2015年10月发表的文章(29)

保守派是什么

【2015-10-18】

@研二公知苗 保守主义定义本来就很难嘛,有人将其定义为一种特定的意识形态,出现于法国大革命之后,以柏克为始祖,这基本就是你姨采纳的说法。但是根据另一种的“情境化定义”,认为保守主义就是一种在相似情境下反复出现的普遍性的思潮。

@whigzhou: 其实我更喜欢心理学家的定义,保守性是一组伦理/政治方面的心理特质,这组特质的聚合度很高,拥有这组特质的人很大可能成为保守派,但具有保守特质的人,在不同的社会/思想经历下,生成了不同的政治/伦理主张,进而,这些人在特定的社会/历史情境中,聚合为特定(more...)

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【2015-10-18】 @研二公知苗 保守主义定义本来就很难嘛,有人将其定义为一种特定的意识形态,出现于法国大革命之后,以柏克为始祖,这基本就是你姨采纳的说法。但是根据另一种的“情境化定义”,认为保守主义就是一种在相似情境下反复出现的普遍性的思潮。 @whigzhou: 其实我更喜欢心理学家的定义,保守性是一组伦理/政治方面的心理特质,这组特质的聚合度很高,拥有这组特质的人很大可能成为保守派,但具有保守特质的人,在不同的社会/思想经历下,生成了不同的政治/伦理主张,进而,这些人在特定的社会/历史情境中,聚合为特定的保守主义,相互间完全可能对立。 @whigzhou: 沿这条脉络可以把问题看得更清楚,甚至可以预测一个人在特定认知环境下会形成何种政治倾向,以及,基于人口统计学数据而推测,特定社会条件下,会出现何种政治潮流 @熊也餐厅:是不是要保守的内容和价值观不一样,才形成不同的立场? @whigzhou: 对,保守派必定是维护某种既有秩序的,但具体维护的是哪个秩序,每个保守派有可以不同选择 @whigzhou: 所以和保守派对立的,其实是激进派(或叛逆派),从心理机制上看,最根本区别可能是,前者重原则,后则重计算 @whigzhou: 复古派(比如新儒家和塔利班)不是保守派,相反,往往是激进派,因为他们要复的那个古,只是一套理想,根本不是一种现实中存在秩序或传统 @PlusKing2022:那么复封建主义呢 @whigzhou: 都铎朝的封建主义是保守派,腓特烈大帝所面对的封建主义也是保守派,今天的就不是  
语义的起源

【2015-10-16】

@海德沙龙 本文摘选自作者一部有关桑(布须曼)人神话传说的专著,其中谈论了桑人神话中的一种叙事方式,即如何通过图形或符号传达意义,对我们理解语言的演化和早期图形文字的起源都有所启发,类似现象在其他文化中也都可以看到,但桑人提供了一个更原始朴素的例子 °桑人神话的叙事方式

@whigzhou: 我推荐此文是因为它呼应了我有关语言的一个看法:言语无法也不必包含意义,它只是一个刺激序列,用于在听者头脑里唤起相应的观念。

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【2015-10-16】 @海德沙龙 本文摘选自作者一部有关桑(布须曼)人神话传说的专著,其中谈论了桑人神话中的一种叙事方式,即如何通过图形或符号传达意义,对我们理解语言的演化和早期图形文字的起源都有所启发,类似现象在其他文化中也都可以看到,但桑人提供了一个更原始朴素的例子 °桑人神话的叙事方式 @whigzhou: 我推荐此文是因为它呼应了我有关语言的一个看法:言语无法也不必包含意义,它只是一个刺激序列,用于在听者头脑里唤起相应的观念。 @whigzhou: 由此引出两个推论:1)言语的信息量和被交流观念的信息量没有直接对应关系;2)有效交流所需要的最小言语单位是不可确定的,可能只是一个音节,也可能是一段长篇大论 @whigzhou: 这一观点若运用在短语这一层次(表现为所谓典故),相信多数人都会同意,但其实在基础词汇这一层次,和多个句子组成的大段落这样的层次,同样成立  
[译文]桑人神话的叙事方式

Excavating meaning from the complex myths of southern Africa’s San people
挖掘南非桑人复杂神话传说的意义

作者:David Lewis-Williams @ 2015-8-20
译者:Veidt(@Veidt)
校对:慕白(@李凤阳他说)
来源:The Conversation,http://theconversation.com/excavating-meaning-from-the-complex-myths-of-southern-africas-san-people-45451

The San are the oldest inhabitants of southern Africa, where they have lived for millennia. The term San is commonly used to refer to a diverse group of hunter-gatherers living in the region who share historical and linguistic connections. They were also called Bushmen, but this term is considered derogatory and is no longer used.

作为南部非洲最早的居民,桑人已经在这片土地上生活了数千年。“桑人”这个概念通常被用来指代多个在这片区域生活的、在历史和语言上存在关联的狩猎采集群体。历史上他们也曾经被称为“布希曼人”,但这个词通常被认为具有贬义,现在已经不再使用了。

David Lewis-Williams has spent 53 years studying the San people, publishing his first article in 1962. His 20th book on the San – Myth and Meaning: San-Bushman Folklore (more...)

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Excavating meaning from the complex myths of southern Africa’s San people 挖掘南非桑人复杂神话传说的意义 作者:David Lewis-Williams @ 2015-8-20 译者:Veidt(@Veidt) 校对:慕白(@李凤阳他说) 来源:The Conversation,http://theconversation.com/excavating-meaning-from-the-complex-myths-of-southern-africas-san-people-45451 The San are the oldest inhabitants of southern Africa, where they have lived for millennia. The term San is commonly used to refer to a diverse group of hunter-gatherers living in the region who share historical and linguistic connections. They were also called Bushmen, but this term is considered derogatory and is no longer used. 作为南部非洲最早的居民,桑人已经在这片土地上生活了数千年。“桑人”这个概念通常被用来指代多个在这片区域生活的、在历史和语言上存在关联的狩猎采集群体。历史上他们也曾经被称为“布希曼人”,但这个词通常被认为具有贬义,现在已经不再使用了。 David Lewis-Williams has spent 53 years studying the San people, publishing his first article in 1962. His 20th book on the San – Myth and Meaning: San-Bushman Folklore in Global Context – has just been published (see extract below). 学者David Lewis-Williams已经花了53年研究桑人,1962年他发表了自己关于桑人的第一篇文章,而上个月他刚刚出版了自己第20部有关桑人的著作——《神话与内涵——全球背景下的桑-布希曼民间传说》(见下文的节选)。 Lewis-Williams believes that the future of the San is uncertain. South Africa began passing laws in the 1960s to take over large sections of the traditional hunting lands of the Kalahari San for game and nature reserves. Lewis-Williams认为,桑人的未来存在诸多不确定性。自1960年代开始,南非就通过一系列法律大片侵占生活在卡拉哈里沙漠的桑人世代狩猎及用于自然保育的土地。 Although the South African government is now much more helpful, the San people hardly have any land on which to hunt and gather. Lewis-Williams says they face a battle to hang onto customs in the face of modernization. The small number that remain stick to their beliefs and traditions. 虽然当前南非政府在帮助桑人方面做了比之前更多的努力,但是对桑人来说,目前已经几乎没有多少土地能够供他们狩猎和采集了。Lewis-Williams认为桑人正面临着一场在现代化挑战下维持他们传统生存方式的战斗。这一小群人仍然在努力坚守着他们的信仰和传统。 In his latest book, Lewis-Williams excavates meaning from the complex mythological stories of the San-Bushmen to create a larger theory of how myth is used in culture. He says the myths are not detailed in the paintings, but that the paintings and the myths derive from the same set of religious beliefs. 在他最新的著作中,Lewis-Williams试图从盘根错节的桑-布希曼民间传说中挖掘出一些内涵,以建立一个更大的理论框架来解释神话传说是如何在文化中发挥作用的。他认为,这些神话传说并未在桑人的岩壁画得到具体表现,相反,桑人的壁画和神话传说是同一组宗教信仰中衍生出来的。 Lewis-Williams explores the connection between myths and rock paintings in the Drakensberg. The paintings on the walls were not pictures of myths but actually important words or phrases – what he called small but valuable “nuggets”– about San life. Lewis-Williams研究了南非德拉肯斯堡的桑人神话传说和岩壁画之间的关系。这些岩壁上的图案并不是用来详细呈现神话传说的内容的,而是一些有关桑人生活的重要词语和短语——他把它们叫做“珍贵的小金块”。 Extract from Myth and Meaning: San-Bushman Folklore in Global Context 下文节选自David Lewis-Williams的新作《神话与内涵——全球背景下的桑-布希曼民间传说》 One of the results of my own work has been that apparently simple texts such as the Song of the Broken String are studded with far-reaching words and concepts that are unintelligible to, and therefore easily missed by, modern readers. 我之前的一项研究成果表明,一些表面看来简单的文本(例如《残章之歌》【编注:该书是南非作家Stephen Watson的一部诗集,基于人类学家Dorothea Bleek对布希曼口述传统的直白记录,以诗歌形式演绎而成。】)中实际上包含了一些意义深远的词语和概念,现代读者很容易错过它们,因为这些词语和概念看起来很可能有些莫名其妙。 These “nuggets”, as I call them, encapsulate meanings that bring San lore and myth to life. Specific narratives are seldom pan-San, but, as we shall see, nuggets frequently are. 在这些被我称为“小金块”的东西之中,包含了许多能帮助我们在今天再现桑人神话传说的内涵。具体的叙事在不同的桑人群落中各有不同,但我们可以看到,这些小金块在各桑人群落中反复出现。 Nuggets should not be confused with the cross-cultural narrative motifs that, for instance, the folklorist Sigrid Schmidt used in her valuable catalogue of Khoesan folklore. 我们不能把这些桑人“小金块”与其它的一些跨文化叙事主题混淆在一起,就像民俗学者Sigrid Schmidt在她宝贵的科伊桑语系民间传说目录中所做的那样。 Nor are nuggets equivalents of Claude Levi-Strauss’ “mythemes” that, in his formulation, frequently comprise a subject and a predicate. Rather, nuggets are single words denoting, for example, items of material culture that have rich associations, or parts of the natural environment with cryptic connotations. 这些桑人“小金块”同样也并不等同于列维-斯特劳斯(Claude Levi-Strauss)提出的“神话主题”的概念,在他的定义里,“神话主题”通常都包含一个主语和一个谓语。而这些“小金块”则是单个的词汇,表现诸如物质文化中的物品等拥有丰富关联的条目,或者一些具有神秘内涵的自然环境内容。 They may also be idiomatic turns of phrase that are opaque to outsiders, or ellipses that hearers would have been expected to complete from their own knowledge. Although diverse, nuggets are important because they invoke reticulations of fundamental beliefs and associations that may not be explicitly expressed in the text. 它们也可能是一些外人无法理解的当地人惯用的短语,或者是一些期待听众通过自己的理解将内容补全的省略号。虽然很零散,但是这些“小金块”仍然很重要,因为它们能够启发出一系列并没有在文本中显式表达出来的基础信仰和联系的网络。 As a narrative proceeds, they add up to a powerful, all-embracing cognitive and affective context. They provide a counterpoint to the manifest plot of a tale, enriching its harmonies and resonances. 随着对一个神话故事叙述的不断深入,这些“小金块”逐步拼接成了一个强大而包容一切的认知和情感上下文。它们为一个神话传说的显性表达提供了一种衬托对位旋律,让故事本身获得了更强的和声与共振。 The manifest meaning, or “lesson”, of a narrative (if we assume one can be discerned) should be seen within this, for Westerners, allusive and often elusive context. My use of the concept of nuggets explores, in part, the same territory as the notion of “key symbols”. 一种叙述所要表达的意义(或曰“训”)只有通过这个在西方人看来充满暗喻而又难以捉摸的上下文中才能看出来。我在使用“小金块”这个概念时所表达的含义实际上和使用“关键符号”这个表述时在某种程度上是相同的。 Although broader than key symbols, the notion of nuggets does imply a summarising or synthesising function. In Sherry Ortner’s words, they “relate the respondent to the grounds of the system as a whole”. Respondents seldom analyse nuggets or key symbols, but they have absorbed their referents in the course of daily life. 虽然“小金块”这个词的含义比“关键符号”要更为宽泛,但其中也同样隐含了某些总结或者合成的功能。用Sherry Ortner的话来说,它们“在受众与该体系的背景这个整体之间建立了联系”。受众很少会去分析这些“小金块”或者“关键符号”,但他们已经通过日常生活中的各种经历了解了它们所指代的内容。 Indeed, nuggets are part of the “taken-for-granted” aspects of myth. Often indigenous narrators ignore the most important contexts and elements of a myth as being so obvious that they cannot imagine that their auditors do not think in terms of them. They themselves seldom, if ever, articulate them. 实际上,这些“小金块”是神话传说中的那些被人们认为“理所当然”的部分。通常来说,原住民讲述者们都会忽略掉一个神话传说中最重要的那些上下文和元素,因为这些内容实在太过于明显,他们无法想象自己的听众无法自己联想出这些部分。所以他们很少,甚至从不讲述这些内容。 In ancient Greece, for instance, writers and speakers rarely retold myths in detail. They more commonly merely referred to an incident or character in a myth on the assumption that their readers or hearers would know the full narrative. 举例来说,在古希腊,作家和演说家都很少详细地重述神话传说。他们通常仅仅提及一个神话传说中的某个事件或者某个角色,并假设自己的读者或听众都知道完整的故事。 Similarly with the San, we must constantly remember that in traditional circumstances the hearers were already familiar with the whole tale. They would mentally fill in “missing” episodes or details as the narrator progressed. 对于桑人也是这样,我们必须时刻记住,在传统的环境中,听众通常已经非常熟悉完整的神话故事了。随着叙述者的讲述不断深入,他们自己会脑补上那些叙述中缺失的篇章和细节。 It was therefore not necessary for narrators to spell out every incident in the tales that they were performing. It was not even necessary that a tale be told through to its end: everyone knew how it ended. The taken-for-granted factor was high. 因此叙述者们并没有必要说出他们正在讲述的故事中的每一个事件的细节,他们甚至不需要把一个故事从头讲到尾,因为所有人都知道它的结局如何。在整个故事中,那些“理所当然”的部分占了很高的比例。 Within an encompassing intellectual universe like this, a small part, a nugget, can readily stand for a vast, unarticulated whole. Indeed, synecdoche is intrinsic to a San speaker’s recounting and manipulation of narratives. 处于这样的一个知识环境的包围中,一个“小金块”这样的小片段能够很容易地代表一个巨大的、未被完整表达出来的整体。事实上,对于一个桑人讲述者而言,提喻是叙述中的一种固有手法。 In Chapter 7 I argue that this principle applies, in modified form, to San imagemaking as well. An appreciation of nuggets soon destroys the illusion of simplicity in myth and art. 在本书的第7章中,我认为这一原则如果稍加改动,也同样适用于桑人的岩画创作。通过对于这些“小金块”的深入了解,我们很快地破除了认为桑人的神话和艺术体系都很简单这一错觉。 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]饿怒症:为何有些人饿了就会暴躁

Health Check: the science of ‘hangry’, or why some people get grumpy when they’re hungry
健康检查:“饿怒症”科学,或为什么有些人饿了以后会暴躁

作者:Amanda Salis @ 2015-7-20
译者:黎安林
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:The Conversation,https://theconversation.com/health-check-the-science-of-hangry-or-why-some-people-get-grumpy-when-theyre-hungry-37229

There are many reasons why some people get very grumpy when they haven’t eaten for a while.

