681
Why Iranian migrants succeed in the US but fail in Sweden 为何伊朗移民成于美国却败于瑞典 作者:Nima Sanandaji @NimaSanandaji @ 2015-3-23 译者:Eartha(@王小贰_Eartha) 校对:小册子(@昵称被抢的小册子) 来源:CapX,http://www.capx.co/why-iranian-migrants-succeed-in-the-us-but-fail-in-sweden/ Maryam Mirzakhani was born in Iran in 1977. Showing an early gift for mathematics, she received a degree from Sharif University of Technology in Tehran. After moving to the US, Maryam earned her PhD from Harvard before becoming a young professor at Stanford. 玛利亚姆·米尔扎哈尼(Maryam Mirzakhani)于1977年出生在伊朗。她早早就显示出数学方面的天赋,并取得了位于德黑兰的谢里夫理工大学的学位。移居美国之后,玛利亚姆攻读了哈佛大学的博士学位,后成为斯坦福大学的一名年轻教授。 Last summer she was awarded the International Medal for Outstanding Discoveries in Mathematics. Maryam was the first women to win the medal, unofficially referred to as the “Nobel Prize of mathematics”. Since it was established in 1936, all previous winners have been male. 去年夏天,她成为史上第一位获得菲尔兹奖的女性,该奖有着“数学界诺贝尔奖”之称。自该奖项于1936年设立以来,所有获奖者均为男性。 The story of Maryam is not only one of an unusually talented individual. It is also in line with a wider social phenomenon, where upward-striving Iranians rely on a winning mix of eastern culture and western institutions. This success however, has been easier to reach in some western nations than others. 玛利亚姆的故事不仅仅只关于一个天赋异禀的个人,还反映了一个更普遍的社会现象——奋发向上的伊朗人成功将东方文化与西方体制融合。然而,这种成功在某些西方国家相对更容易实现一些。 In 2003, administrators at Stanford University’s Electrical Engineering Department were reportedly startled. The notoriously difficult entrance exam for PhD studies had been aced by a group of foreign students. 2003年时,据说斯坦福大学电气工程系的考官们很吃惊,因为一群外国学生在以艰难著称的博士学位入学考试取得了优异成绩。 It was no surprise that smart kids from Asia were on top. What was more unexpected is that the majority originated from one place – the same Sharif University where Maryam had studied. Stanford is not an isolated example. Iranian top students are doing well in the international Science Olympiads, and flourishing in foreign universities. 来自亚洲的聪明孩子名列前茅并不让人吃惊,可出人意料的是,这群学生中的大多数来自同一个地方——玛利亚姆曾就读的谢里夫理工大学。斯坦福并不是个例。伊朗的顶尖学生在国际科学奥林匹克竞赛中成绩出色,并在国外各个大学中表现优异。 This achievement wouldn’t be surprising if Iran was anything like Singapore, Korea or Taiwan. Pupils in the latter countries outperform the rest of the globe in mathematics, according to the survey Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study. Iranian pupils on the other hand have considerably lower scores than in developed countries such as the US or in Western Europe. 如果伊朗是像新加坡、韩国或者台湾那样的地方,那么这些成就就并不让人吃惊。根据一项名为“国际数学与科学研究的发展趋势”的系列调查,来自后面这些国家的学生在数学方面的表现优于全球其他地区。而伊朗学生的分数则明显低于美国与西欧等发达国家。 How can a country with poor school performance export so many talents? One explanation is that Iran has an elitist school system, where talents such as Maryam are identified early and sent to a few top high schools. 为何一个学校表现不佳的国家能输出如此多的天才?一种解释认为,伊朗有一套精英学校体制,该体制能及早发现像玛利亚姆这样的天才,并将其送往少数顶尖高中学习。 The country has a competitive higher education system and few opportunities for those who do not succeed. To make it in life, many young Iranians study hard in high school. The dream is often to venture abroad. Since the 1979 revolution Iran has been characterized by continuous brain‑drain. 这个国家的高等教育体制竞争十分激烈,为失败者提供的机会少之又少。为了获得成功,许多伊朗年轻人在高中阶段刻苦学习,通常梦想着去国外闯荡一番。1979革命之后,伊朗一直面临着持续的人才流失。 A couple of generations ago, it was quite uncommon for Iranians to leave their native land. During recent times however, an Iranian diaspora of around 4 to 5 million individuals have evolved abroad. One example is the Iranian community in the US. 几代人以前,伊朗人很少离开故土。但是,伊朗人的海外移民近年来已逐渐发展至四、五百万人的规模。美国的伊朗人群体就是其中一例。 According to the US census in 1990, 221 000 persons of Iranian ancestry were at the time residing in the country. Slightly less than a quarter were born in the US from Iranian parents. Almost half of the remainder had resided in the country for less than ten years. 根据美国1990年的人口普查,当时有221,000名伊朗血统的人居住在美国,其中近四分之一出生于美国,双亲都是伊朗人。其余的人中有近一半在美国居住未满十年。 Still, the group was thriving economically. The poverty level amongst Iranians was only marginally higher than the national average. In fact, the median house income of Iranians was 22 percent higher than the national average. One explanation is that some Iranians migrants had brought wealth with them. 