有些人一段时间没吃东西就变得非常暴躁,这有很多原因。

Have you ever snapped angrily at someone when you were hungry? Or has someone snapped angrily at you when they were hungry? If so, you’ve experienced “hangry” (an amalgam of hungry and angry) – the phenomenon whereby some people get grumpy and short-tempered when they’re overdue for a feed.

你曾在饥肠辘辘时愤怒地呵斥过某人吗?或者,你曾被某人在饥饿时愤怒地呵斥过吗?如果有,你就体验过“饿怒症”(一种饥饿和愤怒的混合体)——即有些人过了吃饭时间没吃东西就会变得暴躁易怒的现象。

But where does hanger come from? And why is it that only some people seem to get hangry? The answer lies in some of the processes that happen inside your body when it needs food.

但是饿怒来自哪里?为什么只是一部分人会饿怒?答案就在你身体需要食物时发生在体内的过程中。

The physiology of hanger
饿怒的生理学

The carbohydrates, proteins and fats in everything you eat are digested into simple sugars (such as glucose), amino acids and free fatty acids. These nutrients pass into your bloodstream from where they are distributed to your organs and tissues and used for energy.

你吃的所有食物中的碳水化合物、蛋白质和脂肪,都被消化成单糖(如葡萄糖)、氨基酸和游离脂肪酸。这些营养物质首先进入你的血液,然后从哪里被分配到你的器官和组织,并用作能量来源。

As time passes after your last meal, the amount of these nutrients circulating in your bloodstream starts to drop. If your blood-glucose levels fall far enough, your brain will perceive it as a life-threatening situation. You see, unlike most other organs and tissues in your body which can use a variety of nutrients to keep functioning, your brain is critically dependent on glucose to do its job.

在你上一次饭后,随着时间流逝,这些在你的血液中循环的营养物质的量开始下降。如果你的血糖水平过低,你的大脑就会把它理解为危及生命的情况。你知道,不像你体内的大多数其他器官和组织,它们可以使用种类繁多的营养物质来保持运转,你的大脑却严重依赖葡萄糖来完成其工作。

You’ve probably already noticed this dependence your brain has on glucose; simple things can become difficult when you’re hungry and your blood glucose levels drop. You may find it hard to concentrate, for instance, or you may make silly mistakes. Or you might have noticed that your words become muddled or slurred.

你可能已经注意到了这种大脑对葡萄糖的依赖;当你饿了,身体的血糖水平下降,简单的事情也会变得困难。比如,你会感到注意力难以集中,或者可能犯一些低级的错误。或者你可能已经注意到,你说话变得混乱而含糊不清。

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Health Check: the science of ‘hangry’, or why some people get grumpy when they’re hungry 健康检查:“饿怒症”科学,或为什么有些人饿了以后会暴躁 作者:Amanda Salis @ 2015-7-20 译者:黎安林 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:The Conversation,https://theconversation.com/health-check-the-science-of-hangry-or-why-some-people-get-grumpy-when-theyre-hungry-37229 There are many reasons why some people get very grumpy when they haven’t eaten for a while. 有些人一段时间没吃东西就变得非常暴躁,这有很多原因。 Have you ever snapped angrily at someone when you were hungry? Or has someone snapped angrily at you when they were hungry? If so, you’ve experienced “hangry” (an amalgam of hungry and angry) – the phenomenon whereby some people get grumpy and short-tempered when they’re overdue for a feed. 你曾在饥肠辘辘时愤怒地呵斥过某人吗?或者,你曾被某人在饥饿时愤怒地呵斥过吗?如果有,你就体验过“饿怒症”(一种饥饿和愤怒的混合体)——即有些人过了吃饭时间没吃东西就会变得暴躁易怒的现象。 But where does hanger come from? And why is it that only some people seem to get hangry? The answer lies in some of the processes that happen inside your body when it needs food. 但是饿怒来自哪里?为什么只是一部分人会饿怒?答案就在你身体需要食物时发生在体内的过程中。 The physiology of hanger 饿怒的生理学 The carbohydrates, proteins and fats in everything you eat are digested into simple sugars (such as glucose), amino acids and free fatty acids. These nutrients pass into your bloodstream from where they are distributed to your organs and tissues and used for energy. 你吃的所有食物中的碳水化合物、蛋白质和脂肪,都被消化成单糖(如葡萄糖)、氨基酸和游离脂肪酸。这些营养物质首先进入你的血液,然后从哪里被分配到你的器官和组织,并用作能量来源。 As time passes after your last meal, the amount of these nutrients circulating in your bloodstream starts to drop. If your blood-glucose levels fall far enough, your brain will perceive it as a life-threatening situation. You see, unlike most other organs and tissues in your body which can use a variety of nutrients to keep functioning, your brain is critically dependent on glucose to do its job. 在你上一次饭后,随着时间流逝,这些在你的血液中循环的营养物质的量开始下降。如果你的血糖水平过低,你的大脑就会把它理解为危及生命的情况。你知道,不像你体内的大多数其他器官和组织,它们可以使用种类繁多的营养物质来保持运转,你的大脑却严重依赖葡萄糖来完成其工作。 You’ve probably already noticed this dependence your brain has on glucose; simple things can become difficult when you’re hungry and your blood glucose levels drop. You may find it hard to concentrate, for instance, or you may make silly mistakes. Or you might have noticed that your words become muddled or slurred. 你可能已经注意到了这种大脑对葡萄糖的依赖;当你饿了,身体的血糖水平下降,简单的事情也会变得困难。比如,你会感到注意力难以集中,或者可能犯一些低级的错误。或者你可能已经注意到,你说话变得混乱而含糊不清。 image-20150721-24295-b4eb5u改 Another thing that can become more difficult when you’re hungry is behaving within socially acceptable norms, such as not snapping at people. So while you may be able to conjure up enough brain power to avoid being grumpy with important colleagues, you may let your guard down and inadvertently snap at the people you are most relaxed with or care most about, such as partners and friends. Sound familiar? 当你饿了,可能变得更加困难的另一件事情是行为举止符合社会可接受的规范,比如不呵斥人。虽然你可能唤起足够脑力来避免和重要同事相处时出现暴躁,但是在对待如伴侣、朋友等最令人放松或者最在乎的人时,你可能放松警惕,无意识地呵斥他们。是不是听起来很熟悉? Another bodily response 另一种身体反应 Besides a drop in blood-glucose concentrations, another reason people can become hangry is the glucose counter-regulatory response. Let me explain. 除了血糖浓度的下降,另一个让人饿怒的原因是葡萄糖反馈调节反应。让我解释一下。 When blood-glucose levels drop to a certain threshold, your brain sends instructions to several organs in your body to synthesise and release hormones that increase the amount of glucose in your bloodstream. 当血糖水平下降到一定阈值,大脑会向你身体的几个器官发出指令来合成和释放特定激素,以增加血液中的葡萄糖含量。 The four main glucose counter-regulatory hormones are: growth hormone from the pituitary gland situated deep in the brain; glucagon from the pancreas; and adrenaline, which is sometimes called epinephrine, and cortisol, which are both from the adrenal glands. These latter two glucose counter-regulatory hormones are stress hormones that are released into your bloodstream in all sorts of stressful situations, not just when you experience the physical stress of low blood-glucose levels. 四种主要的葡萄糖反馈调节激素是:位于大脑深处的脑垂体释放的生长激素;胰腺产生的胰高血糖素;肾上腺素和皮质醇,它们都是从肾上腺产生的。后两个葡萄糖反馈调节激素是在各种紧张的情况下(不只是在遭受低血糖水平的生理压力时)释放到血液中的应激激素。 In fact, adrenaline is one of the major hormones released into your bloodstream with the “fight or flight” response to a sudden scare, such as when you see, hear or even think something that threatens your safety. Just as you might easily shout out in anger at someone during the “fight or flight” response, the flood of adrenaline you get during the glucose counter-regulatory response can promote a similar response. 事实上,肾上腺素是当你遭受突然的惊吓,如看到、听到甚至想到有什么东西威胁你的安全,从而作出“战斗或逃跑”反应时,被释放到血液中的主要激素之一。正如你可能很容易在“战斗或逃跑”应激场景中对某人愤怒地咆哮,你在葡萄糖反馈调节反应中产生的大量肾上腺素也可能促发类似的反应。 Nature and nurture 先天和后天 Another reason hunger is linked to anger is that both are controlled by common genes. The product of one such gene is neuropeptide Y, a natural brain chemical released into the brain when you are hungry. It stimulates voracious feeding behaviours by acting on a variety of receptors in the brain, including one called the Y1 receptor. 饥饿与愤怒有关的另一个原因是,两者都被共同的基因所控制。其中一个基因的产物是神经肽Y,这是当你饿了时释放给大脑的脑内天然化学物质。它通过作用于大脑中多种受体,其中一个叫Y1受体,来刺激贪婪的取食行为。 image-20150721-24261-1i4fvd9 (1)改 Besides acting in the brain to control hunger, neuropeptide Y and the Y1 receptor also regulate anger or aggression. In keeping with this, people with high levels of neuropeptide Y in their cerebrospinal fluid also tend to show high levels of impulse aggression. 神经肽Y和Y1受体除了作用于大脑以控制饥饿感之外,还能调节愤怒或攻击性。与此一致,当人的脑脊液中神经肽Y水平高时,往往表现出高水平的攻击冲动。 As you can see, there are several pathways that can make you prone to anger when you’re hungry. Hanger is undoubtedly a survival mechanism that has served humans and other animals well. Think about it like this: if hungry organisms stood back and graciously let others eat before them, their species could die out. 正如你所看到的,当你饿了时,有几个途径可以使你易怒。饿怒无疑是作用于人类和其他动物的一种生存机制。这样想想看:如果饿了的生物靠后站,慷慨地让别人在他们头前吃东西,他们的物种将消亡。 While many physical factors contribute to hanger, psychosocial factors also have a role. Culture influences whether you express verbal aggression directly or indirectly, for instance. 虽然有许多物理因素能导致饿怒,社会心理因素也有一定作用。例如,文化能够影响你是直接还是间接地表达言语攻击。 And as we are all different across all of these factors, it’s little wonder there are differences in how angry people seem to get when they’re hungry. 并且,由于人们在所有这些因素上都有所不同,很自然地,当他们饥饿时,他们愤怒的程度也有所不同。 Dealing with hanger 克服饿怒 The easiest way to handle hanger is to eat something before you get too hungry. While you may hanker for quick-fix foods, such as chocolate and potato chips, when you’re in the throes of hanger, junk foods generally induce large rises in blood-glucose levels that come crashing down fast. 应对饿怒的最简单方法是在你太饿之前吃东西。当你在饿怒中挣扎时,你可能会想吃些速战速决的食物,如巧克力和薯片,垃圾食品普遍能促使血糖水平大幅提升,但下降得也非常快。 image-20150721-24304-be3mpa (1)改 Ultimately, they may leave you feeling hangrier. So think nutrient-rich, natural foods that help satisfy hunger for as long as possible, without excess kilojoules. 最终,他们可能会让你感到更加饿怒。因此,还是考虑食用营养丰富的天然食品,它们可以尽可能久地给你充饥,且没有多余的能量。 Eating as soon as you are hungry may not always be possible. This may be the case during long shifts at work, for instance, or through religious fasts such as Ramadan, or during weight-loss diets that involve severe energy restriction (such as intermittent fasting diets). All of these should only be done if your doctor has given you the all-clear. 你未必总是能够一饿就立即吃东西。比如,这可能是由工作中的轮班时间很长导致的,或者由宗教斋戒如斋月导致,或正处于严格限制热量的减肥节食(如间歇性禁食减肥)过程中。所有这些只应在医生给了你全面清晰指导后再做。 In these cases, it can help to remember that, with time, your glucose counter-regulatory response will kick in and your blood-glucose levels will stabilise. Also, when you go without food, your body starts breaking down its own fat stores for energy, some of which are converted by your body into ketones, a product of fat metabolism. Ketones are thought to help keep your hunger under control because your brain can use ketones in place of glucose for fuel. 在所有这些情况下,记住以下这一点都是有用的:随着时间推移,你的葡萄糖反馈调节反应会开启,你的血糖水平将趋于稳定。此外,当你没有进食时,你的身体开始分解自己的脂肪储存来提供能量,其中一些将被你的身体转换成酮——脂肪代谢的一种产物。酮被认为有助于控制饥饿,因为你的大脑可以使用酮代替葡萄糖作为能量。 A final – and very civilised – way of handling hanger is to suggest that difficult situations be dealt with after food, not before! 最后一个——并且很文明——的饿怒处理方式是,建议你在进食后再处理复杂的事情,而不是在此之前! (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

能量均衡等式

【2015-10-13】

@海德沙龙 本文是Peter Turchin报告他实践旧石器食谱后个人体验的系列博文中最后一篇,此时他转变食谱已有27个月,不过本文大部分篇幅是在介绍人类学家Richard Wrangham有关烹饪与人类进化之关系的著作Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human,这是本非常好的书 °旧石器食谱与火

@whigzhou: Catching Fire很好,在我今年读过的书里排前五,他还教(more...)

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【2015-10-13】 @海德沙龙 本文是Peter Turchin报告他实践旧石器食谱后个人体验的系列博文中最后一篇,此时他转变食谱已有27个月,不过本文大部分篇幅是在介绍人类学家Richard Wrangham有关烹饪与人类进化之关系的著作Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human,这是本非常好的书 °旧石器食谱与火 @whigzhou: Catching Fire很好,在我今年读过的书里排前五,他还教会我用榔头敲牛排。 @whigzhou: 能量均衡等式是生计模式的核心,但以往的研究往往只按食材计算能量,而Richard Wrangham提醒我们,加工方式非常重要,是否加工及如何加工,对于从给定食材中所获取净能量的影响可达30-40% @whigzhou: 其实房屋、炉火和衣服等因素也都应纳入能量均衡式,在温带,冬天若没有保温效果良好的房屋和衣服,代谢水平要高出很多,它们对马尔萨斯极限位置的影响也很大,不过从我读到的文献看,这些因素都还没得到足够关注  
[译文]伊利诺伊州继续流失人口与税基

Illinois’ Population And AGI Continue To Plummet Under Democratic Legislature
在民主党州议会治下,伊利诺伊州人口和总收入直线下跌

作者:Rex Sinquefield @ 2015-08-07
译者:Luis Rightcon(@Rightcon)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/rexsinquefield/2015/08/07/illinois-population-and-agi-continue-to-plummet-under-democratic-legislature/

【插图文字说明】Illinois residents and businesses are still suffering from the 67 percent state income tax hike former Governor Quinn enacted in 2011.
伊利诺伊州居民和企业仍在遭受前任州长Pat Quin(more...)

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Illinois' Population And AGI Continue To Plummet Under Democratic Legislature 在民主党州议会治下,伊利诺伊州人口和总收入直线下跌 作者:Rex Sinquefield @ 2015-08-07 译者:Luis Rightcon(@Rightcon) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/rexsinquefield/2015/08/07/illinois-population-and-agi-continue-to-plummet-under-democratic-legislature/ 【插图文字说明】Illinois residents and businesses are still suffering from the 67 percent state income tax hike former Governor Quinn enacted in 2011. 伊利诺伊州居民和企业仍在遭受前任州长Pat Quinn 2011签署的所得税提升67%法令所导致的痛苦。 The sweet smell of success won’t waft through Deerfield, Illinois, much longer. Mondelez International, maker of beloved cookie brands Chips Ahoy and Oreo, recently announced plans to lay off 600 workers at its Illinois headquarters. Plus, Mondelez is shutting down nine manufacturing lines on Chicago’s South Side and spending $130 million to install new lines in Salinas, Mexico. 成功的甜蜜气息不会在伊利诺伊州的迪尔菲尔德上空继续飘荡太久。旗下拥有深受喜爱的饼干品牌Chips Ahoy和Oreo 的Mondelez International公司最近宣布将从其伊州总部裁员600人。另外,Mondelez还会关闭位于芝加哥南区的9条生产线,并将花费约一亿三千万美元在墨西哥的Salinas市配置新生产线。 This, of course, is just the latest in a long line of blows dealt to Illinois. Thanks to years of unwise fiscal decisions and short-sighted tax increases, people (and their incomes) leave the state in droves. 这当然只是伊利诺伊州所受一长串打击中的最新一条而已。由于不明智的财政决策和短视的增税持续多年,人们(和他们的收入)成群结队地离开该州。 Where are all these disenchanted Illinoisans going? Well . . . anywhere except Illinois. Taxpayer-migration data released by the Internal Revenue Service on July 31 shows that for the first time in recorded IRS history (stretching back to 1990), Illinois lost residents to every other state in the Midwest. 这些希望破灭的伊州人民去哪了呢?嗯……任何地方,除了伊利诺伊。美国国税局于7月31日发布的纳税人迁移数据表明,自该局有记录以来(早至1990年),首次出现所有中西部州均接纳了伊利诺伊州流失居民的现象。 Such is the legacy left by former Governor Pat Quinn, who in 2011 enacted a 67 percent hike in Illinois’ state income tax. This historic tax hike hit hard, causing harm to working families, small businesses, and entrepreneurs alike. Illinois voters were so disappointed by their state’s decline that, last November, they ousted the Democrat governor in favor of business-savvy, reform-minded Bruce Rauner. 这就是前任州长Pat Quinn的遗产,他于2011年签署法令,将伊利诺伊州的州所得税拉高了67%。这一历史性的加税打击沉重,对工薪家庭、小企业和企业家们都带来了伤害。伊州选民对该州如此衰微非常不满,于是去年11月他们将原民主党州长赶下台,选出了精于商业、具有改革思维的Bruce Rauner。 Understanding what a mess Illinois is in, Rauner quickly proposed a series of strong reforms aimed at solving the state’s massive unfunded-pension problem as well as curbing union power. He also advocated for policy reform that would help manufacturers, in particular, including lawsuit reform, workers’ compensation reform, and a freeze on property taxes. Bruce Rauner完全明白伊州陷入了怎样的混乱,他迅速提出了一系列针对养老金亏空问题和遏制工会力量的强力改革措施。他同时也提倡那些有利于制造商的政策改革,特别是诉讼改革、工人薪酬改革和财产税冻结。 Unfortunately and rather unsurprisingly, Governor Rauner is facing pushback from dyed-in-the-wool Democrats in the Illinois General Assembly (particularly Senate President John Cullerton and House Speaker Mike Madigan). Legislative leadership’s wrong-headed handling of the state’s economy is driving Illinoisans away. 不幸但并不令人惊讶的是,Rauner州长面临着伊利诺伊州议会中铁杆民主党人的反抗(特别是州参院议长John Cullerton和州众院议长Mike Madigan)。立法机构领导人在州经济事务上的执迷不悟正在驱走该州民众。 In 2011 alone, Illinois lost 24,000 taxpayers and their 26,000 documented dependents, for a net loss of 50,000 people. These former Land of Lincoln residents took their adjusted gross incomes with them, of course – the AGI loss for the state of Illinois was $2.5 billion in 2011 alone. (That’s a $600 million increase from 2010, when Illinois saw $1.9 billion in net AGI leave.) 仅2011年一年内,伊利诺伊州就失去了24000位纳税人和他们的26000位登记家属,净损失达到了五万人口。这些前“林肯之乡”的居民当然还把他们的“调整后总收入”一并带走——伊州总收入2011年单年就损失了25亿美元。(这一损失比2010年增加了6亿美元,当年的总收入流失是19亿美元)。 Significantly, people and incomes aren’t just going to the typical low-tax paradises, like Florida and Texas. They’re also going to every other state in the Midwest. And the House and Senate Democrats who refuse to call a vote on Rauner’s bills have offered nothing in the way of viable alternative plans. 值得注意的是,人民和他们的收入并不仅仅是流向了那些典型的低税天堂,像佛罗里达和得克萨斯,他们也去向了中西部的其他各州。州众院和参院的民主党人拒绝为州长Rauner的提案提起表决,而他们自己却拿不出任何可行的替代方案。 The problem is perhaps most pronounced in Chicago, where Mayor Rahm Emanuel seeks solutions for the enormous hole in the city budget. There are many reasons for this budget debacle – unfunded pension liabilities and an increased minimum wage among them – but one of the biggest factors is the erosion of the Cook County tax base. 芝加哥的问题可能最为明显,该市市长Rahm Emanuel正在想办法解决市预算的巨额缺口。这一预算灾难有很多原因——其中包括拨付不足的养老金负债和最低工资的上涨——但一个最大的因素是Cook县税基的缩水。 The out-migration of taxpayers during 2011 will cost Chicago more than $9 billion in taxable income over the next ten years, according to the recently released IRS data. During 2011 (again, the first year of Illinois’ 67 percent income-tax hike), Cook County lost nearly 28,000 more people than it gained; along with these residents went more than $900 million in net AGI for the year, with $700 million leaving the state entirely. At the time of writing, each and every Chicago household is on the line for more than $63,000 in local-government debt. 根据最近披露的美国国税局数据,2011年纳税人的外流将会使得芝加哥市在未来十年内流失超过90亿美元的应税收入。在2011年(又是伊利诺伊州所得税提升67%的第一年),Cook县净流失人口约达28000人之多,这些居民所带走的当年总收入数值超过9亿美元,其中有7亿美元彻底流出伊州。在本文写作时,每一个芝加哥家庭平均都背负着超过63000美元的地方政府债务。 To break it down even further: Even before cookie giant Mondelez International decided to pull up stakes, Illinois was losing 40 manufacturing jobs every single day. In the first half of 2015 (January through June), Illinois suffered a net loss of 7,300 factory jobs – while neighboring Indiana is up 7,600 factory jobs, and Michigan is up 12,800 jobs. 更深入地讲,甚至在饼干巨头Mondelez International决定打包走人之前,伊利诺伊州每天都会损失40个制造业工作岗位。在2015年上半年(1-6月),伊州损失了至少7300个工厂岗位——而邻居印第安纳州增长了7300个,密歇根州增长了12800个。 Illinois legislators should feel a moral imperative to keep factory jobs in the Land of Lincoln, considering how many families depend on this work. The time is far past due for the General Assembly to make smart decisions that keep jobs, families, and incomes in Illinois.  If they do not, one Illinoisans should think back on the fiercely competitive boxing match between Muhammad Ali and Joe Frazier, which prompted Howard Cosell to call out, “Down goes Frazier! Down goes Frazier!” 考虑到太多家庭依赖于此,伊利诺伊州的立法者们应该怀有一种道德上的紧迫感,来把制造业工作留在“林肯之乡”。州议会早就应该做出一些聪明的决定,将工作、家庭和收入留在本州之内。如果他们不这么干,一个伊利诺伊人应该回想一下拳王阿里和弗雷泽的激烈拳击比赛,Howard Cosell曾在那场比赛中高呼“打倒弗雷泽!打倒弗雷泽!”【译注:作者似乎记错了,所提及的比赛似应为弗雷泽vs福尔曼。在此次比赛中,福尔曼多次击倒弗雷泽,著名解说员Cosell连续高呼打倒弗雷泽。】 (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

超越邓巴数#1:规模局限的含义

超越邓巴数#1:规模局限的含义
辉格
2015年9月8日

人类学家罗宾·邓巴(Robin Dunbar)提出过一个著名理论,大意是说,每个人与之维持持久关系的熟人,数量最多不超过200,通常只有100多;所谓熟人,不仅是指你认识这个人(对此常存在误解),更是指你记住了和他的交往历史,以及他和你认识的其他人之间的关系;这一数量限制,后来被称为邓巴数(Dunbar’s number)。

在邓巴看来,造成这一限制的,是人类认知能力的局限:尽管一百多看起来不是很大的数字,但两两关系的数量却可以非常庞大,而且随着人数增长,关系数量将指数式的膨胀,所以尽管我们的大脑已经比黑猩猩大了三四倍,也很难处理更庞大的关系网络和交往历史了;况且,社会关系只是我们面临的诸多认知任务之一,虽然对人类来说它是非常重要的一类。

受制于这样的认知局限,人类不得不以两种截然不同的方式对待他人:对熟知者,我们会把他当作有血有肉的特殊个体对待,会关注他的喜好和秉性,揣摩他的动机和意图,并以此决定如何与他交往和相处;相反,对半生不熟者或陌生人,我们会简单的做类型化处理:归类、贴标签,凭借刻板印象迅速决定如何相待。

用计算主义的话说,人类认知系统中处理社会关系的模块,有着两套相互独立的算法,用于处理熟识关系的那套,会为每个交往对象单独建模,据此预测其行为,而另一套则只对每种关系类型建模,具体运用时,将个体对象作类型识别后套入其中一个模型,便得出判断。

果若如此,我们就容易理解某些社会心理现象了:比如许多人持有种族偏见,但这种偏见常常并不妨碍他拥有该种族的朋友;再如,当一个人进入文化迥异(more...)