然而,这个群体在经济上欣欣向荣。在美伊朗人的贫困率仅略高于全美平均水平。但事实上,他们的家庭收入中位数却比全美平均水平高出22%。有一种解释是一些伊朗移民将他们的财富也转移到了国外。 Likely more important is their stock of knowledge capital. Amongst Iranians over 25 years of age, fully 26 percent had graduate degree or higher. At the time, this was almost four times the US average. 但更重要的可能是他们自身的知识资本储备。25岁以上的伊朗人中,足足有26%的人获得了硕士以上学位。在那时,这几乎是美国平均水平的四倍。 According to the 2013 American Community Survey, the number of Iranians had grown to some 460 000 (the true population might be considerably higher, since many do not identify themselves as “Iranian” on the census). The median household income of Iranians was $64 752, compared to a national average of $52 250. 根据2013年的美国社区调查,在美伊朗人的数量已增长至460,000人左右(真实数据可能还会高很多,因为很多人在普查中没把自己当做“伊朗人”)。伊朗人的家庭收入中位数为64,752美元,而全美平均水平为52,250美元。 Adjusting for household size, the per capita income of Iranians was $43 334, far higher than the national average of $28 155. The share with bachelor’s degree or higher was 61.9 percent amongst Iranians, compared to 28.8 percent for the average American. 根据家庭规模对数据进行调整后,伊朗人的人均收入为43,334美元,远远高于全美人均收入28,155美元。伊朗人中拥有学士学位以上学历的人占61.9%,而美国平均水平为28.8%。 Culture plays a key part in the Iranian success story. To begin with, knowledge is treasured. This is apparent in the Persian language, where occupation-bound terms of address are common. Someone who is a doctor, a “mohandes” (engineer) or “vakil” (lawyer) is addressed as such. 文化在伊朗式成功故事中起到了关键作用。首先,知识受到重视。这在波斯语中就表现的十分明显。与职业相关的称呼非常普遍,医生、工程师或者律师就被人以职业相称。 Having a good degree is not merely a source of pride for the individual, but for the family as a whole. The culture prevalent amongst the Iranian diaspora also emphasizes individual achievement, wealth accumulation and business-ownership. 拥有高学历是个人乃至整个家庭骄傲的资本。伊朗移民群体中的主流文化还强调个人成就、财富积累和生意家业。 Iran itself still lacks the education system, market based economy and high levels of trust needed for these cultural attributed to bear fruit. Western countries as the US however do. By adapting to western society, Iranians also leave behind some cultural traits: such as low trust for strangers and old-fashioned gender roles. 伊朗国内仍旧缺乏使得这些文化因素能够结出果实的良好的教育体制、市场经济和高度信任感。但美国等西方国家就具备这些条件。在融入西方社会的过程中,伊朗人也摒弃了一些文化特质,诸如对陌生人的不信任感和传统的性别角色观念。 Mehdi Bozorgmehr and Daniel Douglas conclude that the children of Iranian immigrants in the US have a more balanced achievement across gender lines: “in terms of educational attainment and labor force participation, females have quickly closed the gap with their male counterparts.” Mehdi Bozorgmehr与Daniel Douglas(在两人合著的文章“Success(ion): Second-Generation Iranian Americans.”中)总结认为,美国伊朗移民后裔的成就在性别上更为平衡:“就教育程度与就业而言,女性正在快速缩小与男性竞争者的差距。” The success of Iranians in the US can to some degree be explained by the fact that some of the rich elite fled Iran to New York and Los Angeles. In this regard, Canada differs from the US. Over the period 1978 to 1990 Iranians mainly came as political refugees. Later arrivals include refugees, family immigrants as well as students. 伊朗的部分富有精英阶层逃往纽约与洛杉矶这一事实,可在某种程度上解释伊朗人在美国的成功。就此而言,加拿大的情形与美国不同。1978-1990年间,伊朗人主要以政治难民的身份进入加拿大。随后到来的人则包括难民、亲属移民与学生。 According to the 2006 census, some 121 000 individuals of Iranian origin were at the time residing in Canada. One in six was born in Canada, while the remainders were immigrants. Nearly 30 percent of the immigrants had arrived in Canada during the last five years. This explains why 34 percent of Iranians lived below the low-income cut off before tax in 2006, almost three times the national average. 根据2006年加拿大人口普查,大约有121,000名伊朗裔居住在加拿大,其中六分之一出生于加拿大,其余的则是移民,且近30%是在最近五年内来到加拿大。这解释了为何2006年有34%的伊朗人税前收入在低收入指标以下,这一比例几乎三倍于全国平均水平。 With time however, integration occurs in the Canadian economy. The same census shows that full year working Iranians had merely twelve percent lower median incomes than the average Canadian – a good outcome for a group with many recent arrivals. The situation is quite different in another snowy part of the world: the Nordics. 然而,随着时间推移,加拿大的经济逐渐呈融合之势。