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超越邓巴数#1:规模局限的含义 辉格 2015年9月8日 人类学家罗宾·邓巴([[Robin Dunbar]])提出过一个著名理论,大意是说,每个人与之维持持久关系的熟人,数量最多不超过200,通常只有100多;所谓熟人,不仅是指你认识这个人(对此常存在误解),更是指你记住了和他的交往历史,以及他和你认识的其他人之间的关系;这一数量限制,后来被称为邓巴数([[Dunbar's number]])。 在邓巴看来,造成这一限制的,是人类认知能力的局限:尽管一百多看起来不是很大的数字,但两两关系的数量却可以非常庞大,而且随着人数增长,关系数量将指数式的膨胀,所以尽管我们的大脑已经比黑猩猩大了三四倍,也很难处理更庞大的关系网络和交往历史了;况且,社会关系只是我们面临的诸多认知任务之一,虽然对人类来说它是非常重要的一类。 受制于这样的认知局限,人类不得不以两种截然不同的方式对待他人:对熟知者,我们会把他当作有血有肉的特殊个体对待,会关注他的喜好和秉性,揣摩他的动机和意图,并以此决定如何与他交往和相处;相反,对半生不熟者或陌生人,我们会简单的做类型化处理:归类、贴标签,凭借刻板印象迅速决定如何相待。 用计算主义的话说,人类认知系统中处理社会关系的模块,有着两套相互独立的算法,用于处理熟识关系的那套,会为每个交往对象单独建模,据此预测其行为,而另一套则只对每种关系类型建模,具体运用时,将个体对象作类型识别后套入其中一个模型,便得出判断。 果若如此,我们就容易理解某些社会心理现象了:比如许多人持有种族偏见,但这种偏见常常并不妨碍他拥有该种族的朋友;再如,当一个人进入文化迥异的陌生社会,起初往往会遭遇刻板化的对待,但时间长了,那些和他建立起熟识关系的人,就会改变态度。 这两种交往模式,在我们的称谓方式中也留下了鲜明痕迹;对于和自己较亲密的人,我们会以名字相称,连名带姓就显得见外,只称姓就更疏远;因为名字是标识个体的,而姓氏则是标识家族、宗族或更大世系群的;昵称则是更亲密的称谓,因为正式名字是给所有需要的人用的,所以最亲密的关系中需要换用另一个特殊称谓,才能将两种关系区分开来。 类似的,当我们使用比较客气的称谓时(客气的意思是刻意强调与对方的社会距离),就会选择一些标签式称谓(相对于个体式称谓),这些标签用于标识对方的社会身份,比如职业、职务、爵位、军衔等等。(这里存在一些微妙情形,当既要表示客气或尊敬,又要表示亲密时,会组合使用标签和个体名字,比如杰克叔叔,小波老师,泰迪上校,等等。) 进而,(特别是在第三人称场合)当我们想要表达对他人的轻蔑,或强调自己和他的差异,并以此强调自己和他根本不是同类人,也不屑于将他当作特定个体对待时,便会倾向于选择类别称谓,常见的类别涉及种族、民族、地域、阶层、宗教、政治派别和亚文化群体,还有身体残疾特征。 当然,对交往模式的这种二分法可能过于简化了,一个多层次渐变模型或许更接近现实,单独建模和刻板化处理这两种评估和判断方法,会以不同比例混合使用,因而对个人而言,其关系网将按交往密切程度而构成一组由亲及疏的同心圆结构,其中最内圈大概只有小几十人。 邓巴数理论对我们理解人类社会很有帮助,人类学家早已注意到,传统乡村社会大多是小型熟人社会,游动性的狩猎采集群体更是无一例外,定居文明出现之前,不存在比熟人社会更大的社会结构,而邓巴告诉我们,这不是偶然现象,而是人类认知局限所造成的结果。 邓巴对社会化灵长类的群体规模和脑容量的统计研究,支持了基于认知能力的解释,他发现,这些群体的规模和它们的大脑新皮层容量之间,存在着显著的相关性,从新皮层的尺寸可以粗略推测群体规模,而脑科学告诉我们,新皮层确实和社会化行为、表情处理和语言能力等社会性动物特有的认知能力有密切关系。 熟人社会的特点是,其内部秩序主要靠熟人之间的合作与信任来维持,这是一种在人际交往中自发建立并自我维持的秩序,不依赖于中心执行机构(比如司法系统);这些人之所以相互熟识并生活在一起,通常是因为血缘和姻亲关系为合作互惠创造了前提;而记忆交往历史和两两关系之所以重要,是因为这些记忆在上述合作互惠关系的建立和维持中扮演了关键角色。 政治学家罗伯特·阿克塞尔罗德([[Robert Axelrod]])的理论研究发现,在重复性合作博弈中,达成互惠合作从而避免囚徒困境的可能性,与此类社会关系记忆有着密切关系,这些记忆能够帮助个体区别对待不同交往对象,如此才可能发展出各种复杂的合作策略,让自己既乐于合作(从而最大可能的获取合作收益),又尽可能的避免受骗吃亏。 所以,当一个熟人社会人口接近或超出邓巴数限制,因而社会关系记忆的负担超出个体认知能力局限时,确保社会和谐的合作互惠规范便难以为继,于是该社会就会发生分裂;这一理论预测,得到了人类学调查的印证,一个特别完美的当代案例,是北美的胡特尔人([[Hutterites]])社区。 胡特尔人是新教再洗礼派的一支,他们离群索居,拒斥现代生活,并在最大程度上实现了自我治理;每个社区由若干扩展家庭组成,人数在60-140人之间,过着部落公社式的生活;由于生育率非常高,每过十几二十年,当人口接近上限时,就会安排一次分家,拆成两个社区。类似的情况,在再洗礼派的另一个分支阿米绪人([[Amish]])中也可观察到。 狩猎采集社会的典型组织单位——游团——的规模一般不足百人,比如非洲西南部卡拉哈里沙漠的桑人([[San people|San]]),每个游团大约20-60人,邻近农耕区的游团则较大,100-150人;从事游耕农业的半定居社会,规模也只是略大,比如缅甸克钦邦山区的一个500人游耕群落,共有9个村寨,其中最大的也只有31个家户100多人。 即便是完全定居且人口密集的农耕社会,若缺乏较发达的政治结构,其规模也接近或略高于邓巴数,这种情况在交通不便的山区尤为普遍,比如菲律宾吕宋山区从事灌溉农业并建造了辉煌梯田的伊戈罗特人([[Igorots]]),其村寨规模常有一两千人,粗看是个大社会,但其实里面分成了十几个相互独立、互不统辖、自行其是的单元(叫ato),其规模恰好接近邓巴数。 游牧社会的情况则比较多样和多变,因为游牧者的社会结构高度依赖于他们和邻近农耕定居者的关系,以及这些农耕社会本身的结构特征;通常,当远离农耕区,或者邻近的农耕者也缺乏大型社会时,游牧者的社会结构便与狩猎采集者相似,随人口增长而不断分支裂变,从而将规模限制在邓巴数之下。 比如地处草原腹地的哈萨克和北部蒙古,一个典型的牧团规模大约五六帐,最多十几帐(一帐相当于一个家户),由于过冬草场相对稀缺,冬季会有几十帐聚在一起;在资源贫瘠、人口稀疏的牧区,比如阿拉伯和北非的沙漠贝都因人,牧团规模更可小至两三帐。 只有当他们频繁接触较大规模的农耕定居社会,与之发展出勒索、贡奉、庇护、军事雇佣等关系,并因大额贡奉的分配和劫掠行动的协调等问题而引发内部冲突时,才会发展出更大更复杂的社会结构。 而在某些特殊地理条件下,游牧者即便与农耕社会长期频密接触,也难以发展出大型社会,比如青海河湟地区的羌人,其牧区被崇山峻岭分割成一条条难以相互通行的山谷,因而其社会结构也和在类似皱褶地带从事农业的族群一样,长期处于碎片化状态。 如此看来,我们不无理由将小型熟人社会视为人类社会结构的“自然状态”,在人类漫长历史的绝大部分时期,它都是唯一可能的形态,更大更复杂的社会是十分晚近的发展;然而,人类毕竟还是建立起了大型复杂社会,现代都市社会的规模,已超出邓巴数五个数量级,像大公司这样的机构,常拥有数十万成员,却仍可协调一致的行动,持续追求特定目标。 既然人类能够做到这一点,必定是找到了某些特别的办法,创造出了与之相应的文化和制度元素,从而帮助他们克服了邓巴数所揭示的认知局限,那么,他们是怎么做到的?在此过程中他们创造了什么?还有更基本的问题:社会最初为何会向大型化方向发展?是何种力量在推动着社会变得越来越大?在后续文章里,我将顺着这些疑问,继续追寻人类社会的发展历史。 (本系列文章首发于“大象公会”,纸媒转载请先征得公会同意。)
意愿征集与成本隐瞒

【2015-10-09】

@海德沙龙 今年7月,路易斯安那发生影院枪击案之后,市场研究公司C4对影院常客做了一次调查,结果很有意思,3/4受访者认为,影院仍是非常安全的地方,85%受访者说,枪击案不会改变他们的观影习惯,但同时,35%受访者认为,影院应在前厅配备武装保安和金属探测器…… °你愿意为安全而多付两块钱吗

@海德沙龙: 这个35%和前面两个数字(3/4和85%)显然难以协调起来,不过,紧接着另一个数字很快回答了可能的疑惑:当被问及是否(more...)

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【2015-10-09】 @海德沙龙 今年7月,路易斯安那发生影院枪击案之后,市场研究公司C4对影院常客做了一次调查,结果很有意思,3/4受访者认为,影院仍是非常安全的地方,85%受访者说,枪击案不会改变他们的观影习惯,但同时,35%受访者认为,影院应在前厅配备武装保安和金属探测器…… °你愿意为安全而多付两块钱吗? @海德沙龙: 这个35%和前面两个数字(3/4和85%)显然难以协调起来,不过,紧接着另一个数字很快回答了可能的疑惑:当被问及是否愿意为额外的安全措施而多付3美元门票时,只有13%的受访者说愿意。 @whigzhou: 这个案例很典型,它提醒我们在解读各种意愿表达时需要警惕的地方 @whigzhou: 隐瞒成本是问卷调查以及其他意见表达机制的常见陷阱,在不考虑成本的条件下,最琐碎的意愿、最不关切的事情,也会被无限放大,这些扭曲的意愿表达,继而被权责不对称的票决机制变成政策  
[译文]人类与其他猎食者有何不同?

‘Superpredator’ humans are hunting other animals out of existence
“超级猎手”–人类正将其他动物赶尽杀绝

作者:Elizabeth Pennisi @ 2015-08-20
译者:易海(@胡海栋2221)
校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:Science,http://news.sciencemag.org/plants-animals/2015/08/superpredator-humans-are-hunting-other-animals-out-existence

【尽管大型肉食动物对于生态系统健康至关重要,但人类出于运动消遣目的而对它们的猎杀,其速度是其他物种的九倍。】

A new study drives home the destructive power of our species. Not only do we kill other animals at muc(more...)

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‘Superpredator’ humans are hunting other animals out of existence “超级猎手”--人类正将其他动物赶尽杀绝 作者:Elizabeth Pennisi @ 2015-08-20 译者:易海(@胡海栋2221) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:Science,http://news.sciencemag.org/plants-animals/2015/08/superpredator-humans-are-hunting-other-animals-out-existence 【尽管大型肉食动物对于生态系统健康至关重要,但人类出于运动消遣目的而对它们的猎杀,其速度是其他物种的九倍。】 A new study drives home the destructive power of our species. Not only do we kill other animals at much higher rates than other predators, but our ability to bring down larger adults can make it very difficult for some prey populations to recover. This superpredator status may fill our bellies, but it has darker implications. "Any predator capable of exerting such impact will eventually drive its prey to extinction," warns Gerardo Ceballos, an ecologist at the National Autonomous University of Mexico in Mexico City. 一项新研究清楚揭示了我们人类的破坏力。不仅是因为我们猎杀动物的速度比其他种类的捕食者更快,还在于我们能够捕杀成年个体,这使得猎物的种群更加难以恢复。这种超级猎手的身份可以满足我们的口腹之欲,但它有很消极的影响。Gerardo Ceballos是位于墨西哥城的墨西哥国立自治大学的一位生态学家,他警告说:“任何有能力施加这种影响的捕食者,最终都将导致它的猎物走向灭绝。” It’s happened before. About 14,000 years ago, humans entering North America caused many large species, such as the mammoth, to disappear. And our hunting technologies have only improved since then, particularly when it comes to catching fish. Overfishing is a severe problem in some parts of the world, and a recent report concludes that because of human activity, more than 90 fish species are at risk of extinction. 这种灭绝事件曾经发生过。大约在1.4万年前,人类进入北美,导致许多大型动物灭绝,例如猛犸象。我们的捕猎技术,特别捕鱼技术,是从那时候才开始提高的。过度捕捞在世界上的某些地方是非常严重的问题,最近的一项报告指出,有超过九十种鱼类由于人类活动而面临灭绝的危险。 The new study originated in a casual observation. Thomas Reimchen, an evolutionary ecologist at the University of Victoria in Canada, has spent years studying how predators impact the stickleback fish on an island 130 kilometers off the Canadian Pacific coast. Over the decades he determined that each species never kills more than 2% of the sticklebacks per year and usually attacks juveniles. 这项新研究源于一个偶然的观察。加拿大维多利亚大学的进化生态学家Thomas Reimchen常年在距加拿大太平洋海岸130千米的一个海岛上研究捕食者如何影响棘鱼。数十年的研究之后,他发现每个捕食物种每年捕食的棘鱼不会超过2% ,并且捕杀的通常是幼体。 Yet off that same island, fishermen seemed to be taking a far higher percentage of salmon, mostly adults. The contrast bothered him, so Reimchen and a few former students searched the scientific literature for data on the rate at which humans and other animals were killing other species. 然而,在同一海岛附近,渔民捕捞的三文鱼远远超过这个比例,而且捕捞的都是成年个体。这种对比让他很困扰,所以Reimchen 和他之前的几个学生查阅了很多科学文献,来查找人类和其它动物捕杀其他生物的速度。 After a decade compiling and analyzing about 300 studies, the team came to some grim conclusions, says Chris Darimont, a conservation scientist also at the University of Victoria who helped lead the study. Humans and other predators—like lions, wolves, and grizzly bears—kill wild herbivores at about the same rate, but humans kill large carnivores at nine times the rate of other predators, Darimont, Reimchen, and their colleagues report today in Science. 同样来自维多利亚大学的环境保护科学家Chris Darimont说,在经过了十年时间对大约三百项研究的汇编和分析之后,他领导的团队得到了一些残酷的结论。人类和其他捕食者如狮子、狼和灰熊捕杀野生食草动物的速度差不多,但人类捕杀大型食肉动物的速度是其他捕食者的九倍。Darimont与 Reimchen以及他们的同事现已将这一结果发表在《科学》杂志上(8月21日号)。 We kill those carnivores not for food, but for trophies and—sometimes—to eliminate them as competitors, Darimont says. Because they naturally don’t face much predation, they have not evolved ways to successfully avoid humans or reproduce fast enough to make up for human-induced losses. Darimont说,我们杀死这些食肉动物不是为了食用,而是当做战利品,或者,有时把他们当做竞争对手而淘汰掉。由于这些食肉动物很少遭遇自然捕食,它们还没能进化出能成功躲避人类捕杀的方式,也没能进化出足够快的繁殖能力来弥补人类引起的种群数量的减少。 But the toll on fish is even greater. The researchers report that people catch adult fish at a rate up to 14 times other predators. Thanks to mechanized fishing, the annual human toll on marine fish may exceed 100 million tons. What's worse, by focusing on catching large adults, fishing removes individuals in their reproductive prime that are needed to replenish diminishing populations. Already,?this fishing pressure has caused species to evolve new growth patterns and behaviors. 鱼群被捕杀的程度更为严重。研究者说,人类捕杀成年鱼类的速度是其他捕食者的14倍。由于机械化捕捞,每年人类捕杀的海洋鱼类可能超过一亿吨。更糟糕的是,由于捕捞的都是大型成年个体,捕鱼业捞走了那些繁殖能力最强的青壮年个体,而它们对于补充种群数量很重要。人类捕捞所带来的压力已经使物种进化出新的生长模式和行为。 Marine ecologist Nicholas Dulvy from Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, Canada, is pleased with the work. Hunting and fishing have "not captured the public attention necessary to change the status quo," says Dulvy, who was not involved with the study. "The disparity between human and animal predation rates is a useful way of illustrating how ecologically out-of-whack many exploitation rates and management policies are." Darimont thinks people need to take a lesson from other predators, switching the focus to catching juveniles and lowering catch rates. 加拿大本那比市西蒙·弗雷泽大学的海洋生态学家Nicholas Dulvy对这项工作很满意。他并没有参与这项研究,但他说,“猎杀和捕捞并没能在公众眼中引起足以改变现状的关注度。人类和动物捕杀速度的不同,是说明开采速度和管理政策如何造成生态紊乱的一个有效途径。”Darimont 认为人类应该向其他捕食者学习,转而捕杀幼体并降低捕杀速度。 But others take issue with the study's approach and conclusions. "I think it’s total rubbish," says Ray Hilborn, an ecologist at the University of Washington, Seattle. An expert on sustainable exploitation, he says that even though humans may take more fish than any one predator, their haul makes up only 40% of total natural predation on fish. 但有人对该项研究的方法以及结论持有异议。华盛顿大学西雅图分校的生态学家Ray Hilborn说:“我认为那项研究完全就是垃圾”。Ray Hilborn是可持续发展方面的专家,他说尽管人类捕捞的鱼远超过其他捕食者,但他们的捕捞量也只及被自然捕食的鱼类数量的40%。 Hilborn says this is a reasonable amount given the need to provide food for the human population, and the new work is “fuzzing up what we mean by sustainability.” He says he doesn't think that people can fish less and still provide enough food for the world. 他认为,相对于人类的食物需求,这是一个合理的数量,最新的这一研究工作“错误理解了我们所说的可持续发展”。他说,他不认为人类能在减少捕鱼量的同时依然能为这个世界提供足够的食物。 Even so, people should take a really hard look at management practices that go after the largest individuals, says Blaire Van Valkenburgh, a paleoecologist at the University of California, Los Angeles, who was not involved with the work. "Getting that attitude to change is going to be very difficult, but at least [with this paper] we will be able to get some people to talk about it." 加利福尼亚大学洛杉矶分校的古生态学家Blaire Van Valkenburgh(他并没有参与这项研究工作)认为,即便如此,人类也应该仔细审视自己专门捕捞大型个体的做法。“让人们改变目前的态度是非常困难的,但至少(这篇论文)会让一些人来讨论这个问题。” (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]旧石器食谱与火

Paleo Diet and Fire
旧石器食谱与火

作者:Peter Turchin @ 2014-08-07
译者:Dr啊(@Dr啊)
校对:Drunkplane(@Drunkplane-zny)
来源:evolution-institute.org,https://evolution-institute.org/blog/paleo-diet-and-fire/

It’s been a while since my last update on the Paleo diet (perhaps a better name for it is ‘Post-Neolithic diet’). Here are the links to previous blogs on this theme:

自我上次更新关于旧石器食谱(也许更好的名字是‘后新石器食谱’)的情况到现在已经有一段时间了。这是我之前有关这一话题的几篇博文的链接:

http://socialevolutionforum.com/2012/08/23/an-update-on-my-so-called-paleo-diet/
http://socialevolutionforum.com/2013/07/20/adventures-in-paleo-eating-bone-marrow/
http://socialevolutionforum.com/2013/05/04/breadfruit/

As long-time readers of my blog remember, I switched to Paleo diet in May of 2012. Within two months I noticed an improvement in my health. After half a year I lost 20 pounds and my health improved dramatically. A number of chronic health problems cleared up. At t(more...)

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Paleo Diet and Fire 旧石器食谱与火 作者:Peter Turchin @ 2014-08-07 译者:Dr啊(@Dr啊) 校对:Drunkplane(@Drunkplane-zny) 来源:evolution-institute.org,https://evolution-institute.org/blog/paleo-diet-and-fire/ It’s been a while since my last update on the Paleo diet (perhaps a better name for it is ‘Post-Neolithic diet’). Here are the links to previous blogs on this theme: 自我上次更新关于旧石器食谱(也许更好的名字是‘后新石器食谱’)的情况到现在已经有一段时间了。这是我之前有关这一话题的几篇博文的链接: http://socialevolutionforum.com/2012/08/23/an-update-on-my-so-called-paleo-diet/ http://socialevolutionforum.com/2013/07/20/adventures-in-paleo-eating-bone-marrow/ http://socialevolutionforum.com/2013/05/04/breadfruit/ As long-time readers of my blog remember, I switched to Paleo diet in May of 2012. Within two months I noticed an improvement in my health. After half a year I lost 20 pounds and my health improved dramatically. A number of chronic health problems cleared up. At that point, I made the decision to permanently switch to this diet, and I never looked back. 我博客的长期读者还记得,我在2012年五月转向旧石器食谱。两个月之内我就发现我的健康状况有所改善。半年之后,我减掉了20磅体重,同时健康状况大幅提高。很多长期的健康问题都不见了。在那时,我决定永远的遵循这一食谱,而且再也不会回头了。 Over the last year I noticed another incremental and slow, but real, improvement. I feel better than when I was 10 years ago. I became noticeably stronger – I can now easily lift and carry things that used to give me trouble before. More embarrassingly, people comment on how well I look. I am getting a bit tired of explaining the Paleo diet, over and over again. 在过去的一整年,我发现我的健康状况有了另一种持续增长的,缓慢的,但却很真实的改善。我比十年感觉更好。很明显,我变得更强壮了——我现在可以轻易地举起并搬运之前很难搬动的物体。更让人不好意思的是,人们总是夸我气色看起来有多么好。我都有点疲于一遍遍的解释旧石器食谱这件事了。 The gospel of Paleo diet is spreading. My wife has converted to it, then my mother. My secretary.Several friends and colleagues. I am not urging anybody to switch, but the results speak for themselves. On the other hand, none of the people whom I infected with Paleo had experienced as great improvement as me. 旧石器食谱的福音一直在传播。我妻子已经皈依了,继而是我的母亲,我的秘书,还有几个朋友和同事。我并不是在劝任何人转向这一食谱,但是结果说明了一切。而另一方面,在所有被我带动并遵循该食谱的人当中,没人经历了像我这样巨大的改善。 This can be due to my genetics (I have very few generations of Neolithic ancestors). It could also be due to the fact that I am simply not tempted to stray. When I am home, I stay strictly within the guidelines (no grains, no legumes, no dairy). When I travel I periodically get poisoned because I have no control over the ingredients. 这有可能因为我的基因(大概我的新石器祖先总共才没几代吧,呵呵)。这也可能只是因为我从不试图背离该食谱。当我在家的时候,我严格遵循食谱指示(不吃谷物,不吃豆类,不吃奶制品)。当我偶尔离家在外就难免被那些食物‘毒’到,毕竟我无法控制外面食物的配料。 Anyway, the real purpose of this blog is to discuss the book I just finished reading, which is very relevant to the Paleo diet (but I thought that an update on my own experience was due). The book is by a colleague of mine, Richard Wrangham: Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human. It’s a great book, and I recommend that everybody interested in human evolution read it. 总之,这篇博文其实是要讨论一本我刚刚读过的书,此书跟旧石器食谱非常相关(但我觉得是时候要更新一下我自己的亲身经历了)。这本书是我的一位叫理查德·兰厄姆的同事所作,书名叫《燃起火堆:烹饪如何铸就了人类》。这是本了不起的书,我推荐所有对人类进化感兴趣的人都读一下。 What I found most interesting in Richard’s book is his reconstruction of the dietary shifts that enabled the evolution of large human brains (which then made possible culture, living in large groups, language, art, science, and civilization – and who knows what else). 我认为理查德书中最有趣的一点是他对饮食变化的重构。正是饮食的变化让人类进化出了巨大的大脑(该变化同时也让文化,大型群居,语言,艺术,科学和文明以及其他数不清的事情成为可能)。 The first step, which took place 5-7 million years ago, was the transition from our chimpanzee-like ancestors, forest apes, to australopithecines that inhabited drier savanna-woodlands. Australopithecine brain size (in anthropologese, “cranial capacity”) was 450 cubic cm, compared to 350-400 cm3 in forest apes. 第一阶段发生在500-700万年前,这期间我们黑猩猩般的祖先——森林猿——开始转变成南方古猿,并开始在更加干燥的稀树草原上生活。南方古猿的大脑尺寸(用人类学术语叫‘颅容量’)是450立方厘米,相比之下森林猿的大脑尺寸是350-400立方厘米。 Incidentally, and as an aside, I find slightly amusing, but mostly exasperating, Richard’s dutiful translation of cubic centimeters into cubic inches. Americans, isn’t it time to grow up? Get used to metric units! Does it really help you to know that the cranial capacity of Australopithecus was 27.5 cubic inches? If I show you an object, will you be able to estimate its volume in cubic inches? End of diatribe. 顺带说句题外话,我觉得有一件略微有些喜感但又实在让人恼火的事情,那就是理查德坚定不移的将立方厘米转换成立方英寸。美国同胞们,是时候长大了吧?赶快习惯使用公制单位吧!你真的觉得将南方古猿的大脑说成27.5立方英寸更能帮助你理解?假如我随便拿个物体,你能用立方英寸估算其容量吗?好了,牢骚到此结束。 The food resource that enabled this transition was the underground storage parts of plants, highly concentrated sources of energy-rich starch. Parenthetically, that’s why potatoes, yams, carrots, beets, sweet potatoes, and taro are such great foods for humans – we have been eating them, or equivalents, for millions of years. Australopithecines dug these tubers, rhizomes, and corms (we are now speaking ‘botanese’) with sharpened sticks. 让这一步转变得以发生的食物来源是植物埋在地下的“储能”部分——那富含高能量淀粉的根茎。顺便说一句,这也是为什么土豆,山药,胡萝卜,甜菜根,红薯和芋头是对人类非常好的食物——我们已经食用这些或类似食物几百万年了。南方古猿用削尖了的棍棒将地下的块茎,根状茎,以及球茎(我们好像在说‘不丹语’)挖出来。 The next step was the transition to ‘habilines’ (such as Homo habilis) more than 2 million years ago: from 450 to 612 cm3. The big dietary change that fueled this increase in brain size was probably meat eating. Or marrow eating – see my blog on this issue. 接下来的阶段发生在200多万年前,南方古猿转变成‘人属猿人’(比如‘能人’),其大脑尺寸也从450立方厘米增加到了612立方厘米。造成大脑尺寸增加的饮食变化可能是肉类的摄取或是骨髓的摄取——请参见我的这篇博文(https://evolution-institute.org/blog/adventures-in-paleo-eating-bone-marrow/?source=sef)。 After that, brain size in early human started growing in a really explosive manner. Early Homo erectus (1.8 million years ago) had brains of 870 cm3. 800 thousand years ago Homo heidelbergensis (which could be simply a subspecies of erectus) had brains of 1200 cm3. That’s awfully close to the modern Homo sapiens, whose cranial capacity is 1400 cm3. 在这之后,早期人类的大脑尺寸开始爆炸式的增长。早期的直立猿人(180万年前)拥有870立方厘米的大脑。80万年前的海德堡人(可能只是直立人的一个亚种)拥有1200立方厘米的大脑。这个尺寸已经非常接近现代智人1400立方厘米的大脑尺寸了。 Where did the energy that fueled these oversize brains come from? Wrangham argues that it came from cooking. I find his argument quite convincing. Thermal processing of tubers and meats doubles the ability of our guts to extract calories and nutrients from these food sources. 支撑这种大尺寸大脑的能量来自什么地方?兰厄姆认为来自烹饪。我亦觉得他的论点很有说服力。对块茎和肉类的热加工让我们的消化系统从这些食材中攫取热量和营养的能力翻了倍。 The use of fire is securely attested at the Gesher Benot Ya’akov site near Jordan River, which is dated to 790,000 years ago. But here we have archaeological evidence of hearths, permanent fires around which human nuclear families would gather around every evening for the most important meal of the day. It is quite likely that hearths were a product of long evolution, with humans using fire for cooking well before the evolution of human family (which as Wrangham argues, was itself a result of cooking food – but you will have to read his book to find out the details of the argument). 现在已经确切证明了,早在79万年前,约旦河附近的Gesher Benot Ya’akov遗址中,火就已经被使用了。现在我们又有了关于灶台的考古学证据,核心家庭成员每天晚上会为了一天当中最重要的一餐而聚集在一堆持续燃烧的火堆周围。灶台很可能是一个长期进化的产物,毕竟人类使用火进行烹饪要远远早于家庭的进化(亦如兰厄姆所提出,家庭这一概念本身也是烹饪食物所带来的结果——但是你得去读他的书来了解这个论点的更多细节)。 Even if you buy Wrangham’s theory (which I do), it raises some questions. When did humans learn how to start fires? Remember The Quest for Fire, where the plot centers on this issue? 就算你同意兰厄姆的理论(我就同意),这其中仍然有些疑问。人类什么时候开始学会生火的?还记得电影《火之战》吗,整部电影的情节都是围绕这个问题展开的。 OK, it’s getting late, so I’d better end this post. But I can’t resist adding one thing. What makes Richard’s arguments particularly compelling is his ‘experimental’ approach to the questions he discusses. He has tried eating like a gorilla (he failed, we simply don’t have the guts for the gorilla diet). Another experiment he tried with his friends was chewing raw goat meat – with or without adding tough leaves. Sure, adding leaves produced better traction to reduce goat’s thigh muscle. But cooking it worked even better. 好啦,时候不早了,我最好给文章结个尾。但是我必须再说一点。让理查德的论证异常有说服力的是,他对所讨论的问题使用了‘实验性’的方法。他曾经尝试像只大猩猩那么吃(他最终失败了,我们就是没有勇气像大猩猩那么吃【译注:原文“gut”为“肠胃”与“勇气”之双关,按兰厄姆的观点,人类无法像大猩猩那么吃,是因为我们的肠胃已经适应了熟食】)。他和他的朋友所尝试的另一个实验是直接进食生的山羊肉——不确定是否同时吃一些硬的植物叶子。诚然,吃生山羊肉的时候加点硬叶子可以增加附着力从而分解山羊紧致的肌肉。但是把羊肉烹饪一下肯定更好。【译注:黑猩猩吃肉时会掺一些叶子一起嚼。】 So what’s the take-home lesson? Fire up that barbecue grill – we evolved to eat meat cooked over the open fire! 所以今天我们学到了什么呢?点燃烧烤炉吧,我们进化到要吃用明火烹饪过的食物了! (编辑:辉格@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]你愿意为安全而多付两块钱吗?