该份人口普查报告也同时表明,全年工作的伊朗人收入中位数仅比加拿大平均水平低12%——这对一个新来者众多的群体来说是个不错的结果。但在世界的另一片冰雪地带——北欧,情况却大不相同。 Sweden has received a large influx of migrants from Iran. Today, Iranian immigrants and their children make up nearly one percent of Sweden’s population. As in Canada, the group has a strong educational background. 瑞典已接收了一大批伊朗移民。现在,伊朗移民和他们的下一代已占瑞典人口1%左右。和在加拿大一样,瑞典伊朗移民群体有着优秀的教育背景。 A study has however shown that in 1999, around 15 years after the average Iranian migrated to Sweden, a large segment was still trapped in welfare dependency. Merely a third of Iranian households supported themselves mainly through work at this time. The households were either depending on public support or low incomes from work. 但一项研究表明,在1999年,移民至瑞典平均近15年后,相当一部分伊朗人仍旧仰仗福利救济为生。当时,仅有三分之一的伊朗家庭能通过工作自食其力。伊朗家庭不是依赖公共救济,就是靠着微薄的工资勉强度日。 Another study has calculated the income from work between 1993 and 2000 for those born in Iran. It is shown that this amounted only to 61 percent of the average work income of a native Swede. With time, the situation of Iranians in Sweden has improved. But amongst the first generation, many have not been given the opportunity to fulfill their potential. 另一项研究计算了出生于伊朗的瑞典人口在1993-2000年间的工作收入,其水平仅是瑞典本土人的61%。随着时间推移,伊朗人在瑞典的境况正渐渐变好。但是,在第一代移民中,很多人未能得到机会去发挥他们的潜能。 A similar situation exists in neighboring Norway. A study by Statistics Norway has found that Iranians in Norway have unusually high educational level compared to other immigrant groups. However, fully 41 percent of adult Iranians surveyed responded that they were unemployed and actively seeking work at some point during 2006 – well before the global financial crises. 相似的情况也存在于瑞典的邻国挪威。挪威统计局的一项研究表明,相比于挪威的其他移民群体,伊朗人有着不一般的高教育水平。但是,参与调查的伊朗成年人中有足足41%的人回应说他们在2006年曾处于失业状态,并积极寻找工作——彼时全球经济危机还远未来临。 It is no coincidence that the US and Canada offer greater opportunities for upward social mobility of Iranian migrants. The economic structures in Sweden and Norway – based on strict wage-setting, rigid labor laws, high taxes and generous benefits – makes it more difficult and less rewarding to enter the labor market. 美国和加拿大为伊朗移民提供了更多进入社会上层的机会,这并非巧合。瑞典和挪威的经济结构建立于严格的工资设定、严苛的劳工法律、高赋税和慷慨的社会福利之上,这使得进入劳动力市场变得困难,得到的回报也更少。 Interestingly enough, welfare‑entrapment has not fully eroded the Iranian success story. Most young Iranians in Sweden have grown up supported by welfare handout and/or low work incomes. Yet, no group is as keen on earning a higher education as young Iranians. 不过有趣的是,福利的诱惑并未就此完全打断伊朗人的成功故事。瑞典的大多数伊朗年轻人靠着社会救济或微薄工作收入长大,但没有一个群体像他们那样渴望接受高等教育。 A study has shown that 45 percent of native Swedes have started higher education at the age of 25. This is considerably higher than 37 percent amongst the average immigrants. Iranians are a clear outlier, since 60 percent have begun higher education at the same age. 一项研究显示,45%的瑞典本土人在25岁时已开始接受高等教育,比移民的平均水平37%要高出一截。但伊朗人明显是个异数,有60%的同龄人已开始接受高等教育。 Countries such as Sweden societies have created higher obstacles to labor market inclusion than the more free‑market based Anglo-Saxon societies. For immigrant groups such as Iranians, the effect is greater entrapment in social poverty through welfare-dependency. 相比于自由市场经济成分更多的盎格鲁-撒克逊社会,瑞典式国家为进入劳动市场设置了较高的门槛。这诱使包括伊朗人在内的移民群体因依赖社会福利而深陷社会性贫困。 At the same time, Sweden offers fully publicly supported education to their citizens. Some young Iranians remain in the socially marginalized class that their parents were trapped in. Many more have begun climbing the social ladder through primarily education, but also business ownership and hard work. 同时,瑞典又为其国民提供全公费教育。一些年轻伊朗人和他们的父辈一样,仍陷于社会边缘群体。但更多的人正依靠他们所受的教育、自身的商业成就和勤奋工作努力地沿着社会阶梯向上攀登。 The social reward for becoming a doctor, a “mohandes” or a “vakil” remains strong in the group. Young Iranians are still encouraged to make their parents proud by earning a higher degree or founding a successful business. In Sweden, as well as in Canada and the US, the intermarriage between eastern culture and western institutions creates a route to up-ward social mobility. 在这个群体中,成为医生、工程师或律师可获得高昂的社会奖励。年轻伊朗人仍在被鼓励着去获取高学历或成功创业以为其父母脸上增光。在瑞典,正如在加拿大和美国那样,东方文化与西方制度的混合作用为在社会向上流动提供了一条新路径。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]美国移民格局新动向

The Changing Patterns Of U.S. Immigration: What The Presidential Field should Know, And You
美国移民格局的变迁:你和总统候选人都该知道的事

作者:Joel Kotkin @ 2015-8-11
译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)
校对:带菜刀的诗人(@帶菜刀的詩人_),慕白(@李凤阳他说)
来源:Forbes, http://www.forbes.com/sites/joelkotkin/2015/08/11/the-changing-patterns-of-u-s-immigration-what-the-presidential-field-should-know-and-you/

Public concern about illegalimmigration, particularly among older native-born Americans, as well as the rising voting power of Latinos, all but guarantees that immigration is an issue that will remain at the forefront in the run-up to the 2016 elections.

美国公众(尤其是较为年长的土生土长美国人)对非法移民问题的关切,以及拉丁裔投票权的日益增长,这两种因素几乎可以肯定让移民问题成为2016年大选的关键议题。

Nor is this merely a right-wing issue, as evidenced in the controversy over “sanctuary cities”; even the progressive Bernie Sanders has expressed concern that massive uncontrolled immigration could “make everybody in America poorer.”

这不仅仅是右翼所面临的问题,就像在“避难所城市”【译注:指那些有着旨在庇护非法移民政策的城市】的争议中所表明的那样;甚至进步派Bernie Sanders也表达了对大量不受限制的移民将“让在美国的每个人都变得更穷”的担忧。

Yet despite the political heat, there is precious little dispassionate examination of exactly where immigrants are coming from, and where in the U.S. they are headed. To answer these questions, we turned to demographer Wendell Cox, who analyzed the immigration data between 2010 and 2013 for the 52 metropolitan statistical areas with populations over a million.

然而,尽管它是政治热点,但对移民们究竟从哪里来,又去向美国何处的冷静分析却屈指可数。为了回答这些问题,我们咨询了人口学家Wendell Cox,他分析了2010至2013年52个人(more...)