Study: Audiences Want Metal Detectors in Theaters, But Won’t Pay Extra
调查:观众希望剧院保证安全,却不愿额外付款

作者:Brett Lang @ 2015-8-5
译者:元渡     校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:Yahoo, https://www.yahoo.com/movies/study-audiences-want-metal-detectors-in-theaters-125871583067.html

Despite the recent shooting at a Louisiana screening of Trainwreck, Americans still believe movie theaters are among the safest public places. Three quarters of moviegoers say they feel extremely or very safe in a theater, according to a new study from research firm C4.

最近,电影《生活残骸》在路易斯安那放映时,发生了枪击案,尽管如此,美国人依然相信电影院是最安全的公共场所之一。根据研究公司C4的一项最新调查,四分之三的观众认为他们在电影院极其安全或非常安全。

Although they feel secure, there are certain security measures that customers support. Nearly a third of moviegoers believe that bags and purses should be checked for weapons before people go into a theater, and 34% believe that lobbies should have armed security personnel and a metal detector. Fourteen percent(more...)

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Study: Audiences Want Metal Detectors in Theaters, But Won’t Pay Extra 调查:观众希望剧院保证安全,却不愿额外付款 作者:Brett Lang @ 2015-8-5 译者:元渡     校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:Yahoo, https://www.yahoo.com/movies/study-audiences-want-metal-detectors-in-theaters-125871583067.html Despite the recent shooting at a Louisiana screening of Trainwreck, Americans still believe movie theaters are among the safest public places. Three quarters of moviegoers say they feel extremely or very safe in a theater, according to a new study from research firm C4. 最近,电影《生活残骸》在路易斯安那放映时,发生了枪击案,尽管如此,美国人依然相信电影院是最安全的公共场所之一。根据研究公司C4的一项最新调查,四分之三的观众认为他们在电影院极其安全或非常安全。 Although they feel secure, there are certain security measures that customers support. Nearly a third of moviegoers believe that bags and purses should be checked for weapons before people go into a theater, and 34% believe that lobbies should have armed security personnel and a metal detector. Fourteen percent of respondents pushed for armed security in each theater, the report found. 尽管观众存在安全感,他们依然支持采用一些必要的安全措施。接近三分之一的观众认为,在人们进入电影院前应该对其手袋和钱包进行武器检查,35%的观众认为,应该在前堂配备武装安保人员和金属探测器。调查发现,有14%的受访者强烈要求每个剧院都配备武装安保。 The study’s authors surveyed 250 moviegoers on July 28 and 29. 这项研究的作者们在6月28、29两天调查了250名电影发烧友。 “Movie theaters are still up there as safe spaces,” said Ben Spergel, executive vice president of consumer insights at C4. “People really do think of them as places to escape and not think about realities of the world.” “电影院仍然被看做是安全的场所,”C4公司主管消费者洞察的执行副总裁Ben Spergel说道。“人们真的把电影院当做逃避的地方,在这里不用去思考现实世界。” Yet recent acts of violence have threatened to shatter that image of movie theaters as safe havens. The shooting two weeks ago in Lafayette, La., left three people dead and nine injured. It is the second incident of movie theater violence in recent years, coming on the heels of the 2012 shooting of 12 people at a screening of The Dark Knight Rises in Aurora, Colo. 然而,最近的暴力事件已经动摇了电影院作为安全避风港的形象。两周前,路易斯安那的Lafayette枪击案中,三死九伤。这是近年来发生的第二起电影院暴力事件,紧随2012年科罗多拉州Aurora在电影《蝙蝠侠:黑暗骑士崛起》放映时的枪击案,后者造成12人死亡。 The murders have kicked off a debate about what precautions the exhibition industry needs to institute in order to prevent future deaths and injuries. In the days after the shooting, Trainwreck star Amy Schumer threw her support behind legislation designed to address gun violence. 枪击案激起了关于展演行业如何制定预防措施来阻止再次出现死伤的讨论。枪击发生之后,《生活残骸》出演明星Amy Schumer表示全力支持旨在解决枪击暴力的立法。 Spergel thinks the nature of the discussion about Lafayette and Aurora has had an impact on consumer’s desire for heightened movie theater security. Spergel认为,关于Lafayette和Aurora事件的讨论的特点,对消费者加强电影院安全性的愿望不无影响。 “The media coverage has been more about the people who do these acts rather than where they are being done,” he said. “The conversation has been about gun laws and gun use and gun safety.” “媒体报道更关注于枪击案案犯而不是它们的发生地点,”他说。“讨论的一直都是枪支法规、枪支使用以及枪支安全。” Although a substantial portion of moviegoers seemed to want to tighten safety measures, they balked at paying more to help cover the additional costs of installing metal detectors and posting guards. Only 13% of respondents said they would pay $3 more for tickets in order to get those additional security features. 尽管很大部分观众似乎希望加强安全措施,但他们却不愿支付因为安装金属探测器和派驻安保带来的额外开销。仅有13%的受访者说他们将会为获得附加安全功能支付3美元. Analysts argued that the box office fallout from the shootings was minimal, and C4’s research seemed to confirm that assessment. In a follow-up study of 124 moviegoers, 85% reported that the shooting in Louisiana will have no impact on their theater habits. 分析人士认为,枪击案对电影票房的影响微乎其微,C4公司的研究似乎证实了这个判断。在对124名观众的后续研究中,85%的人认为路易斯安那枪击案不会对他们的观影习惯造成影响。 Respondents ranked movie theaters after airports, which boast guards and metal detectors as the third safest spaces, behind their homes and workplaces, and ahead of their cars, stores or malls, churches and concerts. That could change, Spergel noted, and another tragedy may amplify the calls for more preventative steps. 受访者将电影院排在机场之后,后者因有警卫和金属探测器而被认为是第三安全的地方,安全性次于他们的住宅以及工作场所,排在他们的汽车、商店或者购物中心、教堂、音乐会之前。Spergel指出,这情况可能会改变,再有这样的悲剧发生或许会放大加强预防措施的呼吁。 “If this happens again or becomes more of a trend, theaters aren’t going to have a choice,” said Spergel. “They’re going to have to put in some of these measures and moviegoers are going to have to pay more.” “如果(枪击事件)再度发生,或者很大程度上有这样的趋势,电影院将没有选择,”Spergel说道。“他们将不得不采取这些措施,而观众将不得不支付更多。” (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]通往地狱的快车道

Stairway to hell: life and death in the pop music industry
通向地狱的阶梯:流行音乐界的生与死

作者:Dianna Theadora Kenny @2014-10-27
译者:Horace Rae(@sheldon_rae) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
来源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/stairway-to-hell-life-and-death-in-the-pop-music-industry-32735

Musicians such as Amy Winehouse die young at much higher rates than the rest of the population. EPA/Andy Rain 像Amy Winehouse这样的音乐家英年早逝的几率比其他人大。EPA/Andy Rain

Musicians such as Amy Winehouse die young at much higher rates than the rest of the population. EPA/Andy Rain
像Amy Winehouse这样的音乐家英年早逝的几率比其他人大。EPA/Andy Rain

Art is a cry of distress from those who live out within themselves the destiny of humanity … Inside them turns the movement of the world; only an echo of it leaks out – the work of art Arnold Schoenberg, 1910.

“艺术是毕生实践人类命运者的痛苦呐喊……世界在他们的身体里流变;只有一丝回声流露出来——那就是艺术品。”——阿诺德·勋伯格,1910年。

Austrian composer Arnold Schoenberg, like many gifted artists throughout history, suffered for his art. Popular artists of the modern era have kept this tradition alive. For all the superficial glamour of the pop music world, let us not delude ourselves – today’s popular music scene is brutal.

就像历史上许多天赋异禀的艺术家一样,奥地利作曲家阿诺德·勋伯格因其艺术而遭受痛苦。现代流行艺术家仍保持着这个传统。不要因为流行音乐界的表面浮华而自欺欺人——当今的流行音乐圈万分残酷。

The “pop-cultural scrap heap”, to borrow journalist Drew Magary’s term, is piled high with the dead or broken bodies of young musicians whose personal and musical aspirations collided with the aspirations of those occupying the commercial edifices erected around them, which turn them into income-generating commodities whose role is to satisfy capricious and ever-changing consumer demands.

借用记者Drew Magary的词汇,“流行文化废料堆”已被或死或伤的年轻音乐家堆得高耸入云。这些艺术家的个人愿景和艺术抱负与占据他们周边商业帝国的人的愿望相冲突,后者将他们变成了创收的商品,唯一目的是满足反复无常、任性多变的市场需求。

Many of those musicians end up feeling suffocated, caged and possessed by their minders, exploiters and fans. And many end up dead.

许多音乐家最终发觉他们被自己的保镖、榨利者和粉丝所扼制、禁锢和控制。许多最终一死了之。

How big a problem is the pop music industry, really?

说实在的,流行音乐界的问题究竟有多大?

The rock scene is a volatile mix of glamour, instant wealth, risk-taking, rebellion and psychological distress accompanied by taken-for-granted assumptions that pop musicians will live dangerously, abuse substances and die early. Journalist Amanda Hooten, writing about RobbieWilliams,identifies the components of the “classic rock’n’roll script” as “sex, drugs, rehab and bitterness”.

摇滚圈子是一个不稳定的混合体,融合了魅力、一夜暴富、冒险、反叛和心理焦虑,以及公众对流行音乐家生活方式理所应当的猜测:生活危险、滥用毒品、英年早逝。在记述Robbie Williams时,记者Amanda Hooten把“传统摇滚剧本”的构成要素界定为“性、毒品、戒毒所、无尽痛苦”。

Blogger Jacob Katel expresses the same sentiments in a more forthright manner:

博主Jacob Katel表达了同样的感想,用词更加犀利:

[d]ead rock stars are a dime a dozen. They usually drink themselves to death, overdose on narcotics, crash cars, or get on faulty aircraft with (more...)