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The Changing Patterns Of U.S. Immigration: What The Presidential Field should Know, And You 美国移民格局的变迁:你和总统候选人都该知道的事 作者:Joel Kotkin @ 2015-8-11 译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy) 校对:带菜刀的诗人(@帶菜刀的詩人_),慕白(@李凤阳他说) 来源:Forbes, http://www.forbes.com/sites/joelkotkin/2015/08/11/the-changing-patterns-of-u-s-immigration-what-the-presidential-field-should-know-and-you/ Public concern about illegalimmigration, particularly among older native-born Americans, as well as the rising voting power of Latinos, all but guarantees that immigration is an issue that will remain at the forefront in the run-up to the 2016 elections. 美国公众(尤其是较为年长的土生土长美国人)对非法移民问题的关切,以及拉丁裔投票权的日益增长,这两种因素几乎可以肯定让移民问题成为2016年大选的关键议题。 Nor is this merely a right-wing issue, as evidenced in the controversy over “sanctuary cities”; even the progressive Bernie Sanders has expressed concern that massive uncontrolled immigration could “make everybody in America poorer.” 这不仅仅是右翼所面临的问题,就像在“避难所城市”【译注:指那些有着旨在庇护非法移民政策的城市】的争议中所表明的那样;甚至进步派Bernie Sanders也表达了对大量不受限制的移民将“让在美国的每个人都变得更穷”的担忧。 Yet despite the political heat, there is precious little dispassionate examination of exactly where immigrants are coming from, and where in the U.S. they are headed. To answer these questions, we turned to demographer Wendell Cox, who analyzed the immigration data between 2010 and 2013 for the 52 metropolitan statistical areas with populations over a million. 然而,尽管它是政治热点,但对移民们究竟从哪里来,又去向美国何处的冷静分析却屈指可数。为了回答这些问题,我们咨询了人口学家Wendell Cox,他分析了2010至2013年52个人口超过百万的都市统计区的移民数据。 One would think listening to the likes of Donald Trump that the country is awash with hordes of unwanted newcomers from Mexico and Central America. But sorry, Donald, the numbers show a changing picture in terms of who is coming, as well as the places that they choose to settle. 人们可能会听信类似Donald Trump的言论,说这个国家充斥着大量来自于墨西哥和中美洲的不受欢迎的移民。可是,对不起,Donald,有关哪些人来到这个国家,以及他们选择去哪儿定居,数据揭示出的是一幅不断变化着的图景。 1 移民比重最大的美国城市 第一名:迈阿密,佛罗里达州 国外出生人口:226万 占总人口的比例,2013年:38.8% 第二名:圣何塞,加州 国外出生人口:719,460 占总人口的比例,2013年:37.5% 第三名:洛杉矶,加州 国外出生人口:439万 占总人口的比例,2013年:33.2% 第四名:旧金山,加州 国外出生人口:134万 占总人口的比例,2013年:29.7% 第五名:纽约,纽约州-新泽西州-宾夕法尼亚州 国外出生人口:569万 占总人口的比例,2013年:28.5% 第六名:圣迭戈,加州 国外出生人口:761,580 占总人口的比例,2013年:23.7% 第七名:休斯敦,德克萨斯州 国外出生人口:142万 占总人口的比例,2013年:22.6% 第八名:华盛顿,哥伦比亚特区 国外出生人口:131万 占总人口的比例,2013年:22.0% 第九名:拉斯维加斯,内华达州 国外出生人口:440,866 占总人口的比例,2013年:21.7% 第十名:河滨-圣伯纳迪诺,加州 国外出生人口:932,747 占总人口的比例,2013年:21.3% Perhaps due to Mexico’s stronger economy and lower birthrates, Mexicans are no longer as dominant in the ranks of new immigrants as in the last decade. Mexico is still the single largest place of origin of new immigrants, but from 2010 through 2013, Mexican migration to the U.S. dropped 17.7% to an average of 140,266 a year, according to data from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. 可能由于墨西哥经济状况改善及出生率下降等原因,墨西哥人在新移民中所占比重不像2001-2010年间那么高。虽然墨西哥仍然是新移民的最大单一来源地,但美国国土安全部的数据显示,在2010-2013年间,移民来美国的墨西哥人数量下降到了平均每年140,266人,降幅17.7%。 Meanwhile the inflow from Asia has increased: immigration from China is up 25.8% to 74,458 a year, and 10.7% from India to 65,336 a year. Asia now equals the Americas as a source of new immigrants, with each accounting for 40% of the annual total. 与此同时,亚洲移民的数量有所增加:来自中国的移民增加了25.8%,达到每年74,458人,来自印度的移民增加了10.7%,达到每年65,336人。目前,亚洲已成为和美洲份量相当的新移民来源,他们各占每年移民总数的40%。 European immigration, once the mainstay of growth for the U.S., fell 32% from 2010 to 2013 to an average of 91,000 a year, surpassed by the number of African immigrants, which has soared 29.6% to 98,000 annually. 曾一度是美国增长支柱的欧洲移民人数在2010-2013年下降到了平均每年91,000,降幅32%。欧洲移民人数已被非洲移民赶超,后者在此期间猛增29.6%,达到每年98,000人。 America’s new African population tends to be well-educated — considerably more than the national average: they are more than 60% more likely to have a graduate degree than other Americans. The vast majority are fluent in English and fully one-third hold management or professional level jobs. 美国的新非洲移民人口往往受过良好教育——显著高于全国平均水平:他们拥有硕士学历的比例比其他美国人高出60%。其中绝大多数人都能说流利的英语,同时,足足三分之一的人拥有管理或专业职位。 Not surprisingly, they are generally doing well in their new country. The places where they settle — notably New York, greater Washington, Houston and Dallas-Fort Worth — will likely benefit from their presence in coming years. 不出所料,他们在新的国家里都干得不错。今后几年,这些移民定居的地方可能会显现出他们所带来的益处,尤其是纽约、大华府、休斯敦和达拉斯-沃思堡。 Just as Mexican and Asian immigration changed the ethnic geography of America, boosting economies and changing local culture, one can expect the Africans to do much the same in the coming years. 就像墨西哥和亚洲移民改变了美国的族群分布,促进了经济增长,改变了当地的文化,我们可以预期,未来几年非洲移民也会产生相同的效应。 The Largest And Fastest-Growing Immigrant Hubs 最大、发展最快的移民聚集地 The largest foreign-born communities in America reflect both size and longstanding immigrant populations. The leader remains the New York metropolitan statistical area, which was home in 2013 to 5.69 million people born elsewhere, following by Los Angeles with 4.3 million, Miami with 2.2 million, Chicago with 1.69 million and Houston with 1.39 million. 美国最大的那些国外出生者社群,不仅反映了移民的规模,还反映了其持久性。排在首位的依然是纽约都会统计区,2013年569万出生于别处的人安家于此,洛杉矶以430万人紧随其后,然后是迈阿密220万,芝加哥169万,休斯敦139万。 But a look at the metro areas with the fastest-growing foreign-born communities tells a different story, one of growing migration into the more interior and central parts of the country. In many ways, this reflects the attraction of areas with relatively low housing prices and buoyant local economies. In contrast, the economies of many traditional immigrant hubs like Los Angeles and Chicago have not done so well, while places in coastal California and near New York suffer from high housing prices. 但细看这些拥有发展最快的国外出生人口社群的都会区,会发现另一幅景象,其一是,越来越多的人迁移到美国的内陆和中部地区。这从许多角度反映出了那些具有较低房价和较高经济增速的地区的吸引力。相反,许多传统移民聚集地的经济表现则较差,如洛杉矶和芝加哥,而加州沿海地区和纽约附近则受到高房价的制约。 Pittsburgh ranks first for recent pace of growth, with a 17.4% jump in its foreign-born population to 89,000 from 2010 through 2013, almost four times the 4.3% national rate over the same span. The western Pennsylvania city has built a robust economy based on energy, medical services and technology. 在最近的移民人口增速排名中,匹兹堡位列第一,2010-2013年间17.4%的增速使其国外出生人口达到了89,000,几乎四倍于同期国内平均水平4.3%。能源、医疗服务和科技给这个西宾夕法尼亚州城市带来了稳健的经济增长。 Its housing prices are low — roughly a third those of the Bay Area based on median income — and the city is situated in an attractive setting with rolling hills. 当地的房价也较低——按收入中位数算,其房价大约仅为湾区的三分之一,此外,匹兹堡还坐落于连绵起伏的迷人山丘之中。 Pittsburgh is attracting both less educated immigrants from more expensive places, and also educated newcomers, notes demographer Jim Russell, some due to the strong universities in the area. 人口学家Jim Russell指出,匹兹堡不仅从高物价地区吸引来了没受过太多教育的移民,同时也吸引着受过良好教育的新移民,部分原因在于该地区有着高质量的大学。 Other surprising heartland destinations for immigrants include Indianapolis, whose foreign-born population expanded 14.3% in 2010-13 to 127,767, the second fastest rate of growth among the largest metro areas; Oklahoma City (third fastest, up 12.9% to 110,269); and Columbus, Ohio (up 9.8% to 139,562). Generally, these cities, like Pittsburgh, have strong economies, low housing prices and favorable state regulatory climates. 其他出人意料的内陆移民目的地还包括印第安纳波利斯,其国外出生人口在2010-2013年扩张了14.3%,达到127,767人,在所有大都会区移民人口增速中排名第二;俄克拉荷马市(增速排名第三,增长了12.9%,达到110,269人);俄亥俄州的哥伦布(增长了9.8%,达到139,562人)。这些城市通常都像匹兹堡一样,拥有如下特征:经济强劲、低房价、所在州监管环境有利。 The Move South Continues 向南移动仍在继续 Until the 1970s, the South was an also-ran in immigration, with the exception of Florida. But today many of the fastest-growing foreign-born communities are in the South. These include still-recovering New Orleans, whose numbers of foreign born surged 12.4% in 2010-13 to 91,412, as well as Charlotte (up 11.2% to 225,673) and Austin (up 10.7% to 279,923). 1970年代之前,除了佛罗里达,南方一直是移民方面的落后者。但如今许多快速发展中的国外出生者社群都在南方。这些地方包括仍在复苏的新奥尔良,其国外出生人口在2010-2013年增长了12.4%,达到91,412人,还有夏洛特(增长了11.2%,达到225,673人)和奥斯丁(增长了10.7%,达到279,923人)。 This movement to the South in recent decades has changed the geography of the most immigrant rich parts of the country. Three of the 10 metro areas with the largest number of foreign born residents are in the south. Miami has some 2.26 million immigrant residents make up with 38.8% of its population, the highest proportion of any large metro area in the country. The Houston metro area has the fifth biggest foreign-born population, Dallas-Ft. Worth, the eighth. 最近几十年的向南移动改变了移民人口最密集地区在全国的地理分布格局。10个国外出生居民数量最多的都会区中,3个在南方。迈阿密拥有226万移民,占其总人口的38.8%,也是全国各都会区中移民比重最大的。休斯敦都会区在国外出生者数量上排第五,达拉斯-沃斯堡排第八。 The Texas metro areas, and their emerging southern counterparts, offer much of what the prospering Rust Belt cities also provide — strong broad-based economies and an affordable cost of living, particularly housing. Immigrants tend to prioritize home ownership and often work in thriving blue-collar fields such as manufacturing, logistics and construction. 德克萨斯州的都会区,以及其它新兴南方城市,提供了那些欣欣向荣的铁锈带城市【译注:铁锈带又称制造带、工厂带,系指以钢铁业为代表的美国传统重工业密集分布区,大致位于美国中部靠近大湖区东侧,包括纽约、宾夕法尼亚、西弗吉尼亚、俄亥俄、印第安纳、密歇根等州的部分地区。这些地方后来因美国制造业外移而衰弱,留下大量生锈工厂,因而得名。作者此处“欣欣向荣”一语应是指近年的移民热潮,上文提到的匹兹堡、印第安纳波利斯、俄克拉荷马市、哥伦布市,皆处于该地带。】所能提供的一切——强劲并且基础深厚的经济和低廉的生活成本,尤其是住房成本。移民倾向于把拥有住房所有权放在优先位置,他们通常就职于蓬勃发展的蓝领产业,比如制造业、物流业和建筑业。 Coastal Growth Follows The Economy 沿海的移民增长紧随其经济增长 The Atlantic and Pacific coasts have long dominated immigration, but there appears to be some subtle changes in this picture. Most big coastal metro areas have logged steady but below average growth of their foreign-born populations, including New York, with a 3.67% increase. (Note that even with relatively slow growth in percentage terms, New York added a net 208,800 immigrants, more than the total foreign-born populations of any of the four fastest growers.) 在移民方面,大西洋沿岸和太平洋沿岸长期占主导地位,但这一情况正在发生一些微妙变化。多数沿海大都会区进入了外国出生人口稳定但低于平均水平的增长状态,包括纽约,其增速为3.67%。(值得一提的是,虽然纽约的相对增速较慢,但其净移民人数的增加仍然达到了208,800人,超过了四个增速最快地区中任何一个的国外出生人口总数。) Some blue areas are doing much better in terms of growth rate, including Seattle (9th), Boston (11th) and San Jose (15th). All tend to be expensive, but have done very well in the recovery, largely due to technology-related growth. 一些蓝色地区【译注:蓝色是民主党的标志颜色】在增长率上表现得好得多,包括西雅图(第9名),波士顿(第11名),圣何塞(第15名)。这些城市的生活成本都相对较高,但在经济复苏方面表现不错,这主要源自与科技相关的经济增长。 In contrast, some traditional immigrant hubs with weaker economies have lagged behind. Chicago’s foreign-born population increased 1.71%, less than half the national average. Los Angeles’ foreign born population ticked down 0.1% amid economic stagnation and rising housing prices. When it comes to immigration, it is the geography of opportunity that still prevails. 与此相反,一些经济表现不佳的传统移民聚集地则处在落后位置。芝加哥的国外出生人口增长了1.71%,低于全国平均水平的一半。洛杉矶的国外出生人口则由于经济停滞和房价攀升略微下降了0.1%。从移民角度来看,充满机遇的地方仍然更受欢迎。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