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6065
Stairway to hell: life and death in the pop music industry 通向地狱的阶梯:流行音乐界的生与死 作者:Dianna Theadora Kenny @2014-10-27 译者:Horace Rae(@sheldon_rae) 校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy) 来源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/stairway-to-hell-life-and-death-in-the-pop-music-industry-32735 [caption id="attachment_6070" align="alignnone" width="300"]Musicians such as Amy Winehouse die young at much higher rates than the rest of the population. EPA/Andy Rain 像Amy Winehouse这样的音乐家英年早逝的几率比其他人大。EPA/Andy Rain Musicians such as Amy Winehouse die young at much higher rates than the rest of the population. EPA/Andy Rain
像Amy Winehouse这样的音乐家英年早逝的几率比其他人大。EPA/Andy Rain[/caption] Art is a cry of distress from those who live out within themselves the destiny of humanity … Inside them turns the movement of the world; only an echo of it leaks out – the work of art Arnold Schoenberg, 1910. “艺术是毕生实践人类命运者的痛苦呐喊……世界在他们的身体里流变;只有一丝回声流露出来——那就是艺术品。”——阿诺德·勋伯格,1910年。 Austrian composer Arnold Schoenberg, like many gifted artists throughout history, suffered for his art. Popular artists of the modern era have kept this tradition alive. For all the superficial glamour of the pop music world, let us not delude ourselves - today’s popular music scene is brutal. 就像历史上许多天赋异禀的艺术家一样,奥地利作曲家阿诺德·勋伯格因其艺术而遭受痛苦。现代流行艺术家仍保持着这个传统。不要因为流行音乐界的表面浮华而自欺欺人——当今的流行音乐圈万分残酷。 The “pop-cultural scrap heap”, to borrow journalist Drew Magary’s term, is piled high with the dead or broken bodies of young musicians whose personal and musical aspirations collided with the aspirations of those occupying the commercial edifices erected around them, which turn them into income-generating commodities whose role is to satisfy capricious and ever-changing consumer demands. 借用记者Drew Magary的词汇,“流行文化废料堆”已被或死或伤的年轻音乐家堆得高耸入云。这些艺术家的个人愿景和艺术抱负与占据他们周边商业帝国的人的愿望相冲突,后者将他们变成了创收的商品,唯一目的是满足反复无常、任性多变的市场需求。 Many of those musicians end up feeling suffocated, caged and possessed by their minders, exploiters and fans. And many end up dead. 许多音乐家最终发觉他们被自己的保镖、榨利者和粉丝所扼制、禁锢和控制。许多最终一死了之。 How big a problem is the pop music industry, really? 说实在的,流行音乐界的问题究竟有多大? The rock scene is a volatile mix of glamour, instant wealth, risk-taking, rebellion and psychological distress accompanied by taken-for-granted assumptions that pop musicians will live dangerously, abuse substances and die early. Journalist Amanda Hooten, writing about RobbieWilliams,identifies the components of the “classic rock’n’roll script” as “sex, drugs, rehab and bitterness”. 摇滚圈子是一个不稳定的混合体,融合了魅力、一夜暴富、冒险、反叛和心理焦虑,以及公众对流行音乐家生活方式理所应当的猜测:生活危险、滥用毒品、英年早逝。在记述Robbie Williams时,记者Amanda Hooten把“传统摇滚剧本”的构成要素界定为“性、毒品、戒毒所、无尽痛苦”。 Blogger Jacob Katel expresses the same sentiments in a more forthright manner: 博主Jacob Katel表达了同样的感想,用词更加犀利: [d]ead rock stars are a dime a dozen. They usually drink themselves to death, overdose on narcotics, crash cars, or get on faulty aircraft with drunk pilots … 死掉的摇滚明星俯拾皆是。他们通常喝到烂醉如泥、过量吸毒、撞车,或者登上醉鬼驾驶的故障飞机…… [caption id="attachment_6066" align="alignnone" width="300"]Gwar frontman Oderus Ungerus died earlier this year. crazybobbles/Flickr Gwar乐队主唱Oderus Ungerus今年早些时候去世。crazybobbles/Flickr Gwar frontman Oderus Ungerus died earlier this year. crazybobbles/Flickr
Gwar乐队主唱Oderus Ungerus今年早些时候去世。crazybobbles/Flickr[/caption] Previous research does not answer the question 过去的研究未能提供答案 Why do so many pop musicians die young? 为什么这么多流行音乐家英年早逝? Few studies have systematically examined the popular musician population to ascertain the extent of the problems codified in the media comments above. 几乎没有研究曾系统地考察过流行音乐家群体来查明上文媒体评论提到的问题有多么严重。 Existing studies are limited in scope. Adrian Barnett, for example, tested the “27 club hypothesis”. Tucker, Faulkner and Horvath only included a narrow sample of the population, that is, musicians who died between 1959 and 1967. A John Moores University study only looked at artists with top rating albums. 现存的研究往往范围有限。举个例子,Adrian Barnett检验了“27俱乐部假说”【译注:指众多才华横溢的流行音乐明星死于27岁这一现象】。Tucker, Faulkner和Horvath的研究只囊括了一个很小的样本——死于1959-1967年之间的音乐家。John Moores大学的一项研究只关注了有热榜专辑的艺术家。 At the other end of the scale, the study reported by Howard Sounes in his book 27 is over-inclusive as it covers not only performing musicians but also songwriters, record producers, managers and promoters. 而在另一个极端,Howard Sounes在其著作《27》中记述的研究则太过广泛:它不仅包括了表演艺术家,也包括了词曲作者、专辑制作人、经纪人和赞助商。 New research 新的研究 [caption id="attachment_6067" align="alignnone" width="195"]Jimi Hendrix, who died in 1970. AAP Photo Jimi Hendrix,死于1970年。 Jimi Hendrix, who died in 1970. AAP Photo
Jimi Hendrix,死于1970年。[/caption] I’ve undertaken the first population study of performing pop musicians (n=12,665) from all popular genres who died between 1950 and June 2014 of whom 90.6% (11,478 musicians) were male. 我已完成了第一个针对参与表演的流行音乐家的群体研究(n=12665),他们来自所有流行音乐流派,死于1950年到2014年6月之间。他们中有90.6%(11478名音乐家)为男性。 Data on age, circumstances and manner of death were accessed from over 200 sources, including The Dead Rock Stars’ Club; Nick Tavelski’s (2010) Knocking on Heaven’s Door: Rock Obituaries, Pop star mortality; R.I.P. Encyclopaedia Metallicum; Voices from the Dark Side for Dead Metal Musicians; Wikipedia’s List of Dead Hip Hop Artists and Hip Hop obituaries; 我从超过200个来源获得关于死亡年龄、原委和方式的数据,其中包括“已逝摇滚明星俱乐部”,Nick Tavelski 2010年的《敲开天堂之门:摇滚明星讣告集》, “金属百科:已逝艺术家”, “来自另一个世界的声音:已逝金属音乐家”,“维基百科已逝嘻哈艺术家列表和嘻哈艺术家讣告”。 I went to rapper death websitesDead Punk Stars and similar sites for all popular music genres. The genres I covered included African, ballad, bluegrass, blues, Cajun, calypso, Christian pop, conjunto, country, doo-wop, electroclash, folk, funk, Gospel, hard rock, hip hop, honky tonk, indie, jazz, Latin, metal, new wave, polka, pop, psychedelic, punk, punk-electronic, rock rap, reggae, rhythm and blues, rock ‘n’ roll, rockabilly, ska, soul, swamp, swing, techno, western and world music. 我访问了说唱歌手死亡网站、朋克明星死亡网站以及所有流行音乐流派的相似网站。我论及的流派有非洲音乐、民谣、蓝草、蓝调、卡津、卡利普索、基督教流行音乐、康芬特、乡村、杜沃普、电音撞击乐、民族乐、福音、硬摇滚、嘻哈音乐、酒吧音乐、独立、爵士乐、拉丁、金属乐、新浪潮、波尔卡、流行乐、迷幻、朋克、电子朋克、说唱摇滚、雷鬼、节奏蓝调、摇滚、山区乡村摇滚、SKA、灵魂、沼泽摇滚、摇摆舞音乐、高科技舞曲、西方音乐和世界音乐。 Longevity, suicide, homicide and accidental death rates in pop musicians 流行音乐家的寿命、自杀率、他杀率和意外死亡率 I examined four outcomes – longevity and the proportion of deaths by suicide, homicide and non-intentional injury or accident. Longevity was determined by calculating the average age of death for each musician by sex and decade of death. These averages were then compared with population averages by sex and decade for the US population (per 100,000) (see Figure 1, below). 我检测了四个结果:寿命、自杀率、他杀率和意外伤害或事故死亡率。寿命按性别、死亡年代分类,取每个音乐家的平均死亡年龄。之后将这些平均值按性别、年代分类与美国人口的平均值比较(每100000人)(见下表1) 3 Figure 2 (below) provides a graphical summary of percentages of musicians who died by decade from each of the three causes of death studied; these are juxtaposed with deaths in the US population from the same causes by decade. All comparisons shown in these figures were highly statistically significantly different from the US population. 表2(下表)按年代图示总结了音乐家们死于上述三种原因的频率。这些频率与美国人口因相同原因死亡的频率并列比较。所有对比都显示,流行音乐家的数值与美国人口数值之间存在统计上非常显著的差异。 4 The pop music scene is toxic and needs rehabilitation 流行音乐圈深受毒害,需要修复 The results of this study are disturbing. Across the seven decades studied, popular musicians’ lifespans were up to 25 years shorter than the comparable US population. Accidental death rates were between five and 10 times greater. Suicide rates were between two and seven times greater; and homicide rates were up to eight times greater than the US population. 这一研究的结果令人忧虑。在7个被研究的年代中,流行音乐家的平均寿命与同时代美国人口相比最多短了25年。流行音乐家的意外死亡率是同时代美国人口的5-10倍;自杀率达2-7倍;他杀率最多达8倍。 This is clear evidence that all is not well in pop music land. 很明显,流行音乐圈情况不妙。 Why is this so? The pop music “scene” fails to provide boundaries and to model and expect acceptable behaviour. It actually does the reverse – it valorises outrageous behaviour and the acting out of aggressive, sexual and destructive impulses that most of us dare only live out in fantasy. 这是为什么呢?流行音乐“圈”没有底线,没有树立典范,也没有要求适度的行为。事实上,它做的事情完全相反:它为粗暴、斗殴、性欲和暴怒抬高价码——我们只敢在幻想中过这种生活。 The music industry needs to consider these findings to discover ways of recognising and assisting young musicians in distress. At the very least, those who make their livings from these young people need to learn to recognise early signs of emotional distress, crisis, depression and suicidality and to put some support systems in place to provide the necessary assistance and care. 音乐界需要思考这些发现,以找到办法来辨识和帮助陷入困境的年轻音乐家。至少,那些依靠这些年轻人为生的人需要学会辨识精神痛苦的早期征兆、恶化期、抑郁和自杀倾向,然后建立支持体系以提供必要的帮助和关爱。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]教师培训开支都打了水漂

Study: Billions of dollars in annual teacher training is largely a waste
研究:每年数十亿美元的教师培训支出基本都浪费了

作者:Lyndsey Layton @ 2015-8-4
译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)     校对:慕白(@李凤阳他说)
来源:The Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/study-billions-of-dollars-in-annual-teacher-training-is-largely-a-waste/2015/08/03/c4e1f322-39ff-11e5-9c2d-ed991d848c48_story.html

A new study of 10,000 teachers found that professional development — the teacher workshops and training that cost taxpayers billions of dollars each year — is largely a waste.

一项涉及10,000名教师的新研究发现,每年花费纳税人数十亿美元的教师小组讨论和培训职业发展项目是一笔巨大的浪费。

The study released Tuesday by TNTP, a nonprofit organization, found no evidence that any particular approach or amount of professional (more...)

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Study: Billions of dollars in annual teacher training is largely a waste 研究:每年数十亿美元的教师培训支出基本都浪费了 作者:Lyndsey Layton @ 2015-8-4 译者:陈小乖(@lion_kittyyyyy)     校对:慕白(@李凤阳他说) 来源:The Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/study-billions-of-dollars-in-annual-teacher-training-is-largely-a-waste/2015/08/03/c4e1f322-39ff-11e5-9c2d-ed991d848c48_story.html A new study of 10,000 teachers found that professional development — the teacher workshops and training that cost taxpayers billions of dollars each year — is largely a waste. 一项涉及10,000名教师的新研究发现,每年花费纳税人数十亿美元的教师小组讨论和培训职业发展项目是一笔巨大的浪费。 The study released Tuesday by TNTP, a nonprofit organization, found no evidence that any particular approach or amount of professional development consistently helps teachers improve in the classroom. 非营利组织TNTP周二发布的研究发现,没有证据表明特定的方法或一定时间的职业发展培训能稳步提高教师在课堂上的表现。 “We are bombarding teachers with a lot of help, but the truth is, it’s not helping all that much,” said Dan Weisberg, TNTP’s chief executive. “We are not approaching this in a very smart way. We’re basically throwing a lot of things against the wall and not even looking to see whether it works.” “我们用大量的培训对教师进行轰炸,可事实是,这并没有多大作用”,TNTP首席执行官Dan Weisberg说,“我们没能用一种很聪明的办法来解决当前的问题。我们只是盲目地尝试各种方法,甚至没去在意这是否有效。” [Read TNTP’s study]阅读TNTP的研究】 Researchers examined three large school districts as well as one network of charter schools. They looked at professional development programs at all the schools and teacher performance data over several years, and they surveyed 10,000 teachers and interviewed more than 100 administrators. They identified teachers who improved their job performance and tried to figure out what experiences they had that differed from teachers who were stagnant. To determine if a teacher had improved, researchers analyzed multiple measures — evaluation ratings, classroom observation and student test scores. 研究者对三个大的学区以及一个特许学校系统做了研究。他们分析了所有学校职业发展项目以及教师表现的多年数据,对10,000名教师进行了问卷调查,采访了超过100位管理者。他们找出了那些在工作表现上取得进步的教师,并试图找出他们的经历与那些在职业道路上停滞不前的教师有什么不同。研究者采用了多种衡量指标来判定一名教师是否取得进步,包括评估得分、课堂观察和学生的考试成绩。 And they didn’t find many answers. 他们并没有找到太多答案。 “When it comes to teaching, real improvement is a lot harder to achieve — and we know much less about how to make it happen — than most of us would like to admit,” Weisberg said. Weisberg表示:“对教学来说,取得真正改进的难度比我们多数人愿意承认的要大得多,而且我们对如何才能取得改进知之甚少。” The school districts that participated in the study spent an average of $18,000 per teacher annually on professional development. Based on that figure, TNTP estimates that the 50 largest school districts spend an estimated $8 billion on teacher development annually. That is far larger than previous estimates. 参与这项研究的学区在教师职业发展上的平均投入为每名教师每年18,000美元。以此为基础,TNTP估计50个最大的学区每年在教师发展培训上的花费为80亿美元。这远远超过之前的估计。 And teachers spend a good deal of time in training, the study found. The 10,000 teachers surveyed were in training an average of 19 school days a year, or almost 10 percent of a typical school year, according to TNTP. 研究还发现教师们在培训上花费了大量的时间。据TNTP,在10,000名受调查的教师中,平均培训时间为每年19个教学日,或者说,几乎是一个正常学年的10%。 “The bottom line is, they’re spending a lot of money on this and it’s such an appealing idea — take your existing teachers and just make them better and everybody is better off,” said Eric Hanushek, an economist at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution. “But this report finds that, on average, it doesn’t do much.” “关键是,他们在这上面花了大量的金钱,而且它是如此具有吸引力的一个想法——让你现有的教师变得更好,同时所有人都会有所获益”,斯坦福大学胡佛研究所的经济学家Eric Hanushek说,“但这份报告显示,平均而言,它并没起多大作用。” The findings echo two recent federally funded studies, which concluded that current approaches to teacher training have no significant effect on performance. 这些结果呼应了最近联邦政府资助的两项研究,研究结果也显示,目前的培训方法对教师的表现没有明显作用。 “At the federal level, we spend $2.5 billion a year on professional development,” Education Secretary Arne Duncan said at a teachers town hall meeting in 2012. “As I go out [and] talk to great teachers around the country, when I ask them how much is that money improving their job or development, they either laugh or they cry. They are not feeling it.” 教育部长Arne Duncan在2012年的一个市政教师会议上说:“在联邦政府层面,我们每年花费250亿美元在职业发展项目上,当我下基层与全国的优秀教师们谈话的时候,我问他们这些钱让他们的职业技能提升了多少或者他们自身得到了多大的发展时,他们不是一笑了之就是泪花盈盈。他们根本感觉不到这些钱。” School districts have failed to adequately scrutinize the quality of their training programs, Hanushek said. Hanushek表示,学区不能恰当地审视他们的培训项目的质量。 “School districts just have to take it more seriously,” he said. “They have to manage the use of professional development, evaluate its usefulness and dump the bad stuff. Which is a common problem in schools. They add something, and if it’s not working, they add something on top of that. They’re good at adding, not as good at taking away.” 他说:“各个学区只是需要更认真地对待培训项目。他们需要管理好对职业发展项目的使用,评估其用处,去掉没用的。所有学校都有一个通病。他们喜欢垒积木,如果没有效果,那就再往上加一块新的。他们善于做加法,却不善于做减法。” In the TNTP study, about one-third of teachers — 3 out of 10 — improved over a two-to-three-year period after participating in training while 20 percent got worse, as measured by teacher evaluations. 在TNTP的研究中,教师评估显示,大约有三分之一的教师(十分之三)在参加培训后的2-3年内有所提升,然而与此同时,有20%的教师表现变差了。 The study also found that school districts are not helping teachers understand their weaknesses. Fewer than half of the teachers surveyed agreed that they had weaknesses in the classroom while more than 60 percent of teachers who earned low performance ratings gave themselves high grades. 研究还发现,各学区没有帮助教师们认识到自己的缺点。调查中,只有少于一半的教师承认他们在教学中存在弱点。在获得差评的教师中,超过60%给出了较高的自我评定。 “There is no doubt that there are initiatives that are probably producing positive impacts,” Weisberg said. “But it’s not helpful if you don’t know what they are. It is really important for school systems to begin to set goals and measure impacts against those goals. If we do that, we’re going to be so much smarter than we are now.” “毫无疑问,能够产生积极作用的举措是存在的”,Weisberg说,“但如果你不知道到底是哪些举措,那就没什么用。对学校系统来说,至关重要的是,要开始设定目标并根据这些目标衡量所产生的影响。如果我们实行这些举措,那么我们将会变得比现在聪明得多。” (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

——海德沙龙·翻译组,致力于将英文世界的好文章搬进中文世界——

[译文]流派如何影响音乐家寿命

Music to die for: how genre affects popular musicians’ life expectancy
向乐而死:流派如何影响流行音乐家的预期寿命

作者:Dianna Theadora Kenny @ 2015-03-23
译者:混乱阈值(@混乱阈值)     校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)
源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/music-to-die-for-how-genre-affects-popular-musicians-life-expectancy-36660

相较于性别或年龄,音乐流派与不同类别的致死原因联系更为紧密。供图:Surian Soosay, CC BY-SA

相较于性别或年龄,音乐流派与不同类别的致死原因联系更为紧密。供图:Surian Soosay, CC BY-SA

Do all popular musicians live hard and fast, take risks and die young?

是否所有的流行音乐家都发奋求存,飞逝人生,率性冒险,英年早逝?

This article is the third in a series examining mortality in popular musicians.

此文为流行音乐家死亡调查系列之三。

To recap, the first article examined longevity, suicide, murder and accidental death rates in pop musicians compared with population data from the US. As expected, longevity was significantly reduced in pop musicians, who also had higher rates of suicide, homicide and accidental death.

概述前作,系列中的第一篇调查了流行音乐家的寿命、自杀率、他杀率和意外死亡率并与美国人口的平均数据相比较。不出所料,流行音乐家的寿命大大低于全美人均寿命,并有着更高的自杀率、他杀率和意外死亡率。

The second article explored the “myth” of the so-called 27 club, explaining how this idea emerged and why it has taken root in the public imagination.

系列之二则探究了所谓的27岁俱乐部的传说,解释了这个概念是如何形成的,以及为何它得以扎根于公众的想象中。

In this article, I’d like to look at whether membership of different music genres is associated with different risks of early death and different causes of death.

在此文中,我会看看,音乐家所属流派的不同,是否与不同的早逝风险以及不同的死因相关联。

The chart below plots genres over time (oldest to youngest genres), showing the average age of death of popular musicians by genre and gender against life expectancy (LE) for US males and females born in the same year.

下图将音乐流派依时序排列(从最早的类型到最新的),显示了不同流派不同性别的流行音乐家的平均死亡年龄,以及同年出生的美国男性和女性的寿命预期。

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Music to die for: how genre affects popular musicians' life expectancy 向乐而死:流派如何影响流行音乐家的预期寿命 作者:Dianna Theadora Kenny @ 2015-03-23 译者:混乱阈值(@混乱阈值)     校对:沈沉(@你在何地-sxy)源:The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/music-to-die-for-how-genre-affects-popular-musicians-life-expectancy-36660 [caption id="attachment_6058" align="alignnone" width="300"]相较于性别或年龄,音乐流派与不同类别的致死原因联系更为紧密。供图:Surian Soosay, CC BY-SA 相较于性别或年龄,音乐流派与不同类别的致死原因联系更为紧密。供图:Surian Soosay, CC BY-SA[/caption] Do all popular musicians live hard and fast, take risks and die young? 是否所有的流行音乐家都发奋求存,飞逝人生,率性冒险,英年早逝? This article is the third in a series examining mortality in popular musicians. 此文为流行音乐家死亡调查系列之三。 To recap, the first article examined longevity, suicide, murder and accidental death rates in pop musicians compared with population data from the US. As expected, longevity was significantly reduced in pop musicians, who also had higher rates of suicide, homicide and accidental death. 概述前作,系列中的第一篇调查了流行音乐家的寿命、自杀率、他杀率和意外死亡率并与美国人口的平均数据相比较。不出所料,流行音乐家的寿命大大低于全美人均寿命,并有着更高的自杀率、他杀率和意外死亡率。 The second article explored the “myth” of the so-called 27 club, explaining how this idea emerged and why it has taken root in the public imagination. 系列之二则探究了所谓的27岁俱乐部的传说,解释了这个概念是如何形成的,以及为何它得以扎根于公众的想象中。 In this article, I’d like to look at whether membership of different music genres is associated with different risks of early death and different causes of death. 在此文中,我会看看,音乐家所属流派的不同,是否与不同的早逝风险以及不同的死因相关联。 The chart below plots genres over time (oldest to youngest genres), showing the average age of death of popular musicians by genre and gender against life expectancy (LE) for US males and females born in the same year. 下图将音乐流派依时序排列(从最早的类型到最新的),显示了不同流派不同性别的流行音乐家的平均死亡年龄,以及同年出生的美国男性和女性的寿命预期。 1 Musicians from the older genres – blues, jazz (including bebop and dixieland), country (including country and western, boogie woogie, honky tonk and bluegrass), and gospel (including spiritual and Christian rock) – enjoyed, on average, similar lifespans as those from the US population with the same year of birth and gender. 那些属于较早期的音乐流派——蓝调、爵士(包括比波普和迪克西兰)、乡村乐(包括西部乡村、布吉乌吉、酒吧音乐和蓝草)以及福音音乐(包括圣歌和基督教摇滚)——的乐手平均拥有和同年出生、同样性别的美国大众相似的寿命。 The next group – R&B (including doo wop and soul), pop, folk (including ballad and polka) and world music – had lower life expectancies compared with the US population. 下一个群体——属于R&B(包括杜沃普和灵魂)、流行乐、民乐(包括民谣和波尔卡)和世界音乐的音乐家——与美国民众相比则寿命预期较低。 Thereafter, the gap between population lifespans and average age of death for the more recent genres – rock (including rockabilly), electronic (including experimental, techno, disco, and funk), punk, metal, rap and hip hop – widens. 此后,那些属于更新近的音乐流派——摇滚(包括山区乡村摇滚)、电子乐(包括实验乐、高科技舞曲、迪斯科和疯克)、朋克、金属、说唱和嘻哈——的音乐家们,与美国民众相比,在寿命和平均死亡年龄上的差距进一步加大。 This pattern reflects, to some extent, a confound in the data: musicians who are dying youngest belong to newer genres (electronic, punk, metal,rap,hip-hop) that have not existed as long as genres such as jazz, country, gospel and blues. Consequently, they have not had the same opportunity to live a full lifespan. 这种规律在一定程度上反映了一个数据上的偏差:那些死亡年龄最小的音乐家属于较新的音乐流派(电子、朋克、金属、说唱、喜欢)。这些流派与诸如爵士、乡村、福音音乐和蓝调等相比,存在时间较短。结果是,这些死去的音乐家们尚还没有获得同样的机会活到人均寿命。 However, this is not the whole answer. 然而,这不是全部的答案。 The main causes of death for musicians from different genres 不同流派音家的主要死因 The table below shows that musicians from different genres have different rates of death from different causes of death. 下表显示,不同流派音乐家死于不同死因的比例并不相同。 2 For male musicians across all genres, accidental death (including all vehicular incidents and accidental overdose) accounted for almost 20% of all deaths. But accidental death for rock musicians was higher than this (24.4%) and for metal musicians higher still (36.2%). 对各种音乐流派的男性音乐家整体来说,意外死亡(包括所有的交通意外和意外吸毒过量)占全部死亡的大约20%。但摇滚乐手的意外死亡率则高于此数字(为24.4%),而金属乐手则更高(为36.2%)。 Suicide accounted for almost 7% of all deaths in the total sample. However, for punk musicians, suicide accounted for 11% of deaths; for metal musicians, a staggering 19.3%. At just 0.9%, gospel musicians had the lowest suicide rate of all the genres studied. 自杀占了样本中全部死因的7%。但是,对于朋克乐手,自杀占死因的11%;对于金属乐手,比率达到令人震惊的19.3%。而福音音乐家则是调查的各种流派中自杀率最低的,仅仅为0.9%。 Murder accounted for 6.0% of deaths across the sample, but was the cause of 51% of deaths in rap musicians and 51.5% of deaths for hip hop musicians, to date. This could be due to these genres’ strong associations with drug-related crime and gang culture. 谋杀占了所有样本中死因的6.0%,但到目前为止却占了说唱音乐家死因的51%,占嘻哈音乐家死因的51.5%。这可能是因为这些音乐流派与毒品相关犯罪和帮派文化有着强烈联系。 Heart–related fatalities accounted for 17.4% of all deaths across all genres, while 28% of blues musicians died of heart-related causes. Similarly, the average percentage of deaths accounted for by cancer was 23.4%. Older genres such as folk (32.3%) and jazz (30.6%) had higher rates of fatal cancers than other genres. 与心脏相关的死因占所有音乐家死因的17.4%,而28%的蓝调音乐家死于心脏病相关的原因。相似的,癌症占各类死因的23.4%。与其它类型相比,早一些的音乐流派如民谣和爵士音乐家们死于癌症的比率更高,分别为32.3%与30.6%。 In the case of the newer genres, it’s worth pointing out that members of these genres have not yet lived long enough to fall into the highest-risk ages for heart- and liver-related illnesses. Consequently, they had the lowest rates of death in these categories. 值得一提的是,属于较新流派的音乐家们还未能活到心脏病和肝脏相关疾病风险最高的年纪。相应的,他们死于这类死因的比率也最低。 So, what can we conclude about musicians and music genre membership? 那么,对音乐家和所属音流派我能得出什么结论呢? This study highlights the different mortality profiles of musicians belonging to different genres of popular music, and cautions against treating the population of popular musicians as homogeneous. 这项研究突出了属于不同流行乐流派的音乐家们的死亡率分布的不同,并对统一对待各种流行音乐家的做法提出警告。 Music genre was associated with distinct causes of mortality, more so than gender or age (not presented here). This suggests that once someone is inducted into the popular music industry, effects of sex and age on mortality may be masked by genre “membership” and its accompanying lifestyle. 音乐流派与不同死因的相关性要超过性别或年龄与不同死因(未在此文中显示)的相关性。这说明某人一旦进入流行乐行业,性别与年龄对死亡率所起的作用可能被所属流派以及相应的生活方式所掩盖。 Importantly, because this was a quantitative study of dead musicians and our aim was to gather population data to identify occupational hazards in the pop music world, I can only speculate here about the underlying causes of these patterns in mortality. 重要的是,因为这是一项对已经死去的音乐家们的量化研究,且我们的目标是通过搜集人口数据来对流行乐界中的职业危害进行识别,我只能在这里对造成死亡率分布规律的潜在原因进行猜测。 [caption id="attachment_6057" align="alignnone" width="300"]“性手枪”乐队的Sid Vicious,摄于1978年。次年,Vicious因服食过量海洛因死亡,年仅21岁。海洛因是他母亲弄到手的。Chicago Art Department/ Wikimedia Commons “性手枪”乐队的Sid Vicious,摄于1978年。次年,Vicious因服食过量海洛因死亡,年仅21岁。海洛因是他母亲弄到手的。Chicago Art Department/ Wikimedia Commons[/caption] These figures likely represent a combination of factors inherent in the popular music industry (such as the ubiquitous presence of alcohol and other substances of addiction, irregular hours, touring, high levels of stress, performance anxiety) and the vulnerability that many young musicians bring with them into their profession from adverse childhood experiences. Add to this the subcultural values and philosophies in distinct music genres with which young musicians become imbued, and you have a complex, multi-faceted picture of musician mortality. 这些数字有可能代表了流行乐产业中的固有因素(比如酒精和其它致瘾物质的普遍使用、不规律的作息时间、巡回演出、高度压力、演出焦虑)与很多年轻音乐家从不幸的童年经历带入职业的脆弱性的结合。雪上加霜的还有年轻乐手们被灌输的亚文化价值观和特定音乐流派中的不同哲学。于是,你就有了一个关于音乐家之死的复杂而多面的画面。 Other studies have reported similar significantly-reduced life expectancy in popular musicians from the newer genres compared with matched general populations. Mortality rates were between two and three times higher for popular musicians than matched population data. The median ages of popular musician death in the two Bellis studies (links above) were 41.78 and 45.2 years respectively, which closely aligned with my findings. 其它研究也已提到与此文相似的现象,较新流派的流行音乐家与相应大众相比,预期寿命显著减短。与相应大众的数据相比,流行音乐家们的死亡率要高出2至3倍。在Bellis的两项研究(见上面的链接)中,流行乐手的死亡年龄中位数分别为41.78岁和45.2岁,这与我的调查结果相吻合。 Many musicians from younger genres – rock, electronic, punk, metal, rap, and hip hop – appear unlikely to live long enough to acquire the illnesses of middle and old age. 许多属于较新音乐流派——摇滚、电子乐、朋克、金属、说唱、嘻哈——的音乐家似乎不太可能活到可以得中年病和老年病的年纪。 Subsequent research decades hence, when the newer genres have matured sufficiently to potentially contain members with ages spanning population life expectancies, may confirm the findings and tentative conclusions drawn from this series of studies. 在未来的数个十年研究期里,当较新音乐流派足够成熟,已潜在地包含有年龄达到人均预期寿命的乐手时,也许此系列研究的各种发现和初步结论能得到确认。 (编辑:@whigzhou) *注:本译文未经原作者授权,本站对原文不持有也不主张任何权利,如果你恰好对原文拥有权益并希望我们移除相关内容,请私信联系,我们会立即作出响应。

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