读史笔记#7:贫民窟与城中村

贫民窟与城中村
辉格
2013年1月15日

提起贫民窟(slum),许多人会心生反感,国内官媒更惯用“脏乱差”一词描绘它,同情者为其居民的糟糕处境得不到救助而鸣不平,而城市当局则更多的为其人员混杂、卫生恶劣和犯罪率高企而头疼,甚而斥之为城市毒瘤,每欲除之而后快;无论哪种立场,都认为那是异常的、不幸的、需要改变的状况。

然而,经济学家托马斯·索威尔(Thomas Sowell)在《美国种族简史》(Ethnic America: A History)中,为我们讲述了一个十分不同的故事,贫穷、拥挤、肮脏,只是贫民窟的表面特征,并未告诉我们它为何会存在,实际上,如索维尔所观察到的,美国东海岸大城市的典型贫民窟,都是新移民进入主流社会的跳板,在他们适应新来到的社会的缓冲期中,提供了一个他们能够负担得起,也能够从中得到文化支持避难(more...)

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贫民窟与城中村 辉格 2013年1月15日 提起贫民窟([[slum]]),许多人会心生反感,国内官媒更惯用“脏乱差”一词描绘它,同情者为其居民的糟糕处境得不到救助而鸣不平,而城市当局则更多的为其人员混杂、卫生恶劣和犯罪率高企而头疼,甚而斥之为城市毒瘤,每欲除之而后快;无论哪种立场,都认为那是异常的、不幸的、需要改变的状况。 然而,经济学家托马斯·索威尔([[Thomas Sowell]])在《美国种族简史》(Ethnic America: A History)中,为我们讲述了一个十分不同的故事,贫穷、拥挤、肮脏,只是贫民窟的表面特征,并未告诉我们它为何会存在,实际上,如索维尔所观察到的,美国东海岸大城市的典型贫民窟,都是新移民进入主流社会的跳板,在他们适应新来到的社会的缓冲期中,提供了一个他们能够负担得起,也能够从中得到文化支持避难所。 支持这一判断的有力证据是,这些贫民窟的人口组成始终在有规律的变化更替,比如曼哈顿东南的“五角地”([[Five Points, Manhattan|Five Points]]),19世纪中期因爱尔兰移民大批涌入而成为贫民窟,后来爱尔兰人在立稳脚跟、处境改善之后,陆续迁出,从房客变成房东,新来的东欧犹太人成了房客,这种模式反复持续,接着是意大利人接替犹太人,然后是来自南方的黑人,再后来是加勒比黑人和波多黎各人。 既已适应现代都市生活的人可能难以理解,来自农村的新移民太需要这样一块跳板了,生活的所有方面,从语言、生活习惯、待人处事的方式,到价值观、遵循的伦理规范、评价个人品质和能力的标准,传统乡村社会都与都市截然不同,新来者若得不到熟人的支持和帮助,既难找到工作,也难与当地人融洽相处。 所以如我们所见,移民在新到达的城市都喜欢投亲靠友、聚族而居,无论在租房子、找工作还是处理人际纠纷时,都依靠先来者的支持,这样,他们实际上把原先所习惯的社会关系和文化结构部分的搬到了城市,在这块传统社会的飞地上,他们能使用熟悉的语言,买到熟悉的商品,借到钱,结识朋友,找到配偶,还有属于自己的教会。 更重要的是能找到工作,由于最初很难适应城市职业的技能、作息和管理要求,也缺乏信息,更难以获得雇主与客户的信任,因而贫民窟常有老移民为他们充当包工头和中介人,或代替雇主管理这些工人,或把活儿揽过来分给他们,或开办兜揽外包业务的小作坊,这些包工头和作坊主常被不明就里的扒粪记者丑化为血汗压榨者,殊不知,他们是引导提携新移民进入都市社会的向导。 在许多方面,国内大城市的城中村都与索维尔介绍的美国贫民窟很像,尽管进城者不是海外移民,但以中国地域之辽阔,文化差异之大,城乡隔阂之深,城市移民所面临的融入障碍并不亚于美国移民,初来乍到之际,他们同样依靠老乡亲友同学而获得落脚点,结伴而居以相互支持。 不过,还有一种城中村有所不同,比如温州人在北京南郊建立的浙江村,是由家族和同乡纽带结成的商人群体聚居地,以家族等传统社会关系为纽带来建立人脉、筹集资本、扩展商业网络,也是温州商人的传统特色,这很像过去的犹太商人集团,与贫民窟相同之处是,它们都是借助传统社会关系资源来克服进入现代市场时所面临的障碍。 现代市场是高度流动性的,因而无论做生意还是找工作,所凭借的资源都需要满足非人格化的要求,而不能依赖于特定的人际关系,比如大学毕业证、注册会计师、医生开业执照、房产证明、银行信用记录、业内知名度、品牌信誉,拿到哪里都会被认可,但这些资源往往是新进城者所缺少的。 相反在传统社会,他们所拥有的资源往往只在特定关系中才被认可,比如家族声誉、师徒关系、邻里口碑、江湖义气等等,这些资源在流动性社会中不受认可,这就恶化了新来者的处境;解决办法,是将他们在其中建立这些资源的那个传统社会扩展延伸到城市而建立飞地,直到在那里站稳脚跟,才逐渐摆脱对这些传统资源的依赖。 通常这个过程会持续两代人,而良好教育条件和就业机会将是推动和加速融入的重要因素,但这一过程也可能被制度障碍所打断,假如适合于流动性社会的市场制度始终不能建立或千疮百孔,或者城市总是为新移民设置各种准入障碍,或者政府用福利主义政策将暂时处于困境的移民包养起来,从而令其困境长期化,那么,贫民窟倒真可能从跳板和桥梁,变成一个丧失活力和没有希望的死水坑。 五角地的黑人社区似乎已经历过这样的悲剧,黑人在贫民窟滞留的时间远远长于之前的爱尔兰、犹太和意大利移民,而这一情形恰与罗斯福新政、民权法案和战后美国福利制度的大幅扩张同步,但愿这样的故事不会在国内重演。  
[微言]迁徙自由

【2012-06-23】

@美式脱口秀 我希望天下大同,每个人都可以自由迁徙到任何国家,无需护照无需签证,无需OPT无需H1B

@whigzhou: 假如一个居民小区可依其业主意志阻止未受邀外人来访,一个国家为何不可依其居民意志阻止移民进入?假如小区保安可要求来访者出示业主邀请函并作访客等级,为何……?

@whigzhou: 很奇怪libertarian怎么会主张迁入自由这种积极自由,这跟主张“自由”进入私人农场有何不同?罗斯巴德真是个假货。

@玉千pangyuqian: 天下大同后哪有国家

@whigzhou: 那就更全是私人空间了,更不能随意侵入了,如果这种“大同”是libertarian的大同而不是communism的大同的话

@tertio: 又颠覆了

@李子暘: 如果没有人雇佣,哪里来的非法劳工?如果旅店餐馆小卖部都不接待,游客又如何能出现?

@whigzhou: 排他性社区阻止外人进入无须理由,比如只是不喜欢其肤色

@Solar250: 国家不是个体啊可是 它又没有独立意志

@(more...)

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【2012-06-23】 @美式脱口秀 我希望天下大同,每个人都可以自由迁徙到任何国家,无需护照无需签证,无需OPT无需H1B @whigzhou: 假如一个居民小区可依其业主意志阻止未受邀外人来访,一个国家为何不可依其居民意志阻止移民进入?假如小区保安可要求来访者出示业主邀请函并作访客等级,为何……? @whigzhou: 很奇怪[[libertarian]]怎么会主张迁入自由这种积极自由,这跟主张“自由”进入私人农场有何不同?罗斯巴德真是个假货。 @玉千pangyuqian: 天下大同后哪有国家 @whigzhou: 那就更全是私人空间了,更不能随意侵入了,如果这种“大同”是libertarian的大同而不是communism的大同的话 @tertio: 又颠覆了 @李子暘: 如果没有人雇佣,哪里来的非法劳工?如果旅店餐馆小卖部都不接待,游客又如何能出现? @whigzhou: 排他性社区阻止外人进入无须理由,比如只是不喜欢其肤色 @Solar250: 国家不是个体啊可是 它又没有独立意志 @whigzhou: 嗯,现在的是,所以libertarian主张要把国家变成私人社区,把症府变成业主委员会嘛,后者是业主间接表达意志的工具,就跟股东会和董事会一样,不是吗? @仕事人恺哥: 因为小区没有枪没有警察没有监狱,国家都有 @whigzhou: 我认为,应该有,libertarian似乎也这么认为 @赵昱鲲: 但移民进入时,并非占山为王,而是有当地人愿意把房子租给或卖给他们。除非这个国家所有人都同意阻止移民进入,不然就是政府在告诉那些欢迎移民的人:我们规定你的房子应该这么用,不该那么用 @whigzhou: 所以要在他们进入时就证明这一点嘛,这跟社区要求访客进入前证明受某业主之邀有何不同? @Solar250: 业主之间也会有意见分歧啊,if少数服从多数不又成【民主】了么。。。我认为还是取消国家准入不准入这件事情,只按私产划分个人准入与否,这样比较好吧。。。 @whigzhou: 这一点可以事先由契约约定啊,契约可以约束立约人的未来意志嘛,基于契约的集体决策机制不是民主 @赵昱鲲: 不需要啊。这个社区里还开有很多旅社,我进去随便找一家,他们都欢迎。更有甚者,这个社区里还有很多流浪汉,有些善人愿意施舍他们,我进去流浪不行吗,因为这个社区还有些地方你占着没人计较。 @whigzhou: 我的问题很简单:业主是否可以事先订立契约约束这种行为? @赵昱鲲: 用排他性社区来比喻国家,似乎不妥。一个是自愿加入的,一个伴随着很多强制 @whigzhou: 那当然,目前的两者完全不同,问题是,libertarian的理想难道不是把现有国家改变的越来越像私人社区?他们的“大同世界”难道是另一个方向上的大同?不是让私人代替国家拥有排他性,而是消除排他性? @赵昱鲲: 假如变成了,当然移民不成问题,你喜欢移民就加入开放社区,不喜欢就加入封闭社区,然后移民只能去前者,后者就自生自灭吧 @whigzhou: 请注意我针对的那个帖子是以“我希望天下大同”开头的,说明他主张的不仅是解除现行移民管制,而是一个不存在任何迁徙限制的理想社会,我并不反对解除现行移民管制 @仕事人恺哥: 我认为国家确实有赶走未受本国公民邀请而踏上私人领地的义务,这就是军队和警察存在的意义。但是,如果这个国家的多数人都不欢迎某些移民,但少数公民偏偏邀请了这些人踏上自己的土地,这时候国家是没有任何正当性予以阻止其入境的 @whigzhou: 如果这些少数在契约中已承诺了接受多数裁决呢? @赵昱鲲: 那就使劲在契约允许的范围内闹腾直到多数接受他们的意见或者他们自己放弃为止除非他们真认为这个事态不公正到像南北战争前的奴隶制,那就要偷运黑人到北方了。但好像没人这么极端。 @whigzhou: 呵呵,还是搬家省力,对于上百万平方公里的大型社区,不开放是难免要破落的 @wayshall: 辉总,按你这样推下去,户口本暂住证什么的都理所当然啊,太颠覆了~ @whigzhou: 为免误解,我再贴一遍:请注意我针对的那个帖子是以“我希望天下大同”开头的,说明他主张的不仅是解除现行移民管制,而是一个不存在任何迁徙限制的理想社会,我并不反对解除现行移民管制 @whigzhou: 重申一遍:我完全赞成解除现行移民管制,也完全赞成废除现行户籍制,我想说明的只是:罗斯巴德的赞同理由是错误的,论证是不自洽的,和他的其他主张矛盾。 @听风的哑人: 如果考虑到,不断有人口进入同时不断有人口退出,所以,要想使得形成一致的“访客政策“安排是不可能的。 @whigzhou: 如果不断有老股东卖掉股票,新股东进入,维持公司章程不变是不可能的? 【后记】不久前为我那篇《城市排外情绪不可助长》叫好的人会不会上门把我劈死啊?